HISTORY 


or 


THE    N AVT 


OF    THE 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA, 


BY  J.  FENIMORE  COOPER. 


CONTINUED  TO  1856. 


FROM  TUB  AUTHOR'S  MANUSCRIPTS,  AND  OTHER  AUTHENTIC  SOURCES 


THREE   VOLUMES    IX 


G.    P.    PUTNAM    &    CO.,    321    BROADWAY. 

185G. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1853,  by 

CAROLINE    M.  PHINNEY 

In  the  Clerk's  office  of  the  District  Court  for  th.o  Northern  District 
of  New  York. 


i  '     ' 

'•••' ' :^; ; 


i 


a/ 


/ 


&O  ct 


THIS  WORK, 

AN   IMPERFECT   RECORD   OF   THE 

SERVICES,  PRIVATIONS,  HAZARDS,  AND  SUFFERINGS  OF  THEMSELVES 
AND  THEIR  PREDECESSORS, 

18  OFFERED  AS  A  TRIBUTE  OF  PROFOUND  RESPECT 

TO 

THE    OFFICERS    OF    THE    NAVY 

INCLUDING  THOSE   OF 

THE  MARINE  CORPS, 

BY  ONE 

WHJ   IS   FULLY   SENSIBLE   OF   ALL  THEIR  CLAIMS  ON  THE  REPUBLIC 
TOR   GRATITUDE   AND   PROTFCTIOH. 


CONTENTS  TO  VOL.  I. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Expedition  to  Plymouth  in  the  May  Flower St.  Sauveur  reduced First  deck  vessel 

constructed First   vessel  built  in  Massachusetts..... Hugh  Peters  executed  for  high 

treason First  sea  fight  of  the  American  colonies....First regular  cruisers First  reg 
ular  naval  combat Capture  of  New  Netherlands First  vessels  on  Lakes  Onta 
rio  and  Erie First  depredations  of  the  Buccaniersin  American  seas First  attempt 

to  suppress  piracy....Diving  bell  used Expedition  against  Port  Itoyal against  Q,ue- 

bec....Sir  William  Phipps Launch  of  the  Falkland. Page  13. 

CHAPTER  II. 

Captain  Kidd...  J^ojjkJ|ifmByfColomc«! Attack  on  Charleston  by  the  Spaniards they 

are  repulsed  ^Tn^reatloss..!:^r£Royal  reduced its  name  changed  to  Anapolis 

New  Providence  captured Pirates  expelled First  negro  slaves  brought  into  the 

country —  F irst  American  vessel  engaged  in  the  slave  trade. . . .  The  Whale  fisheries. . . . 
Shipping  of  Massachusetts  and  Pennsylvania.... Small  armed  vessels  employed.... 
Wars  between  England  and  Spain  and  France — effects  on  the  American  colonies.... 
Expedition  against  Louisbourg....  Vessels  captured.... Acadie  (now  Nova  Scotia) 
ceded  to  England. 23 

CHAPTER  III. 

Shipping  of  different  ports,  in  1750 — Practice  respecting  Midshipmen — Old  French  Wai 
— Sharp  conflict  between  the  Thurloe  and  Les  Deux  Amis — Duty  on  stamps  and  tea — 
Burning  of  the  Gaspe — Destruction  of  the  tea — Battle  of  Lexington.  -  33 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Privateers-— First  naval  action  of  the  Revolution — Schooner  Lee,  Capt.  Manly,  captures 
the  English  brig  Nancy — Congress  orders  the  construction  of  vessels  of  war — Appor 
tionment  of  the  first  officers  of  the  navy — Its  management — Esek  Hopkins,  Esq.  ap 
pointed  "  Commander  in  Chief — First  regular  cruisers — Expedition  of  Commodore 
Hopkins — Contest  with  the  Glasgow — The  Edward  captm-ed  by  the  Lexington.  42 

CHAPTER  V. 

Paul  Jones— His  first  cruise  as  a  Commander — Additional  vessels  ordered  by  Congress 
— Law  regulating  the  rank  of  officers — The  Andrea  Doria,  Capt^Biddle,  takes  sev- 
eral  prizes — The  Defence,  Capt.  Harding,  after  a  sharp  action,  captures  two  English 
schooners- — Cruise  of  the  Providence  and  Alfred — Cruise  of  the  Reprisal  in  Europe — 
Of  the  Lexington  do. — Cruises  of  Capt.  Wickes — Lexington  taken — Loss  of  the 
Reprisal — Cruises  of  Capt.  Conyngham. 55 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Commodore  Sir  Peter  Parker  attacks  Charleston — Is  repulsed  by  the  Americans — Capt. 
Mngford  captures  the  Hope — The  Sachem,  Capt.  Robinson,  captures  an  English  let 
ter  of  marque — Capt.  R.  put  in  command  of  the  Doria — Captures  the  Racehorse,  after 
a  shapp-contest—  Conflict  of- A  mn^»i  galleys  with  the  enemy— Capt.  Hudson  of  the 
Ranger  captures  a  British  brig,  after  an  action  of  .two  hours — Battle  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain — General  Arnold— American  privateers. 67 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Successful  cruise  of  the  Randolph British  account  of  the  action,  in  which  she  blew  up 

Loss  of  the  Cabot...  The  Trumbull  captures  two  English  transports The  Han 
cock,  Capt.  Manly,  captures  the  Fox,  which  is  afterwards  recaptured  off  Halifax 

Capt.  M.  surrenders  his  ship  to  the  British Capt.  McNiel  censured  and  dismissed  the 

service Vessels  destroyed  in  the  Delaware  by  the  English The  Augusta  blown 

up Cruise  of  the  Raleigh,  and  her  action  with  the  Druid. 76 


VI  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Alliance  with  France New  frigates Seizure  of  New  Providence  by  Capt.  Rath- 

bunie Capture  of  the  Alfred Loss  of  the  Virginia,  Capt.  Nicholson,  on  a  bar  in 

the  Delaware....American  vessels  destroyed  on  the  Delaware.....! ohn  Paul  Jones  com 
mands  the  Ranger.  ....attempt  to  capture  the  Drake to  burn  the  colliers  at  White- 
haven to  seize  the  Earl  of  Selkirk his  conduct  to  Lady  Selkirk action  with, 

and  capture  of  the  Drake The  Pigot  cut  out  by  Major  Talbot The  private  armed 

ship  Thorn,  Capt.  Waters,  engages'the  Governor  Tryon  and  the  Sir  "William  Erskine, 

and  captures  the  latter Capture  of  the  Sparlin Capt.  John  Barry,  captures  a  British 

schooner  and  four  transports.. ..his  appointment  to  the  Raleigh  and  action  with  the 
Experiment  and  Unicom Loss  of  the  Raleigh.  ......  Page  84. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Alliance  sails  with  Lafayette  for  France....conspiracy  on  board....Action  of  the 
Hampden  with  an  Indiaman....Nine  British  vessels  captured,  and  twenty-four  British 
officers  made  prisoners,  by  Capt.  Hopkins... .Valuable  prizes  sent  into  Boston  by  Capt. 
Whipple....The  Cumberland,  Capt.  Manly,  is  captured  by  the  Pomona  frigate. ...Capt. 
Manly  in  the  private  armed  ship  Jason,  engages  \vith,  and  captures  two  British  priva- 
teers....Description  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard.. ..Capture  of  a  letter  of  marque,  by  Paul 
Jones....Disobedience  of  orders,  by  Capt.  Landais  of  the  Alliance.... Capt  Lawrence 
takes  command  of  the  Chesapeake.. ..Action  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  with,  and 
capture  of  the  Serapis....Capt.  Landais  fires  into  the  Richard....she  sinks-  -  -  94. 

«ta~  — •» •"••^•^P 
CHAPTER  X. 

Arrival  of  the  Serapis  in  Holland — Paul  Jones  takes  command  of  the  Alliance,  and  is 
forced  to  put  to^sea — Capt.  Landais  is  discharged  the  navy — Commodore  Jones  in 
the  Ariel  returns  to  America — Sketch  of  his  life — Vote  of  thanks  by  Congress — Re 
ceives  command  of  the  America — Several  captures  by  the  Deane,  Capt.  Samuel 
Nicholson — Captui-e  of  the  Active — Action  with  the  Duft: — Expedition  against  the 
British  post  on  the  Penobscot- — Loss  of  all  the  vessels  engaged  therein.  -  -  115. 

CHAPTER  XL 

Attack  on  and  reduction  of  Charleston — Capture  of  the  Boston — the  Providence — the 
the  Queen  of  France — and  the  Ranger — Action  between  the  Trumbull  and  the  letter 
of  marque  Watt— The  Saratoga,  Capt.  Young,  captures  the  Charming  Molly  and  two 
brigs — they  are  retaken  by  the  Intrepid — the  Saratoga  founders  at  sea — The  Alliance, 
Capt.  John  Barry,  captures  the  Alert,  Mars,  and  Minerva — her  action  with  and  capture 
of  the  Atalanta  and  Trepassy — action  off  Havanna — The  Confederacy  captured  by 
the  British — Action  with  the  Iris  and  loss  of  the  Trumbull — Sketch  of  Capt.  Jarnes 
Nicholson — Capture  of  the  Savage  by  the  Congress,  Capt.  Geddes — Three  sloops  of 
war  and  several  cruisers,  captured  by  the  Deane,  Capt.  Nicholson.  -  -  -  121. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

The  Hyder  Ally,  Capt.  Joshua  Barney,  sails  with  convoy  down  the  Delaware — action 
with,  and  capture  of  the  General  Monk — he  commands  the  Washington — Commodore 
Gillon  goes  to  Europe  to  purchase  vessels — agrees  for  the  Indien — makes  a  cruise  and 
captures  ten  sail— Capture  of  the  Indien— One  of  the  most  desperate  defences  on 
record,  by  Capt.  Murray — Close  of  naval  events  connected  with  the  Revolution:  -130. 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Brief  review — List  of  vessels  in  the  navy  between  1775  and  '83,  and  the  fate  of  each — 
Description  of  the  America  74 — she  is  presented  to  the  king  of  France — Capt.  Manly, 
anecdote  of  his  first  capture—Capture  and  imprisonment  of  Capt.  Conyngham— -Most 
distinguished  naval  officers  of  the  Revolution---jTht^rnericiLo(^aiJj^^ 
Crew  of  a  vessel  of  war — its  composition- — Coi^frcfS'establishesa^narTf^cor^—'Uist 
of  officers  first  appointed-— value  of  the  corps— What  vessel  first  carried  the  Ameri 
can  flag.  rf  -  '  '  lim-  m 137. 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

First  vessel  to  China — Adoption  of  the  Union — its  effect  on  the  navy— -Difficulties  with 
the  Dey  of  Algiers — John  Paul  Jones  appointed  consul— -His  death  at  Paris-— Capture 
of  American  vessels  by  an  Algerine  squadron— Warlike  preparations— Mr.  Hum 
phrey's  models  for  six  new  frigates  accepted—the  improvements  described- — Notice 
of  the  commanders  selected—Treaty  with  Algiers — The  Crescent  made  a  present  to 


CONTENTS.  Vll 


the  Dey— Singular  extract  from  a  journal  respecting  her  freight- — French  aggres 
sions- — Launch  of  the  United  States,  the  Constitution,  and  the  Constellation- — Navy 
department  created—The  capture  of  French  cruisers  authorised  by  law— New  marine 
corps  established— -Whole  authorised  force  of  the  navy. 146. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

The  Ganges,  Capt.  Richard  Dale,  is  brought  into  the  service  with  orders  to  capture  all 

French  cruisers  &c Capture  of  Le  Croyable,  by  the  Delaware,  Capt.  Decatur....Na- 

val  force  at  sea.... Affair  of  the  Baltimore  and  the  British  ship  Carnatick....Fivc  of  the 
Baltimore's  crew  are  impressed  and  three  of  her  convoy  captured... .Capt.  Phillips  of 
the  Baltimore,  dismissed  from  the  navy.. ..Different  opinions  respecting  his  conduct.... 
Capture  of  the  Retaliation,  Lieut.  Bainbridge,  by  the  Volontaire  and  Insurgente....Es- 
capeof  the  Montezuma  and  Norfolk.. ..Return  and  promotion  of  Lieut.  Bainbridge.... 
Captures  of  the  Sans  Pareil  and  Jaloux. 154 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Naval  force— •Chara/y£j1pJ^Jigydif^^  distribution  in  the  service — Cap 
tures  made  fiy^ffl^espectivesquaarons — The  Constitution,  Com.  Truxtun,  captures 
I'lnsurgente — Critical  situation  of  the  prize  crew — Action  of  the  Constitution  with 
La  Vengeance — Loss  of  midshipman  Jarvis — .Com.  Traxtun  receives  a  gold  medal — 
Exploit  of  Lieut.  Hull — Loss  of  I'lnsurgente  and  the  Pickering  with  all  their  crews— 
Captures  bvthe  Enterprise,  Lieut.  Comdt.  Shaw — by  the  Boston,  Capt.  Little — Brief 
catalogue  o"rp"rizes  taken  on  the  West  India  station — Spirited  engagement  of  the  Ex 
periment,  Lieut.  Comdt.  Maley,  with  the  picaroons — Lieut.  Comdt.  Stewart  captures  the 
Deux  Amis  and  la  Diane — his  unfortrnate  engagement  with  the  (British  privateer) 
Louisa  Bridger — Capt.  Bainbridge,  in  the  George  Washington, 'goes  to  Algiers  with 
tribute — The  demands  of  the  Dey — Capt.  B.'s  decision — he  forces  through  the  Darda 
nelles—his  reception  at  Constantinople — return  to  Algiers — handsome  conduct  to  the 
French — he  returns  home  and  is  transferred  to  the  Essex— Peace  concluded  with 
France.  -  165. 

CHAPTER  XVII.  ,    . 

Reduction  of  the  navy — The  navy  as  reduced — Vessels  sold — Of  the  war  with  France 
as  it  affected  the  navy — Gallant  defence  of  the  Louisa.  ......  190. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Assumptions  of  the  Bashaw  of  Tripoli— The  American  flag-staff  is  cut  down— A  squad 
ron  is  fitted  out  under  Com.  Dale — His  instructions — Action  with,  and  capture  of  the 
ship  Tripoli,  by  Lieut.  Comdt.  Sterrett — Com.  Dale  overhauls  a  Greek  vessel — takes 
out  an  office*  a'nd*FR*nty  Tripolitan  soldiers — attempts  an  exchange  of  prisoners — 
The  President  is  near  being  lost— Leaving  the  Philadelphia  and  the  Essex,  Com.  Dale 
proceeds  home. •  197. 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Mediterranean  squadron,  under  Com.  Morris — Resignation  of  Com.  Truxtun — Sketch 
of  his  life — The  Boston,  Capt.  M'Niell,  carries  out  Mr.  Livingston  minister  to  France — 
joins  the  Mediterranean  squadron — Notice  of  Capt.  M'Niell — Attack  on  gun-boats  off 
Tripoli — Explosion  on  board  the  New  York — Intrepid  conduct  of  Capt.  Chauncey — 
The  John  Adams,  Capt.  Rodgers,  blockades  Tripoli— detains  the  Meshouda— Bravery 
of  Capt.  Porter  at  Old  Tripoli — description  of  the  town  and  port — Unsuccessful  attempt 
to  negotiate  a  peace — Attack  on  a  Tripolitan  corsair,  by  Capt.  Rodgers — After  a  smart 
cannonade  she  blows  up — Recall  of  Com.  Morris — He  is  dismissed  from  the  navy — 
Remarks— Sketch  of  his  life— Notice  of  Com.  Barry— of  Com.  Dale.  -  -  -  204. 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Four  small  cruisers  built — Mediterranean,  squadron,  under  Com.  Preble — Capt.  Bain 
bridge  takes  the  Barbary  cruiser,  Meshboha— afterwards  re-takes  her  prize  the  Celia 
of  Boston— Difficulties  with  Morocco  settled— Remarks  on  the  appointment  of  Com. 
Preble — Anecdote  respecting  him.  - 218. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Blockade  of  Tripoli  resumed — Loss  of  the  Philadelphia  on  a  reef— Captain  Bainbridge 
and  all  his  crew  made  prisoners— List  of  the  officers'  names — Humane  conduct  of  Mr. 
Nissen,  the  Danish  consul— The  Philadelphia  is  got  off  by  the  enemy— her  guns  and 
anchors  weighed— Capture  of  the  ketch  Mastico,  by  Lieut.  Comdt.  Decatur— His 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 


unsuccessful  attempt  to  destroy  the  Philadelphia — His  second  attempt — Mr.  Charles 
Morris  is  the  first  on  her  deck — She  is  recapturedtand  burnt — Lieut.  Comdt.  Decatur 
is  raised  to  the  rank  of  Captain. •  221 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

The  Mediterranean  squadron  is  re-inforced — Capture  of  the  Transfer,  hy  the  Siren 
Lieut.  Comdt.  Stewart — Assistance  obtained  from  the  Two  Sicilies — First  bombard 
ment  of  Tripoli — Attack  on  the  enemy's  gun-boats — Fierce  combat  and  capture  of 
two  boats,  by  Lieut.  Comdt.  Decatur — Lieut.  James  Decatur,  of  the  Nautilus,  killed — 
Gallant  conduct  of  Lieut.  Trippe — he  captures  one  of  the  largest  gun-boats — llally  of 
the  enemy — they  are  driven  back. 235. 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Capt.  Morris  boards  and  carries  a  French  privateer  by  surprise — Three  captured  gun 
boats  brought  into  service — Second  bombardment — Gun-boat,  No.  8,  blown  up — Lieut. 
C  aid  well  and  Mr.  Kennedy  among  the  killed — Notice  of  Mr.  Kennedy — Arrival  of  the 
John  Adams,  Capt.  Chauucey — The  Ba.sb.aw~  is-^flwposrft'to  trnatnilir  propositions 
rejected — Third  bombardment,  without  effect — Fourth  bombardment — does  much 
injury  to  the  town — Capt.  Bainbridge  (a  prisoner  in  the  castle]  ia  wounded  in  his  bed 
by  the  rebound  of  a  shot — Fifth  bombardment — New  disposition  of  the  forces — The 
enemy's  batteries  silenced  by  the  brisk  fire  of  the  Constitution.  .  .  .  245. 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

New  species  of  annoyance  to  the  enemy — The  "  Infernal" — Equipment  of  the  ketch 
Intrepid— she  is  sent  into  the  harbour  of  Tripoli — she  blows  up  with  all  her  crew — Prob 
able  causes  of  the  disaster — Private  journal  of  Capt.  Bainbridge — The  President,  Com. 
Barren,  rejoins  the  squadron — The  command  is  transferred  to  Com.  B. — Capture 
of  two  sail  loaded  with  wheat — Com.  Prcble  returns  to  the  United  States — Capt. 
Richard  Somers — sketch  of  his  life. 252. 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

Force  of  the  American  squadron  under  Com.  Barron — Avigoui'ous  blockade  kept  up — 
Movement  by  land — Hamet  Caramalli,  brother  of  the  Bashaw,  unites  with  the  Ameri 
cans  under  General  Eaton — Attack  on  Derne — Its  submission — The  authority  of 
Caramalli  partially  acknowledged — General  Eaton  presses  Com.  Barron  for  rein 
forcements  to -march  on  Tripoli — he  is  denied — The  decision  of  Com.  Barron  con 
sidered — He  formally  transfers  the  command  to  Capt.  John  Rodgers — The  entire  force 
under  this  new  disposition — Peace  concluded  with  Tripoli. — Influence  of  the  war  on 
the  fortunes  and  character  of  the  navy.  .... 


PREFACE. 


THE  author  of  this  History  of  the  Navy  of  the  United  States,  in 
submitting  a  new  edition  to  the  decision  of  the  public,  has  endeav 
oured  to  make  it  as  accurate,  as  further  investigation,  and  increased 
means  of  acquiring  information  will  allow.  The  writer  of  a  work 
of  this  particular  character  has  two  great  sources  of  facts  to  distrust, 
and  in  some  measure  to  resist:  the  partialities  of  personal  friends 
and  connections,  who  so  often  regard  merit  with  the  exaggerations 
of  private  feeling,  and  the  strong  disposition  there  is  in  all  communi 
ties,  to  countenance  self-esteem,  even  at  the  expense  of  truth.  These 
difficulties  have  been  kept  in  view,  and  it  is  hoped  that  this  book  is 
as  free  from  errours  derived  from  such  weaknesses  as  can  well  be  ex 
pected,  under  the  ordinary  failings  of  humanity. 

It  would  be  much  easier  to  write  a  book  on  the  subject  of  the  navy, 
that  should  meet  the  longings  of  national  vanity,  than  to  write  one 
which  shall  meet  the  requirements  of  truth.  The  country  is  filled 
with  false  and  exaggerated  statements  concerning  the  exploits  of 
both  its  army  and  its  navy,  and  the  author  who  should  choose  to 
accept  them  for  facts,  would  have  no  difficulty  in  referring  to  his  au 
thorities,  though  they  would  be  authorities  entitled  to  little  respect. 
The  author  has  preferred  to  make  an  effort  to  obtain  the  truth,  and, 
while  he  still  admits  his  liability  to  fall  into  errour,  he  hopes  that  a 
nearer  approach  to  that  desirable  quality  has  been  made  in  this,  than 
in  either  of  the  previous  editions. 

The  new  matter  introduced  into  this  edition,  has  been  obtained 
from  sources  that  are  believed  to  be  authentic.  It  is  considerable  in 
amount,  and  in  several  instances  of  importance;  though  so  much 
dispersed  through  the  two  volumes,  as  probably  to  escape  the  atten 
tion  of  cursory  examination.  As  instances  of  its  value,  we  refer  to 
the  capture  of  the  Hancock,  32,  during  the  war  of  the  revolution  ;  to 
the  loss  of  the  two  sloops  on  Lake  Champlain,  in  1812;  to  that  ot 
the  two  schooners  on  Lake  Ontario,  in  1813,  and  to  several  other 
similar  events.  The  corrections  in  dates  and  minor  incidents,  will 
not  be  apt  to  strike  the  eye  at  first,  but  the  importance  of  accuracy  in 
such  matters  will  be  readily  admitted. 

It  is  repeated,  that  exaggerations,  whether  of  fact  or  manner,  have 
been  regarded  as  out  of  place  in  history.  The  navy  of  this  country 
does  not  stand  in  need  of  such  assistants,  to  command  the  esteem,  or 
the  admiration  of  the  world.  From  the  hour  when  it  was  first  called 


PREFACE. 


into  existence,  during  the  arduous  struggles.of  a  most  important  revo 
lution,  down  to  the  present  moment,  its  services  have  been  material  and 
brilliant,  and  he  is  but  an  equivocal  friend  who  shall  attemptto con 
ceal  its  real  exploits  iMtlind  the  veil  of  flattery.  Such  expedients  may 
serve  a  purpose,  and  answer  for  a  time ;  but,  in  the  end,  the  truth 
will  be  certain  to  assert,  and  to  recover,  its  ascendency. 

As  an  instance  of  what  is  meant,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  ac 
count  of  the  loss  of  the  Intrepid,  before  Tripoli,  in  the  year  1804. 
Popular  delusion,  in  this  instance,  has  been  supported  by  evidence 
better  than  common,  in  supposing  that  Somers,  and  his  gallant  com 
panions,  blew  themselves  up.  We  think  this  an  errour,  though  it  is 
an  errour  into  which  Preble,  himself,  would  seem  to  have  fallen. 
That  which  we  have  believed  we  have  not  hesitated  to  record,  and 
our  statements  must  stand,  or  fall,  by  the  evidence  and  reasoning  that 
have  been  adduced  in  their  support.  Without  entering  into  the  dis 
cussion  of  the  question  of  how  far  any  man  would  be  justified  in  de 
stroying  himself,  and  those  under  his  orders,  to  avoid  capture,  we 
have  given  what  we  regard  as  unanswerable  proof  that  the  ketch 
was  in  no  immediate  danger  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
when  she  blew  up,  and  that  the  contingency  which  has  been  popu 
larly  urged  as  the  justification  of  Sorners'  supposed  self-destruction, 
had  not  even  occurred. 

In  the  instances  of  the  victories  of  the  Constellation, United  States, 
Constitution,  Lake  Erie,  &c.,  we  have  not  hesitated  to  resist  errour 
on  the  subject  of  superiority  of  force,  believing  it  to  be  a  far  higher 
duty  to  record  that  which  we  feel  certain  to  be  true,  than  to  record 
that  which  may  be  momentarily  agreeable.  Conscious  of  having 
maintained  a  scrupulous  impartiality  on  this  subject,  we  wish  to 
be  judged  by  our  whole  work,  and  not  by  isolated  instances,  dragged 
from  out  the  mass,  by  the  desire  of  individuals  to  monopolise  the 
renown  of  the  entire  service.  We  believe  that  the  navy,  itself,  ap 
preciates  the  justice  of  our  course,  while  it  both  sees  and  feels  the 
designs  of  those  who  have  opposed  it. 

The  country  appears  to  be  touching  on  great  events.  A  war  has 
commenced  among  us,  which,  though  scarcely  of  a  maritime  char 
acter,  in  itself,  must  give  extensive  employment  to  the  national 
marine,  and  may  indeed  demand,  in  the  end,  the  exercise  of  all  its 
energies.  The  Navy  of  the  United  States  presents  a  very  different 
aspect,  in  1846,  from  that  which  it  offered  in  1815.  Its  existence 
has  been  trebled  as  to  time,  within  the  last  thirty  years,  and  its  force 
increased  fifty  fold.  Though  far  from  being  yet,  what  prudence 
would  have  dictated,  and  the  wants  of  the  republic  actually  de 
mand,  it  can  now  bring  its  fleet  into  line,  and  exercise  a  most  essen 
tial  influence  on  the  result  of  any  conflict.  As  respects  the  navies 


PREFACE.  XI 


of  this  hemisphere,  it  is  supreme;  the  united  marines  of  all  the  rest 
of  this  continent  being  unable  to  contend  against  it,  for  an  hour.  As 
respects  the  three  great  maritime  States  of  Europe,  though  inferior 
to  each  in  vessels,  it  can  scarcely  be  called  inferior  to  more  than  one 
of  them  in  resources;  while  in  character,  skill  and  hopes,  it  is  second 
to  no  other  service  on  earth.  These  are  great  changes,  and  all  has 
been  effected  within  the  limits  of  a  single  life.  What  is  to  succeed  in 
the  last  half  of  this  century,  may  be  dimly  shadowed  forth,  by  the  aid 
of  the  images  of  the  past.  Divine  Providence  controuls  all  for  its  own 
great  ends  ;  but,  should  its  laws  work  as  they  have  done  for  the  last 
half  century,  the  historian  of  the  American  Navy,  who  shall  sit  down 
to  his  labours  in  the  year  1900,  will  have  a  task  before  him  very 
different  from  that  which  has  fallen  to  our  share. 

Cooperstcnvn,  1846. 


PKEFACE  TO   THE   CONTINUATION. 


THE  continuation  of  this  work  has  been  prepared  from  unfinished  manuscripts, 
documents,  etc.,  left  by  Mr.  Cooper,  and  from  other  most  reliable  and  authentic 
sources,  published,  documentary  and  personal  Free  access  has  been  had  to  the 
archives  of  the  Navy  Department,  and  to  the  papers  of  actors  in  some  of  the 
scenes  recorded:  in  addition  to  which,  the  whole  has  been  carefully  revised, 
especially  in  the  portions  within  their  personal  knowledge,  by  several  officers  of 
the  Navy,  whose  familiarity  with  its  history,  as  well  as  their  age,  rank  and  position, 
rendered  their  aid  of  the  highest  value. 

Although  the  writer  has  aimed  only  at  a  plain  narrative  of  facts,  he  has  felt, 
with  the  members  of  Mr.  Cooper's  family  who  in  the  discharge  of  their  responsi 
bility  have  devolved  the  preparation  of  this  edition  upon  him,  that  it  was  due  to 
the  subject  and  the  author  that  no  time  nor  pains  should  be  spared  to  complete 
his  design  of  making  it  a  correct  history  of  the  navy  to  the  present  day.*  "With 
this  view,  and  after  careful  research,  it  is  hoped  that  no  error  or  omission  of  con 
sequence  has  occurred. 

The  first  edition  of  the  Naval  History  appeared  in  1839,  in  two  octavo  volumes, 
which  were  immediately  republished  in  London,  Paris,  and  Brussels.  Besides  the 
subsequent  reprints  here  of  this  edition,  an  abridgment  was  prepared  by  the  au 
thor  in  1841,  omitting  the  documents  and  more  elaborate  reasoning.  In  1846  he 
revised  the  unabridged  work,  correcting,  condensing,  rewriting  in  part,  and  adding 
considerable  new  matter.  This  copy,  embracing  the  history  to  1815,  with  his  latest 
emendations,  is  followed  in  the  present  edition. 

In  1851,  having  for  some  time  accumulated  materials,  he  commenced  the  con 
tinuation  of  the  history  ;  but,  after  preparing  only  the  portion  upon  the  Mexican 
war,  which  is  designated  in  its  place,  he  was  interrupted  by  the  illness  which  re 
sulted  in  his  death,  Sept.  14,  1851. 

Cooper  stown,  Sept,  1853. 

*  In  addition  to  this  work,  Mr.  Cooper  is  the  author  of  two  volumes  of  LIVES  OF  DISTINGUISH 
ED  NAVAL  OFFICERS,  to  -which,  since  his  death,  is  added  his  history  of  the  old  ship  CONSTITUTION, 
more  familiarly  known  as  OLD  IRONSIDES. 


Note  to  Edition  of  185C. — On  the  re  publication  of  this  work  with  the  Con 
tinuation,  in  1853,  a  careful  examination  of  the  whole,  and  a  comparison  of  the 
different  editions,  led  to  the  discovery  of  various  typographical  errors,  some  of 
which  materially  affected  the  sense.  They  were  corrected  in  that  and  all  sub- 
ecu  cent  editions. 


NAVAL    HISTORY 


OF    THE 


UNITED  STATES. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Expedition  to  Plymouth  in  the  May  Flower St.  Sauveur  reduced First  deck  vessel 

constructed First   vessel  built  in  Massachusetts Hugh  Peters  executed  for  high 

treason First  sea  fight  of  the  American  colonies....First regular  cruisers.... .First  reg 
ular  naval  combat Capture  of  New  Netherlands First  vessels  on  Lakes  Onta 
rio  and  Erie First  depredations  of  the  Buccaniers  in  American  seas First  attempt 

to  suppress  piracy ::::Diving  bell  used::::: Expedition  against  Port  Royal against  Que 
bec...^  William  Phipps Launch  of  the  Falkland. Page  13. 

THE  empire  of  Great  Britain,  much  the  most  powerful  state  of 
modern  times,  has  been  gradually  and  progressively  advancing  to  its 
present  high  degree  of  maritime  prosperity,  and  its  actual  condition 
ought  to  be  considered  the  result  of  moral  instead  of  physical  causes, 
though  the  latter  is  probably  the  more  prevalent  opinion.  Notwith 
standing  the  insular  position  of  its  seat  of  authority,  the  naval  as 
cendency  of  England  is  of  comparatively  recent  date  ;  Spain,  and 
even  the  diminutive  communities  of  Portugal  and  Holland,  mani 
festing  as  great,  if  not  a  greater  spirit  of  lofty  nautical  enterprise 
than  the  islanders  themselves,  during  the  century  and  a  half  that 
succeeded  the  important  discovery  of  the  western  hemisphere,  and 
that  of  a  passage  by  sea  to  India.  While  these  three  nations  were 
colonising  extensively,  and  laying  the  foundations  of  future  states, 
the  seamen  of  England  expended  their  energies  in  predatory  ex 
peditions  that  were  rapacious  in  their  object  and  piratical  in  spirit. 
Familiar  political  causes,  beyond  a  question,  had  an  influence  in 
bringing  about  these  results;  for,  while  the  accession  of  the  House 
of  Hapsbourg  to  the  throne  of  Spain  and  the  Indies,  created  a  power 
able  to  cope  with  Europe,  as  it  then  existed,  England,  driven  entirely 
from  her  continental  possessions,  had  Scotland  for  a  troublesome 
neighbour,  and  Ireland  for  a  discontented  and  turbulent  subject,  to 
check  her  efforts  abroad.  It  is  probable,  too,  that  the  civil  contests, 
in  which  England  was  so  long  engaged,  had  a  serious  effect  on  her 
naval  advancement,  and  the  struggle  that  succeeded  the  dethronement 
of  the  family  of  Stuart,  could  not  fail  to  lessen  exertions  that  were 
directed  to  interests  without  the  territory  more  immediately  in  dispute. 
As  a  consequence  of  all  these  causes,  or  of  that  portion  of  them  which 
was  in  existence  at  the  commencement  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
when  England  seriously  commenced  the  business  of  colonisation, 


14  "  NA'VA  L  IIISTOK/ .  [1607-20. 

Spain,  Franco  and  Portugal  were  already  in  possession  of  what  were 
then  considered  the  most  favorable  regions  on  the  American  conti 
nent.  When,  indeed,  the  experiment  was  finally  and  successfully 
made,  individual  enterprise,  rather  than  that  of  the  government, 
achieved  the  object;  and  for  many  years  the  power  of  the  crown  was 
exercised  with  no  other  aim  than  to  afford  an  ill-regulated,  and  fre 
quently  an  insufficient  protection.  It  was  Englishmen,  and  not 
England,  that  founded  the  country  Avhich  is  now  known  as  the 
United  States  of  America. 

It  would  exceed  the  proper  bounds  of  a  work  of  this  nature,  were 
we  to  enter  into  a  detailed  account  of  the  events  connected  with  the 
settlements  in  Virginia  and  Massachusetts.  The  first  permanent 
establishment  was  made  in  the  former  colony,  during  the  year  1607, 
and  that  at  Plymouth  followed  in  1620.  Nothing  could  be  less  alike 
than  the  motives  which  influenced  the  adventurers  in  these  two 
enterprises,  out  of  which  has  virtually  arisen,  within  the  short  space 
of  little  more  than  two  centuries,  a  Republic  that  has  already  taken 
its  place  among  the  great  powers  of  Christendom,  and  which  has 
only  to  be  true  to  itself  and  to  its  predominant  principles,  to  stand 
foremost  in  the  ranks  of  nations.  Those  who  cast  their  fortunes  on 
the  fertile  shores  of  the  waters  of  the  Chesapeake  sought  worldly  ad 
vancement  for  themselves,  an  affluence  for  their  posterity,  while  the 
Pilgrims,  as  it  has  become  usual  to  term  them  the  parent  stock  of 
New  England,  landed  in  quest  of  an  asylum,  where  they  might  erect 
their  altars,  undisturbed  by  the  temporal  power  that  profaned  the 
rites  of  the  church  in  the  old  world.  Natural  affinities  attracted  like 
to  like,  and  for  quite  a  century  the  emigrants  from  Europe  partook 
of  the  distinctive  traits  of  the  original  colonists  ;  the  one  portion  of 
the  country  being  distinguished  for  the  gay  and  reckless  usages  of 
successful  pecuniary  adventure,  and  the  other  for  the  more  sobered 
and  reflecting  habits  of  severe  moral  training,  and  an  industry  that 
was  stimulated  by  necessity  and  tempered  by  prudence.  The  dis 
tinction  did  not  end  here.  If  the  one  carried  liberality  and  thought 
lessness  to  the  verge  of  indiscretion,  the  other  substituted  fanaticism 
and  bigotry  for  the  mild  and  affectionate  tenets  of  Christianity.  It 
is  not  easy  to  say  what  might  have  been  the  consequence  of  the  prox 
imity  of  two  establishments  influenced  by  characters  and  modes  of 
thinking  so  antagonist,  had  not  the  conquest  of  the  Dutch  territories 
of  New  York  bound  them  together,  by  the  means  of  a  people  who 
came  from  England  at  a  later  day,  and  who  brought  with  them  most 
of  the  national  traits,  less  influenced  by  exaggerations  and  accidents. 
The  result  has  been  an  amalgamation  that  is  fast  wearing  off  asperi 
ties,  and  which  promises,  at  no  distant  period,  to  produce  a  homo 
geneity  of  character  that  it  is  not  usual  to  find  in  any  great  and 
numerous  people. 

The  vessels  employed  in  the  earliest  communications  between  the 
colonies  and  the  mother  country,  were  small,  varying  from  fifty  to 
two  hundred  tons  in  burthen.  The  expedition  to  Plymouth  was  first 
attempted  in  the  May  Flower,  a  bark  of  one  hundred  and  eighty 
ions  and  the  Speedwell  of  sixty  tons;  but  the  latter  proving  leaky, 


1613-14.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  15 

after  twice  returning  to  port  to  refit,  was  abandoned,  and  the  voyage 
was  made  in  the  former  vessel  alone.  That  to  Virginia  under  New 
port,  consumed  four  months,  a  delay  that  was  owing  to  its  steering 
south  until  the  trades  were  struck,  a  practice  which  prevailed  among 
most  of  the  navigators  to  the  new  world,  for  a  longtime  subsequently 
to  the  discoveries  of  Columbus,  who  had  himself  been  favoured  by 
those  constant  winds.  The  May  Flower  sailed  from  Plymouth,  in* 
England,  on  the  6th  of  September,  and,  after  a  stormy  passage, 
made  Cape  Cod  on  the  9th  of  November.  As  it  had  been  the 
intention  of  those  on  board  to  go  further  south,  it  is  probable  that 
they  met  with  southwest  winds  and  currents,  with  a  northeasterly 
set,  in  the  American  seas. 

The  first  conflict  that  took  place  between  the  colonists  and  any 
of  their  civilised  neighbours,  occurred  in  1613,  when  an  expedition 
from  Virginia,  under  the  orders  of  Captain  Samuel  Argal,  arriving 
on  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia,  made  an  attack  on  the  new  French 
post  of  St.  Sauveur,  which  was  reduced  without  difficulty.  Argal 
had  eleven  vessels  with  him,  most  of  which,  however,  were  quite 
small,  and  his  armaments  amounted  in  the  whole  to  fourteen  light 
guns.  The  French  were  entirely  without  artillery.  The  avowed 
object  of  this  enterprise  was  fishing,  but  the  armament  has  induced 
a  suspicion  that  the  end  actually  effected  was  also  kept  in  view. 
Whatever  might  have  been  t'he  intention  in  fitting  out  the  first  force 
under  Captain  Argal,  it  is  quite  certain,  that,  on  his  return  to  Virginia, 
he  was  formally  sent  against  the  French  in  Acadie,  with  three  vessels, 
better  prepared,  and  that  he  laid  waste  the  whole  of  their  posses 
sions.  Both  of  these  occurrences  took  place  in  a  time  of  profound 
peace,  and  grew  out  of  a  pretension  on  the  part  of  the  English,  to 
the  possession  of  the  whole  coast,  as  far  north  as  the  46th  degree 
of  latitude. 

On  his  return  to  Virginia,  Captain  Argal  entered  the  bay  of  New 
York,  and  demanded  possession  of  that  territory  also,  under  the  plea 
that  it  had  been  discovered  by  an  Englishman.  Hendrick  Christaens, 
whom  Argal  styled  "a  pretended  Dutch  Governor,"  had  no  force  to 
resist  such  a  claim,  and  was  compelled  to  submit.  On  the  return  to 
Virginia,  one  of  the  three  vessels  employed  in  this  expedition  was 
lost,  and  another  having  been  driven  as  far  east  as  the  Azores,  pro 
ceeded  to  England,  while  Captain  Argal  alone  got  into  the  Chesa 
peake.  The  prisoners  taken  on  this  occasion  narrowly  escaped 
being  executed  as  pirates! 

This  was  the  first  warlike  maritime  expedition  attempted  by  the 
American  colonists,  if  a  few  parties  sent  in  boats  against  the  savages 
be  excepted.  The  Dutch  were  not  dispossessed  by  the  useless  attempt 
on  their  settlement,  which  appears  to  have  been  viewed  more  as  a 
protest  than  a  conquest,  for  they  continued  to  increase  and  to  govern 
themselves  for  near  half  a  century  longer.  The  first  decked  vessel 
built  within  the  old  United  States,  of  which  we  have  any  account, 
was  constructed  by  Schipper  Adrian  Block,  on  the  banks  of  the 
Hudson,  and  probably  within  the  present  limits  of  New  York,  during 
the  summer  of  1614.  This  vessel  De  Laet  terms  a  "  yacht,"  and 


16  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1614 

describes  as  having  been  of  the  dimensions  of  thirty-eight  feet  keel, 
forty-four  and  a  half  feet  on  deck,  and  eleven  feet  beam.  In  this 
"yacht"  Block  passed  through  Hell  Gate,  into  the  Sound,  and 
steering  eastward,  he  discovered  a  small  island,  which  he  named 
after  himself;  going  as  far  as  Cape  Cod,  by  the  way  of  the  Vineyard 
passage. 

According  to  the  same  authority,  the  Dutch  at  New  Amsterdam, 
who  had  constructed  a  fort,  and  reinforced  their  colony,  soon  after 
built  many  more  small  vessels,  sloops  and  periaguas,  opening  a  trade 
with  the  savages,  by  means  of  the  numerous  bays,  sounds,  and  rivers 
of  their  territory. 

It  was  also  in  1614,  that  the  celebrated  Capt.  John  Smith  arrived 
from  England,  and  sailed  on  a  coasting  voyage,  with  the  double 
purpose  of  trade  and  discovery.  He  went  himself  in  a  boat,  having 
a  crew  of  only  eight  men,  and  the  profits,  as  well  as  the  discoveries, 
abundantly  rewarded  the  risks. 

It  may  serve  to  give  the  reader  a  more  accurate  idea  of  the  condition 
of  trade  in  this  part  of  the  world,  if  we  state  that  in  1615  the  English 
alone  had  one  hundred  and  seventy  vessels  engaged  in  the  New 
foundland  fisheries,  while  the  French,  Portuguese,  and  Spaniards 
had  altogether  about  three  hundred. 

Many  attempts  were  made  about  this  time  to  discover  a  northwest 
passage  to  China ;  the  well  known  expedition  in  which  Baffin  was 
employed  occurring  in  1616. 

After  the  settlement  at  Plymouth,  the  English  colonies  began  to 
increase  regularly  in  population  and  resources,  while  the  Dutch  at 
New  York  became  firmly  established.  The  Swedes  also  commenced 
a  settlement  in  the  Delaware,  and  the  entire  coast,  from  Acadie  to 
North  Carolina,  was  more  or  less  occupied  from  point  to  point. 
There  was  a  good  deal  of  trade  with  the  Indians,  with  whom  wam 
pum  was  exchanged  against  peltries.  As  early  as  in  1629  the  New 
England  Company  employed  five  ships  of  respectable  size,  in  the 
trade  with  the  colony.  Most  of  these  vessels  were  armed,  and  all 
took  colonists  in  their  outward  passages.  The  May  Flower  appears 
to  have  been  retained  in  this  business  for  many  years  after  her  first 
voyage.  A  small  ship  was  built  at  or  near  Boston,  in  1633,  which 
(was  one  of  the  first  vessels,  if  not  the  first  vessel  of  any  size  con 
structed  in  New  England.  But  the  progress  of  the  colony  of  Mas 
sachusetts  Bay,  in  navigation,  was  so  rapid,  that  in  1639,  laws  were 
passed  to  encourage  the  fisheries,  which  may  be  considered  as  the 
elementary  school  of  American  nautical  enterprise.  The  fishermen 
during  the  season,  and  the  shipwrights  at  all  times,  were  exempted 
from  military  duty,  a  great  privilege  in  an  infant  community  that  was 
surrounded  by  savages.  Among  those  who  gave  an  impulse  to  trade 
and  navigation  in  this  colony,  was  the  celebrated  Hugh  Peters,  sub 
sequently  executed  for  treason  in  England,  who  actually  caused  a 
vessel  of  three  hundred  tons  burthen  to  be  constructed  at  Salem, 
in  1641. 

Within  twenty  years  after  the  settlement  of  Plymouth,  ship-build 
ing  and  navigation  began  to  occupy  much  of  the  attention  of  New 


1633-36.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  17 

England,  and  as  every  vessel  of  any  size  carried  many  light  guns, 
the  navigation  of  the  period  had  most  of  the  characteristics  of  an 
armed  trade.  In  addition  to  the  ships  and  barks  that  crossed  the 
ocean,  many  decked  boats,  or  small  sloops,  were  used  on  the  coast, 
especially  by  those  who  dealt  with  the  Indians  for  skins.  The  first 
engagement  that  probably  ever  occurred  between  inhabitants  of  the 
American  colonies,  and  enemies  afloat,  was  a  conflict  between  John 
Gallop,  who  was  engaged  in  a  trade  of  this  nature,  in  a  sloop  of  twenty 
tons,  and  some  Narragansett  Indians,  who  had  seized  upon  a  small 
vessel  belonging  to  a  person  of  the  name  of  Oldham,  known  to  have 
been  similarly  occupied.  As  this,  in  a  certain  sense,  may  be  deemed 
the  earliest  sea-fight  of  the  nation,  we  consider  it  worthy  to  be 
related. 

Some  time  in  May,  1636,  Gallop,  in  his  little  sloop,  manned  by 
two  men  and  two  boys,  himself  included,  was  standing  along  the 
Sound,  near  Plum  Island,  when  he  was  compelled  by  stress  of  weath 
er  to  bear  up,  for  a  refuge,  among  the  islands  that  form  a  chain  be 
tween  Long  Island  and  Connecticut.  On  nearing  the  land,  he 
discovered  a  vessel  very  similar  to  his  own,  in  size  and  equipments, 
which  was  immediately  recognised  as  the  pinnace  of  Mr.  Oldham, 
who  had  sailed  with  a  crew  of  two  white  boys  and  two  Narragansett 
Indians.  Gallop  hailed  on  approaching  the  other  craft,  but  got  no 
answer,  and,  running  still  nearer,  no  less  than  fourteen  Indians  were 
discovered  lying  on  her  deck.  A  canoe,  conveying  goods,  and 
manned  by  Indians,  had  al>o  just  started  for  the  shore.  Gallop  now 
began  to  suspect  that  Oldham  had  been  overpowered  by  the  savages; 
a  suspicion  that  was  confirmed  by  the  Indians  slipping  their  cable, 
and  standing  off  before  the  wind,  or  in  the  direction  of  Narragansett 
Bay.  Satisfied  that  a  robbery  had  been  committed,  Gallop  made 
sail  in  chase,  and  running  alongside  of  the  pinnace,  in  a  spirited 
manner,  he  fired  a  volley  of  duck-shot  at  the  savages.  The  latter 
had  swords,  spears,  and  some  fire-arms,  and  they  attempted  a  re 
sistance,  but  Gallop  soon  drove  them  below  to  a  man.  Afraid  to 
board  in  the  face  of  such  odds,  Gallop  now  had  recourse  to  a  novel 
expedient  ':o  dislodge  his  enemies.  As  the  pinnace  was  drifting  with 
no  one  to  manage  her,  she  soon  fell  to  leeward,  while  the  sloop 
hauled  by  the  wind.  As  soon  as  the  two  vessels  were  far  enough 
asunder,  Gallop  put  his  helm  up  and  ran  directly  down  on  the 
weather  quarter  of  the  pinnace,  striking  her  with  so  much  violence 
as  to  come  near  forcing  her  over  on  her  side.  The  shock  so  much 
alarmed  the  Indians,  who  were  on  an  element  and  in  a  craft  they  did 
not  understand,  that  six  of  them  rushed  frantically  on  deck,  and 
leaped  into  the  sea,  where  they  were  all  drowned.  The  sloop  again 
hauled  off,  when  Gallop  lashed  an  anchor  to  her  bows  in  such  a 
manner,  that  by  running  down  on  the  pinnace  a  second  time,  he 
forced  the  flukes  through  the  sides  of  the  latter,  which  are  represented 
as  having  been  made  of  boards.  The  two  vessels  were  now  fast  to 
each  other,  and  the  crew  of  the  sloop  began  to  fire  through  the  sides 
of  the  pinnace,  into  her  hold.  Finding  it  impossible,  however,  to 
drive  his  enemies  up,  Gallop  loosened  his  fasts,  and  hauled  up  to 

VOL.    I.  2 


]_}  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1636. 


windward  a  third  time,  when  four  or  five  more  of  the  Indians  jumped 
overboard  and  shared  the  fate  of  those  who  had  preceded  them. 
One  Indian  now  appeared  on  deck  and  offered  to  submit.  Gallop 
ran  alongside,  and  received  this  man  in  the  sloop,  when  he  was  bound 
hands  and  feet,  and  put  into  the  hold.  Another  soon  followed  this 
example,  and  lie  was  also  received  on  board  the  sloop  and  bound, 
but,  fearful  if  two  of  his  wily  foes  were  permitted  to  commune  to 
gether,  that  they  would  liberate  themselves,  the  second  prisoner  was 
thrown  into  the  sea.  Only  two  Indians  now  remained  in  the  pinnace. 
They  had  got  into  a  small  apartment  below,  and  being  armed,  they 
showed  a  disposition  to  defend  themselves,  when  Gallop  removed 
all  the  goods  that  remained,  into  his  own  sloop,  stripped  the  pinnace 
of  her  sails,  took  her  in  tow,  and  hauled  up  for  the  islands  again. 
But  the  wind  increasing,  the  pinnace  was  cut  adrift,  and  she  disap 
peared  in  the  direction  of  Narragansett  Bay,  where  it  is  probable  she 
was  stranded  in  the  course  of  a  few  hours. 

On  board  the  pinnace,  Gallop  found  the  body  of  Mr.  Oldham. 
The  head  had  been  cleft,  the  hands  and  legs  were  much  mangled, 
and  the  flesh  was  still  warm.  The  corpse  was  thrown  into  the 
sea. 

Thus  terminated  this  extraordinary  conflict,  in  which  Gallop  ap 
pears  to  have  shown  as  much  conduct  as  courage,  and  which  in  itself 
illustrates  the  vast  superiority  that  professional  skill  gives  on  an 
element  like  the  sea.  As  it  was  of  the  last  importance  to  create  a 
respect  for  the  English  name,  with  a  view  to  protect  small  parties 
while  trading  with  the  savages,  the  report  of  the  conqueror  on  this 
occasion  induced  the  government  of  Massachusetts  to  send  an  ex 
pedition  against  the  offenders,  under  Mr.  Endecott,  one  of  the  as 
sistants,  which  did  the  Indians  much  injury  in  the  destruction  of 
their  dwellings  and  crops,  though  the  savages  themselves  took  to 
flight.  This  expedition,  however,  was  followed  up  by  others  that 
met  with  greater  success. 

The  French  in  Acadie,  also,  gave  rise  to  two  or  three  unimportant 
armaments,  which  led  to  no  results  worthy  of  being  recorded. 

Notwithstanding  the  frequency  of  the  Indian  conflicts,  find  the 
repeated  visits  to  the  settlements  of  the  French,  the  first  regular 
cruisers  employed  by  the  American  colonists  appear  to  have  owed 
their  existence  to  misunderstandings  with  the  Dutch  of  the  New 
Netherlands.  The  colony  of  New  Haven  had  so  far  increased  as  to 
cause  a  vessel  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  tons  to  be  built  in  Rhode 
Island,  as  early  as  the  year  1646,  but  the  ship  was  lost  at  sea  on  her 
first  passage.  Shortly  after,  a  small  cruiser,  carrying  ten  guns,  and 
forty  men,  was  employed  by  the  united  colonies  of  Hartford  and 
New  Haven,  to  cruise  in  Long  Island  Sound,  with  a  view  to  prevent 
the  enchroachments  of  the  Dutch,  and  to  keep  open  the  communi 
cation  with  the  settlements  they  had  made  on  the  opposite  shore.  In 
1654,  orders  were  received  from  Parliament  to  treat  the  Dutch  as 
enemies,  but  both  communities  were  still  too  young  and  feeble  to 
engage  in  a  warfare  that  was  not  considered  of  paramount  necessity. 


1678.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  19 

Nothing  effective   appears  to  have  been  done  under  these  instruc 
tions. 

At  a  later  day,  or  in  1665-6,  Connecticut  kept  another  small 
vessel  cruising  off  Watch  Hill,  in  order  to  prevent  the  Narragansett 
Indians  from  crossing  to  attack  the  Montauk  tribe,  which  had  been 
taken  under  the  protection  of  the  colony. 

In  1645,  a  ship  of  some  size  was  built  at  Cambridge,  Massachu 
setts,  and  receiving  an  armament  of  fourteen  guns,  and  a  crew  of 
thirty  men,  she  sailed  for  the  Canary  Isles.  This  vessel  fell  in  with 
a  rover,  supposed  to  belong  to  Barbary,  of  twenty  guns,  and  seventy 
men,  when  an  action  took  place  that  continued  the  entire  day.  The 
rover  receiving  some  serious  injury  to  her  rudder,  the  New  England 
ship  was  enabled  to  escape.  Although  the  conflict  between  Gallop 
and  the  Narragansetts  is,  in  one  sense,  entitled  to  the  precedency, 
this  action  may  be  set  down  as  the  first  regular  naval  combat  in  which 
any  American  vessel  is  known  to  have  been  engaged. 

An  important  change  occurred,  in  1664,  in  the  situation  of  the 
American  colonies,  by  the  capture  of  New  Netherlands  from  the 
Dutch.  The  vessels  employed  on  this  service  were  under  the  orders 
of  Sir  Robert  Carr,  while  Colonel  Richard  Nicoll  commanded  the 
troops.  No  resistance  was  made.  In  consequence  of  this  accession 
of  territory,  and  the  submission  of  the  Swedish  settlements  on  the 
Delaware,  the  English  Colonies  now  had  entire  possession  of  the 
coast,  between  the  Bay  of  Fundy  and  the  Floridas.  It  had  been 
computed,  in  1660,  that  the  English  settlements  contained  about 
eighty  thousand  souls,  and  this  increase  of  numbers  made  a  total  of 
more  than  one  hundred  thousand  inhabitants  of  European  extrac 
tion.  New  England  paid  the  most  attention  to  navigation,  however; 
and  it  appears  by  Hutchinson,  that  in  1676,  or  just  a  century  before 
the  declaration  of  Independence,  the  following  vessels  had  been 
constructed  in  Boston,  or  its  vicinity,  and  then  belonged  to  the  ports 
of  that  neighbourhood,  viz: 

30  vessels  between  100  and  250  tons. 
200  vessels  between  50  and  100  tons. 
200  vessels  between  30  and  50  tons. 
300  vessels  between  6  and  10  tons. 

Most  of  the  small  vessels  were  employed  in  the  fisheries,  and  the 
ordinary  communications  between  the  settlements  on  the  coast  were 
kept  up  by  water.  The  principal  building  stations  were  Boston, 
Charlestown,  Salem,  Ipswich,  Salisbury,  and  Portsmouth,  and  there 
were  even  at  that  early  day,  thirty  master  shipwrights. 

While  the  English  were  thus  occupying  the  coast,  the  French 
were  gradually  extending  themselves  along  the  chain  of  Great  Lakes 
in  the  interior,  drawing  a  belt  around  the  territories  of  their  rivals. 
In  the  course  of  events  of  this  nature,  de  la  Salle  launched  a  vessel 
often  tons  on  Lake  Ontario,  in  1678,  which  was  the  first  decked 
boat  that  ever  sailed  on  those  waters.  The  following  year,  he  caused 
a  vessel  of  sixty  tons  to  be  launched  on  Lake  Erie.* 

*  The  second  vessel  is  differently  stated  to  have  been  of  ten  and  of  sixty  tons.  "We 
have  chosen  what  has  appeared  to  be  the  best  authority. 


20  NAVAL  HISTORY.  1678.] 

In  1680,  according-  to  Trumbull,  Connecticut  possessed  twenty -fou_ 
vessels,  with  a  total  of  1050  tons,  trading  between  that  colony  and 
Boston,  Newfoundland,  the  West  Indies,  &c.  &c.  The  succeeding 
year,  forty-nine  vessels  entered  the  harbour  of  Portsmouth  alone. 
The  well  known  navigation  act,  a  law  to  confine  the  carrying  trade 
to  English  ships,  had  been  passed  as  early  as  1651,  but  it  had  been 
little  regarded  by  the  colonists;  and  this  year  Edmund  Randolph 
came  a  second  time  to  Boston,  where  he  made  a  vigorous  but  un 
successful  effort  to  enforce  the  obnoxious  statute.  In  Massachusetts, 
in  particular,  this  law  had  been  almost  a  dead  letter  from  the  first, 
though  the  Dutch  in  New  Netherlands  had  thought  it  necessary  to 
insert  a  clause  iii  their  articles  of  capitulation,  to  permit  them  to 
trade  with  Holland  for  six  months  after  the  surrender. 

The  buccaneers  began  to  commit  depredations  in  the  American 
seas,  about  the  year  1666;  and  piracies  on  a  smaller  scale,  were 
not  infrequent  at  a  much  earlier  clay.  These  buccaneers  were  orig 
inally,  mere  outlaws  in  the  West  India  Islands.  Compelled  at  length 
to  unite,  they  assembled  at  the  Tortugas,  and  began  to  plunder  such 
vessels  as  approached  the  shore;  most  of  their  robberies  being  com 
mitted  by  means  of  open  boats.  The  Spanish  vessels,  in  particular, 
became  the  objects  of  their  assaults;  and  encouraged  by  success, 
they  began  to  venture  farther  from  the  land.  Their  numbers  rapidly 
increased,  and  ere  long  they  ventured  to  make  descents  on  the  coasts, 
more  especially  on  those  of  the  Spanish  settlement,  in  quest  of  plun 
der.  It  is  a  mark  of  the  peculiar  character  of  the  age,  that  these 
freebooters  often  commenced  their  enterprises  with  prayer!  They 
spent  their  ill-gotten  wealth  as  profligately  as  it  had  been  obtained, 
and  like  more  powerful  bodies  of  men,  were  finally  destroyed  by  the 
excesses  engendered  by  their  own  prosperity. 

We  do  not  know  that  there  is  authority  for  believing  these  free 
booters  ever  had  any  material  connexion  with  the  English  continental 
possessions,  though  Jamaica,  at  one  period,  was  thronged  by  them. 
There  are,  however,  too  many  traditions  on  the  coast,  not  to  suspect 
that  some  of  the  excesses,  to  which  the  loose  condition  of  the  western 
world  gave  rise,  were  less  ostentatiously  committed  by  those  who 
frequented  the  country.  The  same  odium  was  not  then  attached  to 
piratical  acts,  as  in  our  own  times;  and  that  which  even  we  ourselves 
have  seen  done  on  the  land,  by  men  styled  heroes,  was  then  com 
mitted  on  the  water,  almost  without  comment. 

The  first  authentic  account  we  possess  of  a  regular  attempt  to 
suppress  piracy  on  the  American  coast,  is  found  in  Winthrop's 
Journal,  and  it  occurred  as  early  as  in  the  year  1632.  A  bark  of 
thirty  tons  burthen  had  been  launched  the  previous  year,  at  Mistick, 
which  was  called  the  Blessing  of  the  Bay,  and  which  was  converted 
into  a  cruiser  for  the  occasion  to  which  we  allude.  Information  had 
reached  the  government  of  the  colony  that  one  David  Bull,  who  had 
fifteen  more  Englishmen  with  him,  had  committed  divers  acts  of 
piracy  among  the  fishermen  at  the  eastward,  and  that  he  also  had 
plundered  a  settlement  on  shore.  This  expedition,  however,  was 
suspended  in  consequence  of  intelligence  having  been  received  that 


1633-42.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  21 

the  people  of  the  coast  had  manned  several  pinnaces  and  shallops 
and  gone  in  quest  of  the  marauders  themselves.  Several  months 
elapsed  before  any  thing  conclusive  could  be  ascertained  concerning 
Bull  and  his  party,  and  in  January,  1633,  another  fruitless  expedition, 
that  had  been  sent  after  them,  returned,  as  did  a  third  in  May.  One 
of  the  proofs  of  a  lawless  disposition  adduced  against  Bull,  is  to  be 
found  in  a  report  of  his  conduct,  wherein  it  is  stated  that,  at  the  hour 
when  the  people  of  other  ships  were  accustomed  to  assemble  for 
prayer,  his  followers  would  meet  on  deck,  to  sing  songs  and  utter 
senseless  phrases.  It  is  probable  that  this  party  was  composed  of 
fur-traders  from  Virginia,  and  that  their  conduct  appeared  to  the 
puritans  of  the  east  so  light,  in  general,  that  some  trifling  excesses 
were  misconstrued  into  piracy. 

Another  insignificant  affair  that  occurred  at  the  New  Netherlands 
was  turned  into  piracy;  a  Captain  Stone  having  been  seized,  and 
bound  over  to  appear  at  the  Admiralty  Court  in  England;  but  the 
proceedings  were  dropped  in  consequence  of  the  belief  that  the  whole 
transaction  would  turn  out  to  be  little  more  than  a  mere  assault. 
This  occurred  also  in  1633;  and  there  is  some  reason  to  believe 
that  the  exaggerations  of  the  puritans  had  misled  them,  from  the 
fact  that  this  Captain  Stone  was  arrested  for  adultery  before  he 
left  the  colony,  and  that  the  grand  jury  returned  the  bill  igno 
ramus. 

It  appears  by  the  Journal  of  Governor  Winthrop,  that  in  1642, 
one  Edward  Bedall,  of  Boston,  used  tho  Diving  Bell  to  weigh  a 
vessel  called  the  Mary  Rose,  which  had  sunk  the  previous  year. 
Bedall  made  use  of  two  tubs,  "  upon  which  were  hanged  so  many 
weights  (600  Ibs.)  as  would  sink  them  to  the  ground."  The  experi 
ment  succeeded  perfectly,  and  the  guns,  ballast,  goods,  hull,  &c., 
were  all  transported  into  shoal  water,  and  recovered.  The  first 
instance  of  a  diving  bell's  being  used,  was  at  Cadiz,  we  believe, 
in  the  presence  of  Charles  V.;  the  notion,  so  prevalent  in  this 
country,  that  it  was  an  invention  of  Sir  William  Phipps,  being  an 
error. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  shipping  of 
the  American  colonies  had  so  far  increased,  as  to  supply  the 
mother  country  with  many  transports,  and  to  conduct  no  small 
part  of  the  trade  between  the  two  great  divisions  of  the  empire. 
The  Whale  Fishery  at  Nantucket,  appears  to  have  been  established 
in  1690;  and  in  1696,  it  is  said  that  the  shipping  of  New  York 
amounted  to  forty  square-rigged  vessels,  sixty -two  sloops,  and  sixty 
boats. 

In  consequence  of  the  great  number  of  privateers  that  sailed  out 
of  Acadie,  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts  sent  an  expedition 
against  Port  Royal,  in  1690.  The  forces  were  commanded  by  Sir 
William  Phipps,  and  amounted  to  between  700  and  800  men,  who 
were  embarked  in  eight  small  vessels.  This  expedition  sailed  on 
the  28th  of  April,  and  returned  on  the  30th  of  May,  having  been 
successful.  The  good  fortune  that  attended  this  enterprise,  induced 
the  government  of  Massachusetts  to  attempt  another  against  a 


22  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1690 


place  as  important,  as  Quebec.  Sir  William  Phipps* 
maiuled,  having1  between  thirty  and  forty  vessels,  the  largest  of  which 
was  of  44  guns,  and  200  men,  and  the  whole  number  of  the  troops 
and  seamen  employed  was  about  2000.  These  forces  reached 
Quebec,  October  the  5th,  1690,  and  landed,  October  the  8th.  The 
force  disembarked  was  about  12  or  1300  men,  but  it  was  repulsed 
without  much  fighting.  On  their  return  to  Boston,  the  ships  were 
dispersed  by  a  gale,  and  little  credit  was  gained  by  the  undertaking. 

The  Falkland,  a  fourth  rate,  was  launched  in  the  Piscataqua,  in 
1G90,  and  was  the  first  ship  of  the  line  ever  built  in  America. 

Much  alarm  existed  along  the  coast,  about  this  time,  from  an 
apprehension  of  the  French,  who  were  understood  to  be  cruising  in 
the  American  seas.  We  learn,  indeed,  from  the  whole  history  of  that 
period,  how  nearly  balanced  were  the  naval  powers  of  Europe; 
England,  France,  Spain,  and  Holland,  standing  in  mutual  awe  of 
each  other,  on  the  high  seas. 

*  Sir  William  Phipps  was  born  at  Pemaquid,  in  1650.  Until  eighteen  years  of  age, 
he  was  principally  employed  in  agricultural  pursuits,  and  subsequently  he  was  appren 
ticed  to  a  shipwright.  When  of  age,  he  built,  a  ship  at  Sheepscote ;  he  afterwards 
followed  the  sea,  and  hearing  of  a  Spanish  -wreck  near  the  Bahamas,  he  gave  such 
accounts  of  it  in  England,  that  he  was  sent  out  -with  a  frigate,  to  obtain  its  treasure.  In 
this  affair  he  was  unsuccessful.  The  Duke  of  Albemarle,  however,  sent  him  out  a 
second  time,  (1687.)  when  he  brought  home  near  .£300,000,  of  which  his  own  share 
amounted  to  £  16,000.  This  transaction  brought  him  into  notice,  and  he  was  knighted  by 
James  II.  He  had  been  made  High  Sheriff  of  New  England  previously,  and  he  was 
made  Governor  of  his  native  colony  in  1691 ;  but  having  had  a  quarrel,  in  1(193,  with  a 
Captain  Short,  of  the  Nonsuch  frigate,  about  the  extent  of  his  Vice-Admiralty  jurisdiction, 
he  had  that  officer  arrested  and  sent  to  England.  On  the  representation  of  Captain 
Short,  the  Governor  was  summoned  to  England  in  person  to  answer  for  his  conduct  in 
this  affair,  and  having  justified  himself,  he  was  about  to  return  to  his  government,  when 
he  was  seized  with  a  malignant  fever,  and  died  in  London.  Some  accounts  place  his 
death  in  1694.  and  others  in  1695  ;  we  believe  the  latter  to  be  the  most  correct.  He  is 
said  to  have  been  honest,  well-meaning  and  religious,  though  passionate  and  imperious. 
He  was  uneducated  of  course,  not  knowing  how  to  read  and  write,  until  he  had  become 
a  man ;  but  acquaintance  with  the  world,  considerable  native  abilities,  and  a  restless 
enterprise  had  early  brought  him  into  conspicuous  stations,  where  he  usually  acquitted 
himself  with  credit.  The  'popular  American  opinion,  that  the  Mulgrave  family,  of  which 
the  present  head  is  the  Marquess  of  Normanby,  is  descended  from  Sir  William  Phipps. 
it  a  mistake 


1700.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  23 


CHAPTER  II. 

Captain  Kidd Population  of  Colonies Attack  on  Charleston  by  the  Spaniards they 

are  repulsed  with  great  loss Port  Royal  reduced its  name  changed  to  Anapolis 

New  Providence  captured Pirates  expelled First  negro  slaves  brought  into  the 

couutrv F  irst  American  vessel  engaged  in  the  slave  trade —  The  Whale  fisheries 

Shipping  of  Massachusetts  and  Pennsylvania — Small  armed  vessels  employed 

Wars  between  England  and  Spain  and" France.... effects  on  the  American  colonies.... 
Expedition  against  Louisbourg....  Vessels  captured.... Acadie  (now  Nova  Scotia) 
ceded  to  England. 

THE  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  found  the  American  coast, 
in  a  «reat  measure,  occupied  from  the  Bay  of  Fundy  to  the  Sa 
vannah  river.  The  war,  which  terminated  with  the  peace  of  Rys- 
wick,  had  greatly  alarmed  the  colonists,  and  many  small  cruisers 
and  galleys  had  been  built  and  armed,  at  different  ports,  principally 
with  a  view  to  cruise  against  the  privateers  that  sailed  out  of  Acadie 
and  the  West  Indies ;  but  no  action  appears  to  have  occurred  at  sea. 
The  two  expeditions  of  Sir  William  Phipps  were  the  most  important 
military  operations  that  had  then  taken  place  in  the  colonies,  if  the 
Indian  wars  be  excepted;  and  they  led  to  nothing  worthy  of  com 
memoration,  in  a  naval  point  of  view.  The  royal  cruisers  that  oc- 
casionally  appeared  in  the  American  seas,  at  that  remote  period, 
were  usually  light  frigates,  of  a  class  between  the  present  sloops  and 
two-and-thirties,  and  in  point  of  armament,  and  even  of  size,  were 
probably  unequal  to  contending  with  the  largest  of  the  former.  We 
have  seen  that  one  of  Sir  William  Phipps's  ships,  in  the  expedition 
against  Quebec,  carried  44  guns  and  200  men,  a  disproportion  be 
tween  tho  crew  and  the  armament,  that  proves  the  latter  to  have 
been  exceedingly  light.  In  that  age,  the  importance  of  metal  was 
not  appreciated;  and  the  decks  of  vessels  were  crowded  with  guns, 
which  did  so  little  execution,  that  great  naval  battles  frequently  con 
tinued  days  without  producing  decisive  results. 

The  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  was  also  the  period  when 
the  piracies  had  got  to  be  the  most  serious,  and  when  Kidd  was  guilty 
of  those  acts  that  have  since  given  him  a  notoriety  that  would  seem 
to  be  altogether  disproportioned  to  his  deeds.  During  the  wars  of 
that  day,  the  seas  had  been  much  infested  with  a  species  of  privateers, 
that  often  committed  aggressions,  and  even  piracies  on  neutral  ves 
sels.  Most  of  these  rovers  were  English;  and  it  is  said  that  they 
sometimes  plundered  their  own  countrymen.  New  York  was  not 
entirely  exempt  from  the  suspicion  of  having  equipped  several 
vessels  of  this  description,  and  very  unpleasant  surmises  affected  the 
characters  of  some  distinguished  men  of  the  colony,  the  governor, 
Fletcher,  among  others.  In  appreciating  such  charges,  it  is  neces 
sary  to  remember  the  character  of  the  age,  there  being  no  disgrace 
attached  to  adventures  in  private  armed  ships,  and  the  transition  from 
fighting  for  plunder,  and  plundering  unlawfully,  is  very  trifling,  in 


24  NAVAL  HISTORY.  1700.] 

remote  seas,  where  testimony  is  not  easily  obtained,  and  the  law  is 
impotent.  That  which  men  can  practise  with  impunity,  they  are 
apt  to  undertake,  when  tempted  by  cupidity;  and  that  which  is 
frequent,  ceases  to  shock  the  sense  of  right.  It  is  by  no  means 
probable  that  either  Governor  Fletcher,  or  any  distinguished  colonist, 
deliberately  engaged  in  piratical  adventures,  but  it  is  quite  possible 
that  such  men  may  have  been  concerned  in  the  equipment  of  private 
cruisers,  that  subsequently  committed  acts  which  the  laws  condemned. 
It  is  possible,  that  when  such  vessels  have  returned,  a  rigid  inquiry 
into  the  origin  of  the  plunder  they  brought  with  them,  was  not  al 
ways  made.  Such,  in  some  measure,  was  the  case  with  Kidd,  whose 
subsequent  notoriety  appears  to  have  been  as  much  owing  to  the 
eclat  with  which  he  sailed,  sanctioned  by  government,  and  supported 
by  men  of  character,  and  to  some  striking  incidents  that  accompanied 
his  return,  as  to  any  extraordinary  excesses  as  a  pirate.  The  facts 
of  his  case  appear  to  have  been  as  follows: 

Much  odium  having  been  cast  on  the  colony  of  New  York,  in 
consequence  of  the  number  of  piracies  that  had  been  committed  by 
rovers  sailing  from  the  port  of  that  name,  the  government  in  England 
deemed  it  necessary  to  take  serious  measures  to  repress  the  evil. — 
This  duty  was  in  particular  confided  to  the  Earl  of  Bellamont,  who 
had  been  appointed  the  governor  of  several  of  the  colonies.  Mr. 
Robert  Livingston  happening  to  be  in  England  at  the  time  when  the 
subject  was  under  discussion,  and  being  a  man  of  influence  in  the 
colony  of  New  York,  he  was  conferred  with,  as  to  the  most  advisable 
means  of  putting  an  end  to  the  practice.  Mr.  Livingston  advised  that 
a  cruiser  of  force  should  be  sent  out  expressly  to  seize  all  lawless 
rovers,  and  he  introduced  to  Lord  Bellamont,  Captain  Wm.  Kidd, 
whom  he  recommended  as  a  seaman  qualified  to  be  put  at  the  head 
of  such  an  adventure.  Captain  Kidd  was  said  to  have  a  knowledge 
of  the  pirates,  and  of  their  places  of  resort;  and  at  the  same  time,  to 
be  a  man  on  whose  integrity  and  services  full  reliance  might  be  placed 
The  first  proposition  was  to  employ  a  king's  ship  of  30  guns  and  150 
men  on  this  service ;  but  the  war  requiring  all  the  regular  cruisers,  it 
is  a  proof  of  the  spirit  of  the  times,  that  the  matter  was  referred  to 
private  enterprise,  although  the  sanction  of  government  was  not  only 
promised,  but  obtained.  Mr.  Livingston  took  one-fifth  of  the  shares, 
and  became  the  usual  security  for  the  lawfulness  of  Kidd's  proceed 
ings.  The  Lord  Chancellor,  and  several  other  distinguished  noble 
men,  took  shares  in  the  adventure  also,  and  the  crown  reserved  to 
itself  a  tenth  of  the  proceeds,  as  a  proof  that  it  approved  of  the  en 
terprise.  Kidd  received  his  commission  and  his  orders  from  the 
Earl  of  Bellamont,  whom  he  followed  to  America  for  that  purpose, 
sailing  from  Plymouth  in  England,  April  1696,  for  New  York. 
There  is  much. reason  for  thinking  that  Captain  Kidd  was  not  guilty 
of  any  illegal  act  himself,  until  he  found  that  his  more  legitimate  en 
terprise  was  not  likely  to  be  successful.  In  the  end,  however,  he 
went  to  the  eastward  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  where  he  certainly 
committed  piracies,  though  to  what  extent  is  now  questionable.  He 
accused  of  ravaging  the  sea  between  Madagascar  and  the  coast, 


1701.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  25 

from  Babelmandel  to  Malabar,  and  of  committing  the  usual  excesses, 
though  it  is  probable  that  there  was  much  exaggeration  mixed  up 
with  the  histories  and  rumors  of  the  day.  Some  accounts  confine 
his  piracies  to  a  single  ship,  though  it  is  more  than  probable  that  he 
had  a  disposition  to  the  vocation,  and  that  he  was  easily  diverted 
from  the  object  with  which  he  had  sailed,  even  if  he  did  not  con 
template  piracy  on  quitting  port.  After  an  absence  of  about  three 
years,  Kidd  returned  to  the  American  coast,  first  appearing  off  the 
east  end  of  Long  Island.  About  thirty  miles  to  the  westward  of 
Montauk,  protected  from  the  ocean  by  the  southern  branch  of  the 
island  just  mentioned,  is  a  capacious  hay  that  obtains  its  name  from 
another  small  island,  which  is  so  placed  as  to  defend  it  against  the 
northeast  gales.  The  latter  island  contains  about  three  thousand 
acres  of  land,  and  ever  since  the  country  has  been  settled,  or  for  two 
centuries,  it  has  been  the  property  of  an  honourable  family  of  the 
name  of  Gardiner,  which  has  given  its  name  to  both  the  island  and 
the  bay.  The  latter  has  an  anchorage  that  has  long  been  known  to 
seamen,  and  into  Gardiner's  Bay  Kidd  sailed  on  this  occasion. 
Anchoring  near  the  island,  he  landed,  and  buried  some  treasures; 
entrusting  Mr.  Gardiner  with  his  secret,  and  making  the  life  of  the 
latter  the  pledge  of  his  fidelity.  This  effected,  the  pirate  again  sailed, 
and  made  similar  deposits  on  other  parts  of  the  coast. 

After  a  short  interval,  Kidd  paid  and  discharged  his  crew,  and  it 
is  said  burned  his  ship.  He  appeared  in  Boston  in  1699,  and  was 
immediately  seized  by  the  order  of  Governor  Bellamont.  Among 
his  papers  was  found  a  record,  containing  lists  of  his  several  deposits, 
which  it  is  probable  he  held  in  reserve  for  his  own  share  of  the 
booty,  when  he  should  have  made  his  peace  with  those  in  power  with 
the  remainder.  The  authorities,  however,  were  inflexible,  and  com 
missioners  were  immediately  sent  in  quest  of  the  buried  booty.  When 
these  persons  presented  themselves  to  Mr.  Gardiner,  and- assured  him 
that  Kidd  was  in  confinement,  that  gentleman  led  them  to  the  spot 
where  the  box  was  concealed,  and  it  was  recovered.  The  papers 
of  the  Gardiner  family  show  that  the  contents  of  the  box  were  bags 
of  gold  dust,  bags  of  gold  bars,  the  latter  to  a  considerable  amount, 
coined  gold  and  silver,  silver  bars,  precious  stones,  silver  lamps,  &c., 
&c.,  in  all  to  the  amount  of  near  twenty  thousand  dollars.  Most, 
if  not  all,  of  the  other  deposits  were  also  obtained.  Kidd  was  sent 
to  England,  tried  and  condemned.  He  was'not  executed,  however, 
until  May  the  9th,  1701.  Notwithstanding  the  acts  just  related,  it 
would  seem  that  his  conviction  was,  in  reality,  for  murdering  one 
of  his  own  crew. 

It  followed,  almost  as  a  matter  of  course,  that  suspicion  rested  on 
those  who  were  concerned  in  sending  Captain  Kidd  to  sea.  The 
usual  profligacy  of  party  was  exhibited  in  an  attempt  to  impeach 
several  noblemen  concerned  in  the  affair ;  and  one  or  two  men  of 
note  in  the  colony  of  New  York  were  also  involved  in  legal  proceed 
ings,  in  consequence  of  these  piracies  ;  but  nothing  was  ever  estab 
lished  against  any  of  the  accused,  though  Governor  Fletcher  fell  into 
disgrace  at  home.  The  known  fact  that  Kidd  buried  treasure,  gave 


26  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1702-12. 

rise  to  rumours  that  he  had  buried  much  that  was  never  discovered. 
With  the  blindness  usual  in  matters  of  this  sort,  it  was  believed  that 
he  had  secreted  his  gold  in  spots  that  he  never  visited,  and  to  this  day 
it  is  not  unfrequent  for  digging's  to  be  made  on  the  coast,  under  the 
influence  of  dreams  that  have  been  occasioned  by  meditating  on  the 
subject,  and  in  the  hope  of  finding  some  of  the  long  lost  riches. 

The  year  that  Kidd  was  sent  to  England,  seven  pirates  were  exe 
cuted  in  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  that  coast  having  been  much 
infested  with  these  robbers. 

In  1701,  the  population  of  the  American  colonies  was  estimated 
at  262,000,  while  the  Newfoundland  fisheries  were  said  to  employ 
121  vessels,  2,700  men,  and  nearly  8,000  tons. 

Another  war  soon  occurring,  the  troubles  on  the  coast  were  re 
vived,  and  as  the  colonies  grew  in  importance,  the  mother  country 
not  only  extended  her  care  towards  them  in  a  greater  degree,  but  the 
people  of  the  provinces  themselves,  felt  a  disposition  to  participate 
more  largely  in  the  struggles.  Still,  so  little  heed  was  taken  against 
the  ordinary  dangers,  that  the  port  of  New  York,  in  1705,  was  to 
tally  without  defence  ;  or  so  nearly  so,  that  a  solitary  French  priva 
teer  entered  it,  and  caused  the  greatest  consternation. 

The  Spaniards,  with  whom  England  was  at  war,  conceiving  that 
South  Carolina  properly  belonged  to  the  Floridas,  undertook  an  ex 
pedition  against  Charleston,  in  1706,  with  four  ships  of  war  and  a 
galley,  commanded  by  a  French  admiral.  A  commission  of  vice- 
admiral  was  immediately  given  to  Lieut.  Col.  Rhett,  a  gentleman 
who  possessed  the  public  confidence.  Mr.  Rhett  hoisted  his  Hag  in 
the  Crown,  galley,  and  several  ships  that  happened  to  be  in  port, 
were  hastily  manned  and  armed.  In  the  mean  time  the  enemy  had 
arrived  and  surrounded  the  place,  but  meeting  with  some  repulses 
on  shore,  Mr.  Rhett  got  under  way  to  engage  the  hostile  squadron, 
when  the  latter  retired  with  precipitation.  The  Spaniards  are  said 
to  have  lost  near  half  their  men  in  this  unsuccesful  undertaking. 

Hearing  of  a  large  enemy's  ship  on  the  coast,  a  few  days  after  the 
fleet  had  disappeared,  Mr.  Rhett  went  in  quest  of  her  with  two  small 
vessels,  and  succeeded  in  capturing  her,  and  in  bringing  in  ninety 
prisoners. 

From  an  early  day  the  possession  of  Port  Royal  in  Acadie,  ap 
pears  to  have  been  a  favorite  object  with  the  colonists,  most  probably 
from  the  great  interest  they  felt  in  the  fisheries.  We  have  already 
seen  that  expeditions  were  sent  against  this  place,  in  the  earlier 
wars,  while  we  now  find  no  less  than  three  undertaken,  with  the 
same  object,  in  the  war  of  1702 — 12.  The  first  of  these  expeditions 
was  set  on  foot  in  1707,  being  almost  purely  of  colonial  origin.  It 
sailed  in  May,  in  twenty-three  transports  and  whale-boats,  under  the 
convoy  of  the  Deptford  man-of-war,  Captain  Stuckley,  accompanied 
by  the  Province,  galley,  Captain  Southack.  This  expedition  ef 
fected  nothing.  The  second  attempt  was  not  made  until  the  year 
1709,  when  an  enterprise  on  a  larger  scale  was  planned.  Accord 
ing  to  Trumbull,  the  colonies  east  of  Connecticut  were  ordered  to 
raise  1,200  men  for  this  undertaking,  and  to  provide  transports,  pi- 


1711.]  NAVAL  HISTORY. 


lots,  and  provisions  for  three  months,  while  Connecticut  itself  and 
the  more  southern  provinces,  were  to  send  a  force  of  1,500  men,  by 
land,  against  Montreal.  The  maritime  part  of  the  expedition  was 
abandoned,  after  waiting  three  months  in  the  port  of  Boston  for  the 
British  ships  that  were  to  convoy  it,  and  to  aid  in  subduing  the  place. 
The  attack  on  Montreal  was  also  given  up,  for  the  want  of  the  ex 
pected  co-operation.  The  third  attempt  was  made  in  1710,  when 
a  Colonel  Nicholson,  of  the  English  service,  was  entrusted  with  the 
command.  On  this  occasion  the  preparations  were  made  conjointly 
by  the  crown  and  the  provinces,  the  latter  furnishing  the  transports 
and  several  cruisers.  The  fleet  consisted  in  all,  of  36  sail  :  viz. 
three  fourth-rates,  two  fifth-rates,  five  frigates,  a  bomb  ketch,  the 
Province,  galley,  and  twenty-four  transports.  In  these  vessels  were 
embarked  a  regiment  of  marines,  and  five  regiments  of  provincials. 
The  expedition  sailed  from  Boston  on  the  18th  of  September,  ar 
rived  off  Port  Royal  on  the  24th,  and  on  the  1st  of  October  the  place 
submitted.  Its  name  was  changed  to  Annapolis,  by  which  appella 
tion  it  is  yet  known.  Stimulated  by  this  success,  a  still  more  impor 
tant  attempt  was  got  up  in  1711,  against  the  French  possessions  on 
the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  England  now  appeared  disposed  to 
put  forth  her  power  in  earnest,  and  a  fleet  of  fifteen  sail,  twelve  of 
which  were  sent  directly  from  England,  and  three  of  which  had  been 
stationed  on  the  coast,  were  put  under  the  orders  of  Vice-admiral  Sir 
Hovenden  Walker,  for  that  purpose.  In  this  fleet  were  several 
ships  of  the  line,  and  it  was  accompanied  by  forty  transports  and  six 
store  vessels.  Five  of  the  veteran  regiments  that  had  served  under 
Marlborough,  were  sent  out  with  the  fleet,  and  two  regiments  raised 
in  New  England  being  added  to  them,  the  land  forces  amounted  to 
between  6,000  and  7,000  men. 

After  considerable  delay,  the  fleet  sailed  on  the  30th  of  July,  1711, 
when  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts  ordered  a  fast  to  be  observed 
every  Thursday,  until  the  result  should  be  known.  On  the  14th  of 
August  the  ships  entered  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  on  the  18th  the  admi 
ral,  in  order  to  collect  his  transports,  put  into  the  bay  of  Gaspe.  Here 
he  remained  until  the  20th,  when  the  fleet  proceeded.  On  the  20th 
the  ships  were  off  soundings,  out  of  sight  of  land,  and  enveloped  in 
a  fog,  with  a  gale  at  E.  S.  E.  The  fleet  now  brought-to  with  the 
ships'  heads  to  the  southward.  Notwithstanding  this  precaution,  it 
was  soon  discovered  that  the  whole  of  them  were  in  imminent  jeop 
ardy  among  the  rocks,  islands,  and  currents  of  the  north-shore,  which 
was,  moreover,  a  lee  shore.  Some  of  the  vessels  saved  themselves 
by  anchoring,  among  which  was  the  Edgar,  70,  the  admiral's  own 
ship  :  but  eight  transports  were  lost,  together  with  a  thousand  people, 
and  the  expedition  was  abandoned.  The  admiral  now  dismissed  the 
provincial  troops  and  vessels,  and  sailed  for  England  with  the  re 
mainder  of  the  fleet.  These  signal  disasters  led  to  loud  complaints 
and  to  bitter  recriminations  between  the  English  and  American  offi 
cers.  To  the  latter  Avas  attributed  a  fatal  loss  of  time,  in  raising  their 
levies  and  making  other  preparations,  which  brought  the  expedition 
too  late  in  the  season,  and  they  were  also  accused  of  furnishing  in- 


28  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1717. 

competent  pilots.  It  is  probable  that  the  first  accusation  was  not 
without  foundation,  since  it  has  been  a  known  national  failing  to  de 
fer  all  military  preparations  to  the  latest  possible  moment,  from  the 
day  the  country  has  been  peopled  ;  though  the  last  was  no  doubt  un 
merited,  as  there  could  be  no  motive  for  furnishing  any  other  pilots 
than  the  best  that  the  colonies  possessed.  On  the  part  of  the  Ameri 
cans,  the  admiral,  and  the  English  commanders  in  general,  were 
said  to  be  opinionated  and  indisposed  to  take  advice ;  a  charge 
quite  as  likely  to  be  true,  as  it  also  accords  with  national  character, 
and  more  especially  with  the  superciliousness  with  which  the  English 
were  known  to  regard  the  provincials.  The  admiral  threw  the  re 
sponsibility  of  having  hove-to  the  fleet  on  the  pilots,  who,  in  their 
turn,  declared  that  it  was  done  contrary  to  their  advice.  Some 
French  pilots  are  said,  by  Charlevoix,  to  have  warned  the  admiral 
of  his  danger  also,  but  he  equally  disregarded  their  information.  It 
is  in  favour  of  the  provincials,  that,  one  small  victualler  excepted, 
none  of  their  own  vessels  were  lost,  and  that  the  crew  of  this  vic 
tualler  was  saved.  Many  of  the  pilots  were  sent  to  England  to  be 
examined  before  the  Privy  Council,  but  no  investigation  into  the  af 
fair  took  place.  The  loss  of  the  admiral's  papers  is  thought  to  have 
put  an  end  to  the  contemplated  inquiry,  the  Edgar  having  been 
blown  up,  by  accident,  at  Plymouth,  shortly  after  her  return,  by 
which  event  400  men  lost  their  lives  ;  thus  terminating  a  most  dis 
astrous  expedition  by  a  dire  calamity.  It  ought  to  be  mentioned, 
that  the  colonies  met  the  charge  of  delay,  by  showing  that  the  orders 
to  raise  troops,  and  to  make  the  other  requisite  preparations,  were 
received  only  sixteen  days  before  Sir  Hovenden  Walker  arrived  in 
port  with  his  fleet. 

As  late  as  the  year  1713,  Trumbull  enumerates  the  shipping  of 
Connecticut  at  only  2  brigs,  20  sloops,  and  a  number  of  smaller  craft. 
The  seamen  he  estimates  at  120 !  On  the  other  hand,  the  com 
merce  of  Massachusetts,  as  appears  by  the  custom-house  returns, 
taken  between  the  years  1714  and  1717,  employed  25,406  tons  of 
shipping,  492  vessels,  and  3493  sea-faring  persons.  The  first 
schooner,  a  description  of  vessel  now  so  much  in  use  in  America  as 
almost  to  be  deemed  national,  is  said  to  have  been  built  at  Cape  Ann, 
by  Captain  Henry  Robinson,  in  1714.  Her  name  has  been  unfor 
tunately  lost. 

The  pirates  rather  increased  than  diminished  after  the  peace  of 
1713,  frequenting  the  American  coast  much  more  than  had  been 
their  practice  in  the  preceding  century.  They  had  reached  to  New 
Providence,  whence  they  proceeded  both  north  and  south,  in  their 
predatory  excursions.  Samuel  Bellamy,  in  the  ship  Whidah,  of  23 
guns  and  130  men,  was  one  of  the  most  formidable  of  these  free 
booters,  and  he  even  had  the  audacity  to  come  off  the  coast  of  New 
England,  in  1717,  where  he  made  several  prizes.  At  length  he  was 
wrecked,  with  his  captured  vessels,  on  Cape  Cod,  and  most  of  the 
gang  were  lost.  More  than  a  hundred  bodies  washed  ashore,  and 
six  of  those  who  escaped  were  seized,  tried  at  Boston  and  executed. 
The  following  year,  the  celebrated  Captain  Woods  Rogers,  so  well 


1678.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  29 

known  for  his  exploits  on  the  Spanish  Main,  was  sent  against  New 
Providence,  with  a  small  squadron  of  King's  ships,  carrying  a  pro 
clamation  of  pardon  to  all  those  who  would  abandon  their  lawless 
practices,  and  return  to  honest  industry.  The  island  was  captured 
without  resistance,  and  possession  taken  for  the  English  crown. 
Most  of  the  freebooters  accepted  of  the  amnesty,  though  a  party  of 
ninety,  under  the  command  of  one  Vane,  seized  a  sloop,  and  made 
their  escape.  One  gang,  about  thirty  in  number,  repaired  to  the 
coast  of  the  Carolinas,  where  they  established  themselves  near  the 
mouth  of  Cape  Fear  River,  and  continued  their  depredations.  Mr. 
William  Rhett,  whose  gallantry  and  enterprise  have  already  been 
mentioned,  was  sent  out  against  them  by  Governor  Johnson  of  North 
Carolina,  in  a  vessel  of  some  force.  This  officer  captured  a  sloop 
commanded  by  Steed  Bonnet,  and  manned  by  thirty  of  the  free 
booters.  Shortly  after,  the  Governor  himself  went  in  person  against 
the  remainder,  and  falling  in  with  another  sloop,  a  desperate  en 
gagement  took  place,  in  which,  it  would  seem,  it  was  the  intention 
not  to  give  quarter,  as  nearly  all  in  the  sloop  were  slain.  Those 
who  escaped  death  in  the  action,  were  immediately  tried,  and,  with 
the  exception  of  one  man,  hanged.  These  severe  blows  did  much 
towards  clearing  the  coast  of  freebooters,  though  we  find  that  a  gang 
of  twenty-five  more  were  taken  into  Rhode  Island,  in  1723,  by  a 
British  sloop  of  war,  and  sentenced  to  be  hanged.  How  many  were 
executed,  is  not  known. 

The  peculiar  condition  of  America,  where  land  of  the  greatest 
fertility  abounded,  while  manual  labour  was  difficult  to  be  obtained, 
early  introduced  into  the  colonies  the  traffic  in  slaves,  though  it 
speaks  favourably  for  the  people  of  the  country,  that  they  generally 
received  this  species  of  succour  with  reluctance;  and  a  long  period 
elapsed  before  the  trade  became  important.  It  would  exceed  our 
proper  office  were  we  to  enter  into  a  continuous  history  of  this  branch 
of  American  commerce,  and  we  shall  confine  our  remarks,  therefore, 
to  the  few  facts  that  were  connected  with  its  navigation. 

The  first  negro  slaves  brought  into  the  country,  were  landed  from 
a  Dutch  man-of-war,  at  James  Town,  in  1620.*  Where  these  poor 
Africans  were  obtained  is  not  now  known,  but  they  were  most  prob 
ably  the  victims  of  perfidy.  The  increase  among  the  blacks  was 
very  slow,  however;  for  thirty  years  later  the  whites  of  Virginia  were 
said  to  outnumber  the  negroes,  in  the  proportion  of  fifty  to  one;  and 
even  when  the  colony  had  been  settled  seventy  years,  the  slaves 
were  not  at  all  numerous.f 

The  first  American  vessel  engaged  in  the  slave  trade,  of  which  we 
have  arty  account,  sailed  from  Boston,  for  the  coast  of  Guinea,  in 
1645,  having  been  fitted  out  by  Thomas  Keyser  and  James  Smith.! 
The  last  of  these  worthies  was  a  member  of  the  church.  To  the 
credit  of  the  people  of  Boston,  their  sense  of  right  revolted  at  the  act, 
the  parties  concerned  were  arraigned,  and  the  slaves  were  ordered  to 
be  restored  to  their  native  country  at  the  public  expense. 

*  Beverly.  t  Bancroft  t  Bancroft. 


80  NAVAL  HISTORY.  1739.] 

Reclemptioners  were  also  early  introduced  into  the  country  as  ser 
vants,  as  well  as  the  prisoners  taken  in  the  battles  of  the  civil  wars. 
Thus  the  John  and  Sarah,  which  arrived  at  Boston  in  1652,  brought 
with  her  freight  for  the  Scotch  prisoners  taken  at  Dunbar.*  Many 
of  the  Royalists  taken  at  the  battle  of  Worcester  were  also  trans 
ported  and  sold  into  servitude.  The  leaders  of  the  insurrection  of 
Penruddock  shared  the  same  fate.  Many  of  the  prisoners  taken  in 
Monmouth's  rebellion  were  sentenced  to  transportation  in  turn.  In 
deed,  at  this  period,  England  appeared  to  think  America  the  best 
receptacle  of  her  discontented,  whether  in  religion  or  politics. 

As  recently  as  1724,  the  importation  of  slaves  into  the  Carolines 
amounted  to  but  439  souls.  -The  trade  was  entirely  in  British  ships. 
At  a  later  day,  however,  Rhode  Island,  and  some  of  the  other  colo 
nies,  engaged  extensively  in  their  traffic. 

We  turn  with  satisfaction  to  the  whale  fisheries.  The  commence 
ment  of  this  manly,  lucrative,  and  hardy  pursuit  dates  from  an  early 
period  in  the  history  of  the  country.  The  whale  frequenting  the 
American  seas,  at  that  time,  the  people  of  the  coasts  kept  boats, 
organised  themselves  into  gansjs,  and  whenever  a  spout  was  seen, 
they  would  launch  in  pursuit.  This  irregular  system  prevailed  many 
years,  until  sloops,  and  other  small  craft,  began  to  be  employed  in 
the  offing.  These  vessels  would  range  the  coast,  as  far  south  as  the 
West  Indies,  and  north  to  Davis's  Straits.  They  occasionally  cross 
ed  to  the  Azores,  where  a  rich  booty  was  sometimes  obtained  in  the 
spermaceti. 

The  whale  fishery  on  a  larger  scale,  dates  from  about  the  middle 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  when  Massachusetts  in  particular,  engaged 
extensively  in  the  enterprise.  This  colony  alone  is  said  to  have  had 
no  less  than  three  hundred  vessels  employed  in  the  northern  and 
southern  whale  fisheries  previously  to  the  war  of  the  Revolution. 
Her  vessels  led  the  way  to  the  South  Atlantic,  to  the  African  coast, 
and  to  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

In  1731,  Pennsylvania  owned  6000  tons  of  shipping,  and  Massa 
chusetts  near  38,000,  of  which  about  one  half  were  in  the  European 
trade;  while  the  entrances  into  New  York  in  1737  reached  to  211 
sail,  and  the  clearances  to  220.  About  the  same  time  Philadelphia 
had  211  of  the  former,  and  215  of  the  latter.  At  this  period  in  the 
history  of  the  country  (1739,)  Newport  had  a  hundred  sail  of  ship 
ping  of  different  sizes. 

After  the  war  which  was  terminated  by  the  peace  of  Utrecht,  most 
of  the  maritime  colonies  employed  a  species  of  guarda-costas,  small 
armed  vessels,  that  were  maintained  for  the  suppression  of  piracies, 
and  for  the  general  protection  of  the  coasts.  Some  of  these  vessels 
were  commanded  by  voting  officers,  who  afterwards  rose  to  more  or 
less  distinction,  cither  at  home,  or  in  the  British  service.  Among 
others  was  Lieutenant  Wooster,  afterwards  Captain  Wooster,  who 
commanded  the  armed  vessel  employed  by  Massachusetts.  This 
gentleman  was  subsequently  killed  at  Danbury,  during  the  Revolu- 

*  Suffolk  County  Records,  as  given  by  Bancroft. 


1745.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  31 

tion,  holding  the  rank  of  a  Brigadier  General  in  the  militia  of  his 
native  state. 

England  declared  war  in  1739  against  Spain,  and  the  American 
Colonies  became  the  seat  of  many  of  her  preparations  and  levies. 
Natives  of  this  country  were  much  employed  in  the  different  expe 
ditions,  and  it  is  well  known  that  the  estate  which  has  since  acquired 
so  much  celebrity  on  account  of  its  having  been  the  property  of 
Washington,  obtained  the  appellation  of  Mount  Vernon  from  the 
circumstance  that  an  elder  brother,  from  whom  that  great  man  in 
herited  it,  had  served  in  the  celebrated  attack  against  Carthagena, 
under  the  admiral  of  that  name.  In  1741,  the  colonies  supplied 
many  of  the  transports  sent  against  Cuba. 

The  year  1744  became  memorable  in  the  history  of  the  colonies, 
by  another  declaration  of  war  against  France.  By  this  time  the  im 
portance  of  all  the  American  provinces,  whether  English,  French,  or 
Spanish,  wa^  certain  to  render  them,  more  or  less,  seats  of  the  con 
tests;  and  the  great  European  states  interested,  were  now  found 
seriously  exhibiting  their  power  in  the  Western  hemisphere.  The 
short  duration  of  the  war,  probably,  alone  prevented  America  from 
being  the  scene  of  those  severe  struggles  that  were  deferred  a  few 
years  by  the  peace  of  Aix  la  Chapelle.  Short  as  was  the  contest, 
however,  it  afforded  the  colonists  an  opportunity  of  manifesting  both 
their  spirit  and  their  resources,  by  an  expedition  against  Louisbourg. 

The  French  had  long  been  aware  of  the  importance  of  a  port  that 
commanded  the  entrance  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  as  Gibraltar  com 
mands  the  approach  to  the  Mediterranean,  and  vast  sums  of  money 
had  been  expended  on  the  fortifications  of  Louisbourg.  It  is  said 
that  no  less  than  $6,000,000  were  appropriated  to  this  object,  and  a 
quarter  of  a  century  had  been  consumed  in  the  preparations.  The 
place  was  so  formidable  as  to  have  been  termed  a  second  Dunkirk. 
So  conscious  had  Massachusetts  become  of  her  strength,  however, 
that  no  sooner  was  the  declaration  of  war  known,  than  Governor 
Shirley  laid  propositions  before  the  English  ministry  and  the  colonial 
legislature,  for  the  reduction  of  this  great  naval  and  military  station. 
The  General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  at  first,  was  afraid  to  embark 
in  so  serious  an  enterprise  without  assurances  of  support  from  home, 
as  England  was  then  affectionately  termed,  but  the  people  of  the 
colony  getting  a  knowledge  of  the  Governor's  wishes,  seconded  him 
so  strongly  with  petitions,  that  the  measure  was  finally  carried  by  a 
majority  of  one.  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island  and  New  Hampshire 
lent  their  aid,  and  by  the  25th  of  March,  1745,  the  expedition  was 
ready  to  sail.  Not  a  British  soldier  was  employed,  and  when  the 
fleet  left  Boston,  it  was  with  very  uncertain  hopes  of  being  supported 
by  any  of  the  king's  ships. 

The  land  forces,  all  levies  of  New  England,  no  other  colony  join 
ing  in  the  enterprise,  were  led  by  Colonel  William  Pepperel,  of  Kit- 
tery,  in  Maine,  and  the  fleet  was  commanded  by  Captain  Edward 
Tyng,  of  the  Massachusetts  colonial  marine.  The  naval  part  of 
these  forces  consisted  principally  of  vessels  equipped,  or  hired,  for 
this  cs;)«c.'ril  service.  There  appear  to  have  been  twelve  in  all, 


32  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1745. 


besides  the  transports,  the  largest  carrying  but  20  guns.  The  land 
forces  amounted  to  4070  men.  From  the  various  and  contradictory 
accounts  of  this  armament,  we  gather  the  following  list  of  the  colonial 
cruisers  engaged  in  the  expedition,  viz:  Ships,  Massachusetts,  20, 
Commodore  Tyng;  Cresar,  20,  Captain  Snelling; — Snows,  Shirley, 
20,  Captain  Rouse;  Prince  of  Orange,  16,  Captain  Smethurst; — 

Brig  Boston  Packet,  16,  Captain  Fletcher;  and  Sloops, 12, 

Donahue; 8,  Saunders; Bosch; — a  ship  hired  by  Rhode 

Island,  20,  Captain  Griifen,  and  two  vessels  of  16  guns  each,  belong 
ing  to  Connecticut. 

It  is  a  circumstance  worthy  of  being  mentioned,  as  characteristic 
of  the  manners  of  the  day,  and  of  the  habitual  thrift  ot  the  New 
England  colonists,  that  Governor  Shirley,  in  his  written  instructions, 
lays  great  stress  on  an  order  for  the  ships  to  go  well  provided  with 
cod-lines,  in  order  to  subsist  the  troops  and  seamen,  as  much  as  pos 
sible,  on  the  products  of  the  sea. 

The  fleet  reached  Canseau  on  the  4th  of  April,  where  it  remained 
some  weeks,  to  be  joined  by  the  levies  of  New  Hampshire  and  Con 
necticut,  as  well  as  to  allow  time  for  the  ice  to  dissolve  in  the  neigh 
bourhood  of  Cape  Breton.  For  the  first  time,  probably,  in  the  history 
of  the  colonies,  large  military  preparations  had  been  made  in  season, 
and  the  result  triumphantly  showed  the  benefit  of  the  unwonted 
alacrity.  Here  Commodore  Warren,  of  the  British  navy,  joined  the 
expedition,  with  a  part  of  the  West  India  squadron,  in  which  seas, 
and  on  the  American  coast,  he  had  long  commanded.  This  excellent 
and  efficient  officer,  than  whom  there  was  not  a  braver  in  the  British 
marine,  brought  with  him  the  Superb,  60,  and  three  ships  of  forty 
guns;  his  broad  pennant  flying  in  the  former.  Of  course,  he  as 
sumed  the  command  of  the  naval  operations,  though  great  distrust 
appears  to  have  existed  between  him  and  Colonel  Pepperel  to  the 
last.  Alter  a  conference  with  the  latter,  he  went  off  Louisbourg, 
which  he  blockaded. 

Louisbourg  was  invested  by  land  on  the  30th  of  April,  and  after  a 
vigorous  siege  of  forty-seven  days,  during  which  time  a  severe  can 
nonade  was  carried  on,  the  place  submitted.  The  French  flags  were 
kept  flying  for  some  time  after  the  surrender,  by  which  rust  two  East 
Indiamen  and  a  South  Sea  ship,  all  richly  laden,  were  decoyed  into 
the  mouth  of  the  harbour  and  captured.  The  value  of  these  three 
vessels  has  been  estimated  as  high  as  $3,000,000. 

While  cruising  off  the  port,  Commodore  Warren  captured  the 
French  man-of-war  Vigilant,  60,  with  troops  and  supplies  for  the 
garrison.  This  important  event,  no  doubt,  was  of  great  moment  to 
the  result  of  the  siege. 

Although  the  naval  part  of  the  colonial  expedition  could  have  been 
of  no  great  account  after  the  arrival  of  Commodore  Warren,*  it  took 
the  sea  with  creditable  vigour,  as  soon  as  Louisbourg  had  submitted. 
The  Shirley,  Galley,  20,  Captain  Rouse,  or  as  the  vessel  is  some- 

*  It  has  been  pretended  that  the  Vigilant  CO,  was  captured  by  the  colonial  ship  Massa 
chusetts  20,  Commodore  Tyng;  but  this  statement,  besides  being  highly  improbable  in 
itself,  is  not  properly  sustained  by  the  histories  of  the  day. 


1747.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  33 


times  called,  the  Snow,  Shirley,  captured  eight  French  vessels,  and, 
in  one  instance,  she  brought  in  two,  taken  after  an  obstinate  and 
gallant  resistance.  For  this  exploit,  that  officer  received  the  com 
mission  of  a  captain  in  the  King's  service. 

No  less  than  400  privateers  are  said  to  have  been  out  from  the 
colonies  in  this  war,  but  the  number  is  so  incredible  as  to  give  rise  to 
the  conjectures  that  the  estimate  includes  letters  of  marque  and  boats 
on  the  coast.  Nothing  worthy  of  much  notice  occurred  in  America, 
during  this  short  war,  besides  the  capture  of  Louisbourg,  and  this 
place  was  restored  to  the  French  at  the  peace. 

Previously,  however,  to  this  event,  the  French  menaced  the  whole 
of  the  American  coast,  from  Cape  Breton  to  the  Delaware,  with  two 
serious  invasions,  both  of  which  were  fortunately  defeated;  the  first 
by  the  elements,  and  the  second  by  the  victory  obtained  by  Admirals 
Anson  and  Warren,  in  1747.  The  peace  did  not  take  place  until  the 
following  year,  when  Acadie  was  finally  ceded  to  the  British  crown 
and  took  the  name  of  Nova  Scotia. 

The  general  interest  felt  in  the  fisheries,  and  the  desire  to  extend 
the  commerce  of  the  country,  caused  a  company  in  Philadelphia  to 
undertake  the  discovery  of  a  Northwest  passage.  With  this  object 
the  schooner  Argo,  Captain  Swaine,  sailed  for  Hudson's  Bay,  March 
4th,  1753.  After  an  absence  of  several  months  the  Argo  returned  to 
Philadelphia,  having  effected  little  more  than  obtaining  a  better 
knowledge  of  the  coast,  and  of  the  inlets  of  the  great  bays.  The 
following  year  the  attempt  was  repeated  with  still  less  success,  the 
vessel  having  lost  three  of  her  people  in  an  encounter  with  the  Indians. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Shipping  of  different  ports,  in  1750 — Practice  respecting  Midshipmen — Old  French  "War 
— Sharp  conflict  between  the  Thurloe  and  Les  Deux  Amis — Duty  on  stamps  and  tea — 
Burning  of  the  Gasp6 — Destruction  of  the  tea — Battle  of  Lexington. 

THE  peace  of  Aix  la  Chapelle  found  the  navigation  of  the  Ameri 
can  colonies'  in  a  very  flourishing  condition.  More  than  a  century 
had  elapsed  since  the  settlements  had  passed  the  ordeal  of  their  infant 
°truggles,  and  although  distant  from  each  other,  and  labouring  under 
,he  disadvantages  of  a  scattered  population,  they  were  fast  rising  to 
the  dignity  and  power  of  states.  The  necessity  of  maintaining  all 
their  more  important  communications  by  water,  had  a  direct  ten 
dency  to  encourage  a  disposition  to  the  sea,  and,  although  without  a 
regular  warlike  marine,  their  marcantile  tonnage  probably  equalled 
that  of  the  mother  country,  when  considered  in  reference  to  popu 
lation.  The  number  of  souls  in  all  the  provinces,  at  that  period,  did 
not  much  exceed  a  million,  if  the  Indians  be  excluded  from  the 
computation.  Of  the  tonnage  it  is  not  easy  to  speak  with  accuracy, 
though  v  e  possess  sufficient  authority  by  which  to  form  some  gene 
ral  estir  .ates.  The  year  of  the  peace,  500  vessels  sre  said  to  have 
vo"  .  i.  3 


34  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1750. 

cleared  from  the  single  port  of  Boston,  and  430  to  have  entered ;  this 
was  exclusively  of  coasters  and  fishing  vessels.  At  Portsmouth, 
New  Hampshire,  there  were  121  clearances  and  73  entries,  besides 
200  coasting  vessels  in  regular  employment.  The  trade  of  New 
York  and  Philadelphia  was  less  than  that  of  Boston,  but  still  re 
spectable.  Thus  in  1749,  or  the  year  succeeding  that  of  the  peace, 
the  clearances  at  Philadelphia  were  291,  and  the  entries  303;  while 
Boston,  during  the  same  period,  had  504  clearances  and  489  entries 
In  1750,  a  year  in  which  the  navigation  had  sensibly  diminished,  the 
clearances  of  the  former  port  were  286,  and  the  entries  232.  Many 
ports,  which  have  since  lost  most  of  their  navigation,  then  enjoyed  a 
respectable  trade,  among  which  maj  be  mentioned  Newport,  Rhode 
Island,  and  Perth  Amboy,  New  Jersey. 

The  settlements  extended  no  where  to  any  great  distance  from  the 
ocean,  the  entire  population  being  virtually  ranged  along  the  coast, 
of  which  the  American  colonies  then  possessed  rather  more  in  extent 
than  that  of  the  entire  coast  of  the  Island  of  Great  Britain.  Some 
of  the  writers  of  the  day  boast  that  the  tonnage  and  guns  employed 
in  privateers  out  of  the  colonies,  during  the  late  war,  had  exceeded 
the  tonnage  and  guns  of  the  royal  navy  of  England,  in  the  reign  of 
Queen  Elizabeth.  Although  many  of  the  clearances  and  entries 
just  enumerated,  were,  unquestionably,  those  of  vessels  owned  by  the 
mother  country,  there  is  no  doubt  that  a  very  fair  proportion  belong 
ed  to  the  provinces.  The  number  of  coasting  and  fishing  vessels,  in 
particular,  was  already  great,  Massachusetts  alone  owning  nearly  one 
vessel,  of  some  description  or  other,  for  each  hundred  inhabitants. 

Up  to  this  period,  the  common  white  oak  of  the  forest  was  the  wood 
principally  used  in  naval  constructions,  though  the  chestnut  was  also 
found  serviceable  in  particular  parts  of  the  frames.  The  white  oak 
of  North  America  varies  very  much  in  quality,  according  to  the  lati 
tude,  and  other  circumstances ;  that  which  grows  in  the  southern  dis 
trict,  as  well  as  that  which  grows  near  the  sea,  being  generally  more 
esteemed  than  that  which  is  found  further  north,  or  remote  from  the 
coast.  The  trees,  moreover,  which  have  been  left  in  the  open  lands, 
possess  a  value  that  does  not  belong  to  those  which  have  acquired 
all  their  properties  in  the  shades  of  the  forest.  But  a  new  era  in  ship 
building  was  at  hand,  through  the  introduction  of  a  wood  that  greatly 
abounded  in  the  more  southern  maritime  regions  of  British  America. 
In  1750,  a  vessel  called  the  Live  Oak  arrived  in  Charleston,  South 
Carolina,  having  been  built  of  the  invaluable  timber  after  which  she 
was  named,  which  was  now  discovered  to  be  one  of  the  best  materials 
for  naval  architecture  known.  The  Live  Oak  is  said  to  have  been 
the  first  vessel  in  which  this  wood  was  ever  used. 

About  this  time,  it  also  became  a  practice  among  the  gentry  of 
the  American  provinces,  to  cause  their  sons  to  be  entered  as  midship 
men  in  the  royal  navy.  Occasionally  an  American  had  been  trans 
ferred  from  the  colonial  marine  to  that  of  the  king,  but,  hitherto,  very 
few  boys  had  been  regularly  entered,  or  rated,  in  the  service,  with  & 
view  to  adopting  it  as  a  profession.-  The  circumstance  that  Wash 
ington  was  intended  for  such  a  life  is  generally  Known,  and  we  now 


1754.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  35 

look  back  to  the  tender  affection  of  his  mother,  which  alone  prevent 
ed  it,  as  to  a  Providential  interference  in  behalf  of  the  nation.  Many 
of  those  who  were  thus  placed  in  the  English  marine  rose  to  high 
stations,  and  several  have  been,  or  still  are,  classed  among  the  ablest 
and  most  useful  officers  in  the  employment  of  the  British  crown. 
We  might  even  point  to  a  painful  notoriety  that  a  few  obtained,  by 
their  activity  against  the  land  of  their  birth,  during  the  war  of  the 
Revolution. 

The  tranquility  established  by  the  treaty  of  Aix  la  Chapelle,  like 
that  produced  by  the  peace  of  Utrecht,  was  of  short  continuance. 
Disputes  early  commenced  between  the  English  and  French  provin 
ces,  in  relation  to  their  boundaries  ;  and  an  inland  war  actually  broke 
out  between  them  in  1754,  though  the  peace  of  Europe  was  not 
immediately  disturbed  by  this  remote  and  local  contest.  This  singu 
lar  state  of  things  continued  throughout  1755,  and  the  campaign  of 
that  year  was  one  of  the  most  important  that  had  then  occurred  on 
the  American  continent.  Both  nations  reinforced  their  troops  from 
Europe,  and  strong  squadrons  were  employed  to  protect  the  convoys; 
but  there  being  no  technical  hostilities,  commissions  were  not  issued 
to  letters  of  marque  and  privateers.  After  many  ineffectual  attempts 
at  an  accommodation,  however,  the  King  of  Great  Britain  made  a 
formal  declaration  of  war  on  the  17th  of  May,  1756. 

Such  was  the  commencement  of  the  struggle  that  in  America  is 
familiarly  called  "  the  old  French  war."  Although  this  contest  was 
of  the  last  importance  to  the  colonies,  by  driving  the  French  from 
their  part  of  the  continent,  and  by  leaving  the  savages  without  an 
ally,  its  events  were  more  properly  connected  with  the  movements  of 
armies,  than  with  any  naval  operations  of  magnitude,  so  far  as  the 
latter  belongs  to  the  subject  of  this  work.  The  beginning  of  the 
war  was  disastrous,  but  in  the  end,  the  celebrated  Earl  of  Chatham 
succeeded  in  infusing  a  portion  of  his  own  energy  into  the  councils 
of  the  King,  and  from  that  moment  the  most  brilliant  success  re 
warded  his  efforts. 

An  expedition  against  Louisbourg  was  attempted  in  1757,  under 
Admiral  Holbourn,  but  it  was  abandoned  on  ascertaining  that, 
besides  its  regular  garrison  and  important  works,  the  place  was  de 
fended  by  a  fleet  of  17  sail  of  the  line,  which  was  moored  in  the 
harbour.  We  learn  the  growing  importance  of  the  colonies  in  the 
forces  employed  on  this  occasion  ;  Louisbourg  having  a  garrison  of 
6000  regulars,  while  the  army  destined  to  attack  it,  mustered  aboul 
11,000  English  troops,  besides  provincials.  The  failure  appears  to 
have  arisen  out  of  the  superiority  of  the  French  in  ships. 

It  is  worthy  of  being  mentioned,  that,  while  the  English  fleet  was 
cruising  off  Louisbourg  it  met  with  a  heavy  gale,  in  which  one  of 
its  ships,  the  Tilbury,  was  wrecked,  and  more  than  two  hundred  of 
her  crew  were  drowned.  The  remainder  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
French,  who  with  the  humanity  and  courtesy  of  a  great  and  polished 
nation,  sent  the  sufferers  to  Halifax,  under  the  protection  of  a  flag 
of  truce. 

Although  Spain  became  a  party  in  the  war  in  1762,  on  the  side  of 


36  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1756-62. 

France,  the  circumstance  did  not  materially  vary  the  nature  of  the 
exertions  of  the  colonies,  which  were  mainly  directed  to  the  reduc 
tion  of  the  Canadas.  Martinique  and  the  Havanna  were  both 
captured,  but  the  fleets  employed  by  the  English  were  on  a  scale  too 
large  to  require  the  aid  of  the  light  vessels  of  the  provinces.  Many 
Americans  served  in  these  enterprises,  both  by  land  and  by  water, 
but,  as  is  always  the  case,  when  there  is  metropolitan  power  to  claim 
the  glory,  the  credit  due  their  exertions  was  absorbed  in  the  renown 
of  the  mother  country. 

Peace  was  signed  on  the  10th  of  February,  1763,  and  from  that 
day  France  ceased  to  claim  any  portion  of  the  American  Continent 
north  of  Louisiana,  with  the  exception  of  two  insignificant  fishing 
stations,  near  the  outlet  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  The  conquests  of 
this  war  were  an  incipient  step  towards  the  eventual  independence 
of  the  colonies,  since  the  latter  found  themselves  without  any  enemy 
in  their  vicinity,  to  cause  them  to  lean  on  England  for  succour,  or  to 
divert  their  policy  from  those  domestic  measures  which  were  more 
immediately  connected  with  their  internal  prosperity. 

The  northern  colonies  gained  much  credit  by  their  exertions  in  the 
late  war,  having  raised  a  respectable  army  ;  but  less  mention  is  made 
of  their  privateers  than  might  have  been  supposed ;  from  which  we 
are  led  to  infer,  that  the  enterprises  of  this  nature  did  not  attract  as 
much  attention  as  those  which  had  characterised  the  earlier  struggles 
of  the  country. 

At  the  close  of  this  great  contest,  the  original  American  colonies, 
or  those  which  have  since  constituted  the  United  States,  without 
including  the  Floridas  and  Louisiana,  are  supposed  to  have  con 
tained  more  than  1,200,000  souls,  exclusively  of  Indians.  Censuses 
were  actually  taken  in  one  or  two  of  the  provinces.  That  of  Massa 
chusetts  gave  a  return  a  little  exceeding  245,000,  including  5000 
people  of  colour.  That  of  Maryland,  taken  in  1755,  gave  a  total 
of  107,208  whites,  a  number  considerably  exceeding  the  estimates 
after  the  peace. 

This  wrar,  while,  on  the  part  of  the  colonists,  it  was  so  much  con 
fined  to  expeditions  by  land,  afforded,  notwithstanding,  some  instan 
ces  of  hardihood  and  gallantry  on  the  part  of  the  privateers,  of  which, 
as  usual,  more  or  less  were  at  sea.  One  of  these  actions  deserves  to 
be  noticed,  as  it  was  among  the  most  obstinate  of  which  we  possess 
any  authentic  accounts.  It  was  in  January,  1758,  that  the  privateer 
Thurloe,  14,  Captain  Mantle,  fell  in  with  the  French  privateer  Les 
Deux  Amis,  10,  Captain  Felix.  The  Thurloe  had  a  crew  of  84 
men,  and  Les  Deux  Amis  a  crew  of  98.  Perceiving  the  superiority 
of  his  antagonist  in  guns,  the  Frenchman  endeavored  to  escape,  but 
finding  this  impossible,  he  ran  him  athwart  hawse,  and  made  a  noble 
effort  to  carry  him  by  boarding.  He  was  met  by  a  resolution  equal 
to  his  own,  and  for  more  than  two  hours  these  small  vessels  are  said 
to  have  remained  foul  of  each  other,  their  crews  contending  for  vic 
tory,  with  all  the  implements  of  destruction  known  to  the  warfare  of 
the  day.  The  Thurloe  alone,  is  said  to  have  thrown  no  fewer  than 
300  powder  flasks  and  72  stinkpots,  on  board  her  enemy,  besides 


1763.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  37 

making  a  liberal  use  of  her  guns  and  small  arms.  The  Deux  Amis 
struck,  probably  subdued  by  the  metal  of  her  adversary,  but  not 
until  she  had  rendered  the  combat  one  of  the  bloodiest  in  naval 
annals,  by  the  obstinacy  of  her  resistance.  The  Thurloe  had  12 
men  killed,  and  25  wounded ;  Les  Deux  Amis  had  more  than  80 
of  her  people  included  in  the  casualties. 

Although  the  history  of  this  action  is  liable  to  the  distrust  that  ac 
companies  all  accounts  that  are  not  subjected  to  the  investigation  of 
official  forms  and  official  scrutiny,  it  appears  to  be  given,  in  the 
accounts  of  the  day,  with  a  particularity  that  renders  it  worthy  of 
credit. 

Immediately  after  the  peace  of  1763,  commenced  that  legislative 
usurpation  on  the  part  of  the  mother  country,  which  twenty  years 
later  terminated  in  the  independence  of  the  colonies.  It  \vould  ex 
ceed  the  proper  limits  of  a  work  of  this  character,  to  enter  into  the 
details  of  that  eventful  period,  or  minutely  to  trace  the  progress  of  a 
system  of  encroachments  that  gradually  undermined  the  allegiance 
of  a  people,  whose  confiding  affection  still  resists  the  animosities  of 
two  wars,  and  the  jealousies  and  competition  of  commerce. 

America,  at  the  period  of  which  we  write,  had  that  mental  depend 
ence  on  the  mother  country,  which  the  province  is  known  to  feel  for 
the  metropolis ;  exaggerating  its  virtues,  palliating  its  defects,  and 
substituting  its  own  images  for  reason  and  truth.  The  temporary 
alienation  that  succeeded  was  the  work  of  time,  and  it  required  more 
than  ten  years  of  progressive  innovations,  on  the  part  of  the  parlia 
ment  of  Great  Britain,  before  the  more  daring  and  far-sighted  of  the 
American  leaders  could  bring  the  body  of  the  people  up  to  the  point 
of  open  resistance.  All  this  time,  however,  the  provinces  were 
rapidly  increasing  in  numbers,  in  resources,  and  in  a  spirit  of  na 
tionality,  as  opposed  to  the  ancient  sentiment,  which  identified  the 
children  of  the  colonists  with  a  land  that  they  still  loved  to  term 
**  home."  As  the  causes  which  led  to  the  great  results  that  followed 
lay  deeper  than  it  was  usual  for  the  writers  of  the  day  to  consider, 
a  passing  word  on  so  grave  a  subject  may  not  be  thrown  away. 

In  the  age  when  the  American  colonies  were  founded,  and  re 
ceived  their  different  charters  from  the  crown,  the  prerogative  of  the 
King  of  England  was  active,  the  monarch  effectually  ruling  the  em 
pire,  checked  by  the  other  branches  of  the  government.  The  rela 
tion  between  a  prince  and  his  subjects  is  simple,  and,  when  not 
diverted  from  its  legitimate  direction,  it  is  fostering  and  paternal. 
Under  such  circumstances,  and  especially  when  there  exists  no  un 
usual  sources  of  irritation,  the  several  parts  of  an  extended  empire 
may  be  governed  equitably  and  on  a  common  principle  of  justice. 
The  monarch  of  one  portion  of  the  territories  is  the  monarch  of 
another,  and  he  is  supposed  equally  to  respect  the  rights  and  inter 
ests  of  all.  But,  when  the  revolution  of  1688  put  the  House  of 
Hanover  on  the  throne,  a  system  of  ministerial  responsibility  was 
established,  that  gradually  reduced  the  power  of  the  crown,  until  the 
ministers,  who,  in  effect,  form  the  executive  of  Great- Britain,  got  to 
be  the  creatures  of  parliament,  instead  of  remaining  the  real  servants 


38  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1773. 

of  the  prince.  It  is  true,  that  the  King  named  his  cabinet,  or  rather 
its  head ;  but  he  was  compelled  to  name  those  that  parliament  se 
lected,  or  the  latter  stopped  the  supplies.  This  was  effectually  sub 
stituting  the  power  of  parliament,  in  all  the  more  important  relations 
of  the  empire,  for  that  of  the  king;  and,  as  parliament  was  com 
posed  of  a  representation,  direct  and  indirect,  of  a  small  part  of  the 
territory  nominally  subject  to  the  British  Crown,  it  followed  as  a 
consequence,  that  this  portion  of  the  empire,  by  extending  its  legis- 
tion  unduly  over  the  others,  was  substituting  a  new  and  dangerous 
master,  for  a  prince  who  might  be  supposed  to  know  no  difference 
in  his  affection  for  his  subjects. 

While,  however,  this  was  probably  the  principle  that  lay  at  the 
root  of  the  difficulties  with  America,  few  saw  it  in  theory  ;  facts  in 
variably  preceding  opinion  in  a  country  as  purely  practical  as  this. 
Legislative  usurpation,  in  the  abstract,  was  resisted  ;  while  few  per 
ceived  the  difference  between  a  legislation  that  was  effectually 
checked  by  the  veto  of  an  independent  monarch,  bearing  an  equal 
relation  to  all  the  parts  of  a  vast  empire,  and  a  legislation  that  not 
only  held  this,  but  all  the  other  material  powers  of  the  crown,  directly 
or  indirectly,  in  subjection. 

Empires  may  be  held  together  when  the  several  parts  are  ruled 
by  a  central  power  that  has  a  common,  just,  and  obvious  interest  in 
all ;  but  nothing  short  of  force  can  compel  the  possessors  of  one  de 
tached  territory  to  be  subservient  to  the  interests  of  the  possessors  of 
another.  This  great  obstacle,  then,  lay  at  the  root  of  the  difficulties, 
and,  keeping  out  of  view  the  questions  of  the  day,  which  arose  as 
consequences  rather  than  as  causes,  it  is  now  clear  that  the  connex 
ion  could  not  have  been  perpetuated,  while  a  «mall  fragment  of  the 
empire  so  absolutely  controlled  the  great  and  moving  power  of  the 
state. 

Among  the  offensive  measures  adopted  by  parliament  was  a  duty 
on  stamps,  and  another  on  tea.  By  the  first,  vessels  could  not  regu 
larly  proceed  to  sea,  unless  furnished  with  the  required  stamps  ;  yet 
so  strong  was  the  opposition,  that  ships  actually  ventured  on  the 
ocean  without  the  necessary  papers ;  nor  is  it  known  that  any  seri 
ous  consequences  resulted  from  so  bold  a  step.  In  the  end,  the 
stamp-officers  having  resigned,  and  no  one  being  willing  to  incur  the 
odium  of  filling  their  places,  the  courts  of  justice  themselves,  trans 
acted  business  without  regard  to  those  forms  that  the  acts  of  parlia 
ment  had  rendered  necessary.  This  tax  was  finally  abandoned,  and 
substitutes  were  sought,  that  were  believed  to  be  more  manageable. 
Fresh  attempts  to  enforce  the  navigation  act,  which  had  virtually 
become  a  dead  letter,  were  made  in  1768,  and  a  sloop  from  Madeira, 
loaded  with  wine,  was  actually  seized  in  Boston,  and  placed  under 
the  guns  of  the  Romney  man-of-war.  A  mob  followed,  and  the 
public  officers  were  compelled  to  seek  protection  in  the  castle. 

Great  Britain  had  never  maintained  a  body  of  troops  in  her  colo 
nies,  except  to  protect  them  against  the  French  and  Indians.  These 
soldiers  had  hitherto  been  principally  kept  on  remote  frontiers ;  but 
regiments  were  now  sent  to  Boston,  evidently  with  a  view  to  enforce 


1772.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  39 

the  assumed  ascendency  of  the  British  Parliament.  This  step  added 
greatly  to  the  discontent,  and  eventually  was  the  direct  cause  of  the 
commencement  of  hostilities. 

One  of  the  first  overt  acts  of  resistance  that  took  place  in  this  cel 
ebrated  struggle,  occurred  in  1772,  in  the  waters  of  Rhode  Island. 
A  vessel  of  war  had  been  stationed  on  the  coast  to  enforce  the  laws, 
and  a  small  schooner,  with  a  light  armament  and  twenty-seven  men, 
called  the  Gaspe",  was  employed  as  a  tender,  to  run  into  the  shallow 
waters  of  that  coast.  On  the  17th  of  June,  1772,  a  Providence 
packet,  that  plied  between  New  York  and  Rhode  Island,  named  the 
Hannah,  and  commanded  by  a  Captain  Linzee,  hove  in  sight  of  the 
man-of-war,  on  her  passage  up  the  bay.  The  Hannah  was  ordered 
to  heave-to,  in  order  to  be  examined  ;  but  her  master  refused  to  com 
ply  ;  and  being  favoured  by  a  fresh  southerly  breeze,  that  was  fast 
sweeping  him  out  of  gunshot,  the  Gasp6  was  signalled  to  follow. 
The  chase  continued  for  five-and-twenty  miles,  under  a  press  of  sail, 
when  the  Hannah  coming  up  with  a  bar,  with  which  her  master  was 
familiar,  and  drawing  less  water  than  the  schooner,  Captain  Linzee 
led  the  latter  on  a  shoal,  where  she  struck.  The  tide  falling,  the 
Gaspe  sewed,  and  was  not  in  a  condition  to  be  removed  for  several 
hours. 

The  news  of  the  chase  was  circulated  on  the  arrival  of  the  Hannah 
at  Providence.  A  strong  feeling  was  excited  among  the  population, 
and  towards  evening  the  town  drummer  appeared  in  the  streets,  as 
sembling  the  people  in  the  ordinary  manner.  As  soon  as  a  crowd 
was  collected,  the  drummer  led  his  followers  in  front  of  a  shed  tha 
stood  near  one  of  the  stores,  when  a  man  disguised  as  an  Indian  sud 
denly  appeared  on  the  roof,  and  proclaimed  a  secret  expedition  for 
that  night,  inviting  all  of"  stout  hearts"  to  assemble  on  the  wharf, 
precisely  at  nine,  disguised  like  himself.  At  the  appointed  hour, 
most  of  the  men  in  the  place  collected  at  the  spot  designated,  when 
sixty-four  were  selected  for  the  undertaking  that  was  in  view. 

This  party  embarked  in  eight  of  the  launches  of  the  different  ves 
sels  lying  at  the  wharves,  and  taking  with  them  a  quantity  of  paving 
stones,  they  pulled  down  the  river  in  a  body.  The  commander  is 
supposed  to  have  been  a  Captain  Whipple,  who  afterwards  held  a 
commission  in  the  service  of  Congress,  but  none  of  the  names  were 
publicly  mentioned  at  the  time.  On  nearing  the  Gaspe",  about  two 
in  the  morning,  the  boats  were  hailed  by  a  sentinel  on  deck.  This 
man  was  driven  below  by  a  volley  of  stones.  The  commander  of 
the  Gaspe  now  appeared,  and  ordering  the  boats  off,  he  fired  a  pistol 
at  them.  This  discharge  was  returned  from  a  musket,  and  the  offi 
cer  was  shot  through  the  thigh.  By  this  time,  the  crew  of  the  Gaspe" 
had  assembled,  and  the  party  from  Providence  boarded.  The  con 
flict  was  short,  the  schooner's  people  being  knocked  down  and  se 
cured.  All  on  board  were  put  into  the  boats,  and  the  Gaspe  was  set 
on  fire.  Towards  morning  she  blew  up. 

This  bold  step  naturally  excited  great  indignation  in  the  British 
officers,  and  all  possible  means  were  taken  to  discover  the  offenders. 
The  Government  at  home  offered  a  reward  of  £1000  sterling  for  the 


40  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1773. 


leader,  and  £500  to  any  person  who  would  discover  the  other  par 
ties,  with  the  promise  of  a  pardon  should  the  informer  be  an  accom 
plice.  But  the  feeling  of  the  times  was  too  high  for  the  ordinary 
means  of  detection,  no  evidence  having  ever  been  obtained  sufficient 
even  to  arraign  a  solitary  individual,  notwithstanding  a  Commission 
of  Inquiry,  under  the  Great  Seal  of  England,  sat  with  that  object, 
from  January  to  June,  during  the  year  1773. 

Although  this  affair  led  to  no  immediate  results,  it  doubtless  had 
its  influence  in  widening  the  breach  between  the  opposing  parties, 
and  it  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  in  it  was  shed  the  first  blood  that 
flowed  in  the  struggle  for  American  Independence  ;  the  whole  trans 
action  being  as  direct  a  resistance  to  oppression,  as  the  subsequent, 
and  better  known  fight  at  Lexington. 

The  year  1773  is  memorable  in  American  history,  for  the  resist 
ance  made  by  the  colonists  to  tiie  duty  on  tea.  By  means  of  some 
management  on  the  part  of  the  British  ministry,  in  permitting  the 
East  India  Company  to  export  their  teas  free  of  charges,  it  was  pos 
sible  to  sell  the  article  at  a  lower  rate  in  America,  subject  to  the  duty, 
than  it  could  be  sold  previously  to  the  imposition  of  the  tax.  Fan 
cying  that  this  circumstance  would  favour  the  views  of  all  the  par 
ties  in  Europe,  for  the  warehouses  of  the  company  were  glutted  in 
consequence  of  the  system  of  non-importation  adopted  by  the  colo 
nists,  several  cargoes  were  sent  to  different  ports,  including  New 
York,  Philadelphia,  Charleston  and  Boston.  The  inhabitants  of 
the  two  former  places  compelled  the  ships  to  return  to  London, 
without  unloading,  while  the  people  of  Charleston  caused  their  vessel 
to  be  discharged,  and  the  tea  to  be  stored  in  damp  cellars,  where  it 
finally  spoiled. 

Three  ships  loaded  with  the  offensive  article  had  been  sent  to 
Boston,  and  the  inhabitants  succeeded  in  persuading  their  masters 
to  consent  to  return  to  London,  without  discharging,  but  the  con 
signees  refused  to  release  them  from  their  charter-parties,  while  the 
authorities  denied  the  necessary  clearances.  The  Governor  even 
withheld  the  permit  necessary  to  pass  the  fort.  This  conduct  pro 
duced  great  excitement,  and  preparations  were  made  to  destroy  the 
tea,  under  an  apprehension  that  it  might  be  gradually  and  clandes 
tinely  landed.  Suddenly,  in  the  dusk  of  the  evening,  a  party  dis 
guised  as  Indians,  and  which  has  been  differently  represented  as 
composed  of  twenty  men  up  to  eighty,  appeared  in  the  streets, 
marching  swiftly  in  the  direction  of  the  wharves.  It  was  followed 
by  a  mob,  and  proceeded  to  one  of  the  tea-ships,  which  it  boarded, 
and  of  which  it  took  possession  without  resistance.  The  hatches 
were  broken  open,  and  the  chests  of  tea  were  struck  on  deck,  stared, 
and  their  contents  were  thrown  into  the  water.  The  whole  pro 
ceedings  were  conducted  in  the  most  orderly  manner,  and  with  little 
or  no  noise,  the  labourers  seldom  speaking.  So  much  mystery 
attended  this  affair,  that  it  is  not  easy,  even  at  this  remote  day,  to 
ascertain  all  the  particulars  ;  and,  although  the  names  of  the  actors 
have  been  mentioned  openly  of  late,  for  a  long  period  apprehensions 
are  said  to  have  been  entertained,  by  some  engaged — men  of  wealth 


1773.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  41 

— that  they  might  yet  be  made  the  subjects  of  a  prosecution  for  dam 
ages,  by  the  East  India  Company.  Three  hundred  and  forty-two 
chests  of  tea  were  destroyed,  which  was  probably  the  cargo  of  a 
single  ship,  the  two  others  quitting  the  port  soon  after. 

This  daring  act  was  followed  by  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  a  political 
measure  that  was  equally  high-handed,  since  it  denied  the  people  of 
the  town  all  direct  participation  in  commerce.  This  sudden  check, 
at  twenty  days'  notice,  to  the  trade  of  a  place  that,  the  previous  year, 
had  seen  411  clearances,  and  587  entries,  to  and  from  foreign  ports, 
produced  much  distress  in  the  town  itself,  and  greater  indignation 
throughout  the  country.  It  had  been  the  misfortune  of  England, 
never  to  understand  the  character  of  the  people  of  the  American 
colonies ;  for,  accustomed  to  dependencies  that  had  been  humbled 
by  conquest,  she  had  not  yet  learned  to  appreciate  the  spirit  of  those 
who  were  rapidly  shooting  up  into  political  manhood  by  their  own 
efforts,  and  who  had  only  placed  themselves  in  the  situation  they  oc 
cupied,  because  they  had  found  the  liberty  of  England  herself,  in 
sufficient  for  their  opinions  and  wants. 

The  people  now  began  seriously  to  prepare  for  an  appeal  to  force, 
and  they  profited  by  the  liberty  that  was  still  left  them,  to  organise 
military  corps,  with  a  view  to  recover  that  which  they  had  lost.  A 
Congress  of  representatives  from  the  different  colonies  convened, 
and  a  system  of  organisation  and  concert  was  adopted,  that  served 
to  unite  as  many  as  possible  in  the  struggle  that  was  fast  approaching. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1774,  various  steps  were  taken  in 
different  parts  of  the  country,  that  had  a  direct  bearing  on  the  civil 
war  that  was  known  to  be  at  hand.  Laws  had  been  passed  in  Eng 
land,  prohibiting  the  exportation  of  arms  and  military  supplies  to 
America,  and  the  cannon  and  powder  of  the  Crown  were  seized  at 
various  points,  either  by  the  local  governments,  or  by  private  indi 
viduals.  Twenty-six  guns,  of  different  calibers,  were  found  on  Fort 
Island  and  carried  to  Providence,  and  the  people  of  Rhode  Island 
are  said  to  have  got  possession,  in  the  wrhole,  of  quite  forty  guns,  by 
these  bold  measures.  At  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire,  a  body  of 
400  men  proceeded  to  the  castle,  at  the  harbour's  mouth,  kept  the 
garrison  in  check,  and  breaking  open  the  magazine,  they  carried  off 
one  hundred  barrels  of  powder. 

While  means  like  these  were  used  to  collect  the  necessary  mili 
tary  equipments,  provisions,  as  well  as  arms,  were  collected  in  dif 
ferent  parts  of  the  country,  in  readiness  for  a  campaign.  Among 
other  d«p6ts  of  this  nature  one  had  been  made  at  Concord,  a  small 
town  at  the  distance  of  eighteen  miles  from  Boston,  and  General 
Gage,  who  commanded  the  British  forces  in  America,  deemed  it  es 
sential  that  it  should  be  destroyed.  A  strong  detatchment  was  sent 
on  this  service,  and  it  fell  in  with  a  small  body  of  American  minute- 
men  at  Lexington.  These  militia  were  dispersed  by  a  volley,  in 
which  "a  few  men  were  killed.  This  affair  has  always  been  consid 
ered  the  commencement  of  the  W&r  of  the  Revolution  ;  and  justly, 
as  the  hostilities  which  were  then  commenced  did  not  cease,  until  the 
Independence  of  the  Colonies  was  acknowledged  by  Treaty.  The 


42  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1774. 

British  proceeded  to  Concord,  where  they  effected  their  object 
though  not  without  resistance.  The  people  now  began  to  collect  in 
force,  and  as  soon  as  the  British  resumed  their  march,  on  their  re 
turn  to  Boston,  they  were  assailed  by  the  former  from  behind  the 
walls  and  fences.  So  vigorously  were  the  troops  pressed  on  this  oc 
casion,  that  it  is  thought  they  must  have  surrendered,  had  they  not 
been  met  by  a  strong  reinforcement,  commanded  by  Lord  Percy, 
which  enabled  them  to  halt  and  recover  their  breath.  As  soon  as 
the  march  was  resumed,  however,  the  provincials  renewed  the  attack, 
and  the  British  did  not  succeed  in  gaining  a  place  of  security,  until 
they  reached  Charlestown  neck.  In  this  affair  the  loss  of  the  Amer 
icans  has  been  ascertained  to  have  amounted  to  50  killed,  34 
wounded,  and  4  missing ;  that  of  the  British  to  73  killed,  174  wound 
ed,  and  26  prisoners. 

The  intelligence  of  this  important  event  circulated  like  a  raging 
fire  throughout  the  country,  and  it  was  received  every  where  as  a  call 
to  battle.  Reserve  was  thrown  aside  ;  the  population  flew  to  arms, 
and  the  military  stores  of  the  Crown  were  seized  wherever  they  could 
be  found.  An  irregular  body  of  20,000  men  appeared  before  Bos 
ton,  with  incredible  rapidity,  and  formed  a  line  confining  the  royal 
army  to  the  occupation  of  the  town.  With  a  view  to  reduce  their 
enemies  to  still  narrower  limits,  Breed's  Hill,  a  height  that  com 
mands  the  inner  harbor  of  Boston,  was  seized,  and  a  redoubt  com 
menced.  This  step  brought  on  the  combat  that  has  since  been 
termed  the  Battle  of  Bunker's  Hill,  one  of  the  most  extraordinary 
conflicts  of  modern  times,  and  which  may  be  said  to  have  given  birth 
to  American  Independence.  Washington  was  appointed  Com 
mander  in  Chief  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  Colonies,  and  the 
war  commenced  under  the  usual  laws  of  civilised  nations,  with  the 
exception  of  the  formality  of  a  declaration. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Privateers — First  naval  action  of  the  Revolution — Schooner  Lee,  Capt.  Manly,  captures 
the  English  brig  Nancy — Congress  orders  the  construction  of  vessels  of  war— Appor 
tionment  of  the  first  officers  of  the  navy — Its  management — Esek  Hopkins,  Esq.  ap 
pointed  "  Commander  in  Chief — First  regular  cruisers — Expedition  of  Commodore 
Hopkins — Contest  with  the  Glasgow — The  Edward  captured  by  the  Lexington 

THE  thirteen  United  Colonies  that  now  commenced  a  struggle 
with  the  mother  country,  not  to  obtain  a  political  independence,  lor 
few  thought  of  so  great  a  change  when  blood  was  first  shed,  but  to 
regain  rights  that  were  inherent  in  the  governing  principles  of  the 
institutions  under  which  they  had  long  lived,  and  which  were  assured 
to  them  formally  in  a  variety  of  ways,  possessed  but  scanty  means 
to  contend  with  a  power  like  that  of  Britain.  Their  population  was 
less  than  three  millions,  their  pecuniary  resources  were  of  no  great 


1775.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  43 

amount,  and  their  military  preparation*  insignificant.  But  the  fire 
of  true  patriotism  had  been  kindled,  and  that  which  in  other  nations 
is  effected  by  means  of  laboured  combinations  and  political  manage 
ment,  the  people  of  America  were  bent  on  doing  of  their  own  vol 
untary  motion  and  united  efforts.  The  colonies  of  New  England,  in 
particular,  which  possessed  a  population 'trained  to  liberty;  hardy, 
simple,  ingenious  and  brave;  rose  as  it  might  be  to  a  man,  and  as 
this  was  the  part  of  the  country  in  which  the  flame  broke  out,  thither 
we  must  first  direct  our  attention  in  order  to  find  the  earliest  evi 
dences  of  its  intensity. 

On  the  ocean,  the  preparations  for  the  struggle  were  even  smaller 
than  those  which  had  been  made  on  the  land.  Congress  had  done 
nothing,  and  the  provisions  for  naval  defence  which,  from  time  to 
time,  had  existed  among  the  different  colonies,  had  never  amounted 
to  more  than  maintaining  the  few  guarda-costas  already  mentioned, 
or  to  the  temporary  exertions  of  an  expedition.  As  soon  as  the 
struggle  commenced  in  earnest,  however,  the  habits  of  the  people, 
their  aptitude  for  sea  service,  and  the  advantages  of  both  a  public  and 
a  private  nature,  that  were  to  be  obtained  from  successful  cruising, 
induced  thousands  to  turn  longing  eyes  to  an  element  that  promised 
so  many  flattering  results.  Nothing  but  the  caution  of  Congress, 
which  body  was  indisposed  at  first  to  act  as  if  general  warfare, 
instead  of  a  redress  of  grievances,  was  its  object,  prevented  a  rushing 
towards  the  private  cruisers,  that  would  probably  have  given  the 
commerce  of  England  a  heavier  and  a  more  sudden  blow,  than  it 
had  ever  yet  received.  But  a  different  policy  was  pursued,  and  the 
orders  to  capture,  first  issued,  were  confined  to  vessels  bringing  stores 
and  supplies  to  the  British  forces  in  America.  It  was  as  late  as  the 
lOih  of  Nov.  1775,  before  Massachusetts,  the  colony  which  was  the 
seat  of  war,  and  which  may  be  said  to  have  taken  the  lead  in  the 
revolt,  established  courts  of  admiralty,  and  enacted  laws  for  the 
encouragement  of  nautical  enterprise.  Washington  followed  this 
example  by  granting  commissions  to  vessels  to  cruise  in  the  vicinity 
of  Boston,  with  the  object  already  stated.  But  a  due  examination 
of  the  practical  measures  of  that  day,  will  render  it  necessary  to 
separate  the  subject  into  three  branches ;  viz.  one  that  refers  solely  to 
the  exertions  of  private,  and  frequently  of  unauthorised  adventures; 
another  that  shall  speak  of  the  proceedings  of  the  different  colonies; 
and  a  last,  which  more  properly  comprises  the  theme  of  this  work, 
that  shall  refer  to  the  policy  pursued  by  Congress,  in  behalf  of  the 
entire  nation.  In  making  these  distinctions,  we  shall  be  compelled 
to  use  brevity,  as  but  few  authentic  authorities  now  exist,  and  because 
the  sameness  and  unimportance  of  many  of  the  details  deprive  the 
subject  of  any  interest  beyond  that  which  is  connected  with  a  proper 
understanding  of  the  true  condition  of  the  country. 

The  first  nautical  enterprise  that  succeeded  the  battle  of  Lexing 
ton,  was  one  purely  of  private  adventure.  The  intelligence  of  this 
conflict  was  brought  to  Machias  in  Maine,  on  Saturday,  the  9th  of 
May,  1775.  An  armed  schooner  in  the  service  of  the  crown,  called 
the  Margaretta,  was  lying  in  port,  with  two  sloops  under  her  convoy, 


44  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1775. 

that  were  loading  with  lumber  on  behalf  of  the  King's  government. 

The  bearers  of  the  news  were  enjoined  to  be  silent,  a  plan  to  cap 
ture  the  Margaretta  having  been  immediately  projected  among  some 
of  the  more  spirited  of  the  inhabitants.  The  next  day  being  Sunday, 
it  was  hoped  that  the  officers  of  the  schooner  might  be  seized  while 
in  church,  but  the  scheme  failed  in  consequence  of  the  precipitation 
of  some  engaged.  Captain  Moore,  who  commanded  the  Margaretta, 
saw  the  assailants,  and,  with  his  officers,  escaped  through  the  win 
dows  of  the  church  to  the  shore,  where  they  were  protected  by  the 
guns  of  their  vessel.  The  alarm  was  now  taken,  springs  were  got 
on  the  Margaretta's  cables,  and  a  few  harmless  shot  were  fired  over 
the  town,  by  way  of  intimidation.  After  a  little  delay,  however,  the 
schooner  dropped  down  below  the  town,  to  a  distance  exceeding  a 
league.  Here  she  was  followed,  summoned  to  surrender,  and  fired 
on  from  a  high  bank,  which  her  own  shot  could  not  reach.  The 
Margaretta  again  weighed,  and  running  into  the  bay,  at  the  con 
fluence  of  the  two  rivers,  anchored. 

The  following  morning,  which  was  Monday,  the  llth  of  May, 
four  young  men  took  possession  of  one  of  the  lumber  sloops,  and 
bringing  her  alongside  of  a  wharf,  they  gave  three  cheers  as  a  signal 
for  volunteers.  On  explaining  that  their  intentions  were  to  make  an 
attack  on  the  Margaretta,  a  party  of  about  thirty-five  athletic  men 
was  soon  collected.  Arming  themselves  with  fire-arms,  pitchforks, 
and  axes,  and  throwing  a  small  stock  of  provisions  into  the  sloop, 
these  spirited  freemen  made  sail  on  their  craft,  with  a  light  breeze  at 
northwest.  When  the  Margaretta  observed  the  approach  of  the 
sloop  she  weighed  and  crowded  sail  to  avoid  a  conflict  that  was  every 
way  undesirable,  her  commander  not  yet  being  apprised  of  all  the 
facts  that  had  occurred  near  Boston.  In  jibing,  the  schooner 
carried  away  her  main-boom,  but  continuing  to  stand  on,  she  ran 
into  Holmes's  Bay,  and  took  a  spar  out  of  a  vessel  that  was  lying 
there.  While  these  repairs  were  making,  the  sloop  hove  in  sight 
again,  and  the  Margaretta  stood  out  to  sea,  in  the  hope  of  avoiding 
her.  The  breeze  freshened,  and,  with  the  wind  on  the  quarter,  the 
sloop  proved  to  be  the  better  sailer.  So  anxious  was  the  Margaretta 
to  avoid  a  collision,  that  Captain  Moore  now  cut  away  his  boats;  but 
finding  this  ineffectual,  and  that  his  assailants  were  fast  closing  with 
him,  he  opened  a  fire,  the  schooner  having  an  armament  of  four  light 
guns,  and  fourteen  swivels.  A  man  was^ killed  onboard  the  sloop, 
which  immediately  returned  the  fire  with  a  wall  piece.  This  dis 
charge  killed  the  man  at  the  Margaretta's  helm,  and  cleared  her 
quarter-deck.  The  schooner  broached  to,  when  the  sloop  gave  a 
general  discharge.  Almost  at  the  same  instant  the  two  vessels  came 
foul  of  each  other.  A  short  conflict  now  took  place  with  musketry, 
Captain  Moore  throwing  hand  grenades,  with  considerable  effect,  in 
person.  This  officer  was  immediately  afterwards  shot  down,  how 
ever,  when  the  people  of  the  sloop  boarded  and  took  possession  of 
their  prize. 

The  loss  of  life  in  this  affair  was  not  very  great,  though  twenty 
men,  on  both  sides,  are  said  to  have  been  killed  and  wounded.  The 


1775.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  45 

force  of  the  Margaretta,  even  in  men,  was  much  the  most  consider 
able,  though  the  crew  of  no  regular  cruiser  can  ever  equal  in  spirit 
and  energy  a  body  of  volunteers  assembled  on  an  occasion  like  this. 
There  was  originally  no  commander  in  the  sloop,  but  previously  to 
engaging  the  schooner,  Jeremiah  O'Brien  was  selected  for  that 
station.  This  affair  was  the  Lexington  of  the  sea,  for  like  that  cele 
brated  land  conflict,  it  was  a  rising  of  the  people  against  a  regular 
force,  was  characterised  by  a  long  chase,  a  bloody  struggle,  and  a 
triumph.  It  was  also  the  first  blow  struck  on  the  water,  after  the 
war  of  the  American  Revolution  had  actually  commenced. 

The  armament  of  the  Margaretta  was  transferred  to  a  sloop,  and 
Mr.  O'Brien  made  an  attack  on  two  small  English  cruisers  that  were 
said  to  have  been  sent  out  from  Halifax,  expressly  to  capture  him. 
By  separating  these  vessels,  he  took  them  both,  with  little  resistance, 
and  the  prisoners  were  all  carried  to  Watertown,  where  the  provin 
cial  legislature  of  Massachusetts  was  then  assembled.  The  gallantry 
and  good  conduct  of  Mr.  O'Brien  was  so  generally  admired,  that  he 
was  immediately  appointed  a  captain  in  the  marine  of  the  colony, 
and  sent  on  the  coast  with  his  two  last  prizes,  with  orders  to  intercept 
vessels  bringing  supplies  to  the  royal  forces. 

Many  adventures  or  enterprises,  more  or  less  resembling  these  of 
Captain  O'Brien,  took  place  on  different  parts  of  the  coast,  though 
none  of  so  brilliant  and  successful  a  character.  By  way  of  retalia 
tion,  and  with  a  view  to  intimidate,  the  English  commander-in-chief, 
Admiral  Graves,  sent  a  force  under  the  orders  of  Captain  Mowat,  to 
destroy  the  town  of  Falmouth,  and  four  hundred  buildings  were 
burned.  An  attempt  to  land,  however,  was  repulsed,  when  the  ships 
retired.  This  and  similar  steps,  produced  the  law  of  Massachusetts, 
already  mentioned  as  having  been  passed  in  Nov.  1775,  granting 
commissions  and  directing  the  seizure  of  British  vessels  under  certain 
circumstances,  and  which  consequently  put  an  end  to  the  expeditions 
we  have  classed  among  the  unauthorised. 

The  colony  of  Massachusetts  had  recourse  to  energetic  measures 
for  annoying  the  enemy  on  the  coast,  and  for  procuring  military 
supplies.  Many  small  vessels  were  fitted  out  by  that  as  well  as  by 
other  colonies,  and  ships  were  sent  in  different  directions  with  a  view 
to  purchase  the  stores  that  could  not  be  seized. 

The  want  of  powder,  in  particular,  was  so  severely  felt,  that  all 
practicable  means  were  adopted  with  a  desire  to  obtain  it.  Among 
others,  General  Washington  borrowed  two  schooners  of  Massachu 
setts  and  sent  them  into  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  under  the  orders 
of  Captain  Broughton,to  intercept  two  brigs,  that  were  known  to  be 
bound  to  Quebec,  with  military  stores.  The  brigs  were  not  seen,  but 
ten  other  English  vessels  were  captured  by  Captain  Broughton,  all 
of  which  were  released  as  not  coming  within  the  hostilities  meditated 
by  Congress. 

That  body,  however,  was  by  no  means  blind  to  the  importance 
of  naval  means  of  defence,  without  which  no  war  can  ever  be  con 
ducted  with  credit  and  success  by  a  country  situated  like  America; 
and  we  now  have  properly  arrived  at  the  period  when  it  is  necessary 


46  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1775. 

to  advert  to  the  acts  and  legislation  of  the  General  Government  on 
this  interesting  subject. 

Soon  after  he  assumed  the  command  of  the  troops  before  Boston, 
General  Washington,  who  so  deeply  felt  the  want  of  munitions  of 
war  of  nearly  every  description,  issued  several  commissions  to  dif 
ferent  small  vessels,  giving  their  commanders  instructions  to  cruise 
in  or  near  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  order  to  intercept  the  British 
store  ships. 

The  first  vessel  that  got  to  sea  under  this  arrangement,  was  the 
schooner  Lee,  Captain  John  Manly,  which  sailed  from  Marblehead 
near  the  close  of  November.  On  the  29th,  Captain  Manly  fell  in 
with  and  captured  the  English  brig  Nancy,  having  on  board  ordnance 
stores,  several  brass  guns,  a  considerable  stock  of  fire-arms,  and 
various  military  supplies.  Among  other  things  of  this  nature,  was 
a  large  mortar,  which  was  justly  deemed  an  important  addition  to 
the  means  of  a  besieging  army;  for,  up  to  this  time,  the  Americans 
before  Boston  were  particularly  in  want  of  artillery  of  every  sort.  On 
the  8th  of  December,  Captain  Manly  captured  three  more  store-ships, 
and  succeeded  in  getting  all  his  prizes  safely  into  port. 

Although  it  may  not  be  strictly  true  to  term  the  Lee,  and  the  other 
small  cruisers  similarly  employed,  the  first  vessels  that  ever  belonged 
to  the  General  Government  of  this  country,  they  may  be  deemed  the 
first  that  ever  actually  sailed  with  authority  to  cruise  in  behalf  of  the 
entire  republic.  But,  while  we  accord  this  precedency  to  Captain 
Manly  and  his  associates,  who  acted  under  the  orders  of  Washing 
ton,  Congress  itself  had  not  been  altogether  idle,  and  it  is  probable 
that  the  Commander-in-Chief  took  the  step  just  mentioned  in  ac 
cordance  with  the  expressed  views  of  that  body. 

The  first  legislation  of  Congress  on  the  subject  of  a  navy,  preceded 
the  law  of  Massachusetts,  in  point  of  time,  though  the  act  was  word 
ed  with  greater  reserve.  On  the  13th  of  October,  1775,  a  law  passed 
ordering  one  vessel  of  10  guns,  and  another  of  14  guns  to  be  equipped 
as  national  cruisers,  and  to  be  sent  to  the  eastward  on  a  cruise  of 
three  months,  to  intercept  supplies  for  the  royal  troops.  On  the 
29th  of  the  same  month  a  resolution  passed  denying  to  private  ships 
of  war  and  merchant  vessels  the  right  to  wear  pennants  in  the  pres 
ence  of  "  continental  ships,  or  vessels  of  war,"  without  the  permission 
of  the  commanding  officers  of  the  latter.  This  law  was  framed  in 
a  proper  spirit,  and  manifested  an  intention  to  cause  the  authorised 
agents  of  the  public  on  the  high  sea,  to  be  properly  respected ;  it 
excites  a  smile,  however,  when  we  remember  that  the  whole  marine 
of  the  country  consisted,  at  the  time,  of  two  small  vessels  that  were 
not  yet  equipped.  The  next  day  another  law  passed,  authorising 
the  fitting  out  of  two  more  cruisers,  one  to  carry  20,  and  the  other 
36  guns. 

A  change  in  this  cautious  policy  was  produced  by  the  depreda 
tions  committed  by  the  vessels  under  the  command  of  Captain 
Mowat.  When  the  intelligence  of  that  ruthless  proceeding  reached 
Philadelphia,  it  produced  a  general  prize  law,  with  authority  to 
capture  all  British  vessels  that  were  in  any  manner  connected  virh 


1775.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  47 

the  pending  struggle.  As  the  country  still  acknowledged  its  con 
nexion  with  the  crown,  perhaps  this  reserve  in  conducting  the  war, 
was,  in  a  measure,  due  to  sound  policy.  This  law  was  followed  by 
another,  passed  December  13th,  ordering  13  sail  of  cruisers,  to  be 
constructed.  Of  the  latter  vessels,  three  were  to  be  of  "24  guns,  five 
of  28,  and  five  of  32.  Thus  Congress,  previously  to  the  end  of  the 
year  1775,  had  authorised  a  regular  marine,  to  consist  of  seventeen 
cruisers,  varying  in  force  from  10  to  32  guns.  The  keels  of  the 
ships  alluded  to  in  the  last  law,  were  ordered  to  be  laid,  in  the  four 
colonies  of  New  England,  in  New  York,  Pennsylvania  and  Mary 
land.  The  following  is  a  list  of  their  mames  and  respective  rates,  as 
well  as  of  the  colony  where  each  was  built,  viz: 

Washington,  32 — Pennsylvania.* 

Raleigh,  32 — New  Hampshire.  V 

Hancock,  32 — Massachusetts,  t/ 

Randolph,  32 — Pennsylvania.  J^" 

Warren,  32 — Rhode  Island.  ^ 

Virginia,  28 — Maryland.    / 

Trumbull,  28 — Connecticut.  * 

Effing-ham,  28 — Pennsylvania.  *.-•''' 

Congress,  28 — New  York.       • 

Providence,  28 — Rhode  Island.  *- 

Boston,  24 — Massachusetts.  * 

Delaware,  24 — Pennsylvania.  * 

Montgomery,  24 — New  York.    ^ 

These  vessels  appear  to  have  been  judiciously  appointed  in  order 
to  effect  the  object  in  view.  The  resources  of  America  did  not  ad 
mit  of  the  construction  of  ships  of  a  si/e  fit  to  contend  with  the  fleets 
of  England,  and  had  the  colonies  been  in  a  condition  even  to  make 
such  an  exhibition  of  their  power,  the  time  necessary  to  organise  a 
proper  marine,  the  want  of  navy  yards,  and  the  impossibility  of  pro 
curing,  in  season,  naval  stores  of  the  required  quality,  would  have 
prevented  them  from  attempting  it.  The  ships  ordered  were  large 
enough  to  resist  the  small  cruisers  of  the  crown,  and  were  well 
adapted  to  destroy  convoys,  and  to  capture  transports  and  store-ships. 
We  are  not,  however,  to  estimate  their  force  by  the  manner  of  rating, 
as  compared  with  similar  rates  in  our  own  time,  the  art  of  ship-build 
ing  and  the  mode  of  equipping  vessels  of  war,  having  undergone 
great  changes  since  the  commencement  of  the  American  Revolution. 
Frigates,  at  that  day,  were  usually  vessels  varying  from  six  hundred 
to  a  thousand  tons,  and  rarely  carried  in  their  main  deck  batteries, 
guns  of  a  metal  heavier  than  eighteen  pounders.  There  was  usually 
no  spar-deck,  but  the  forecastle  and  quarter-deck  were  connected  by 
gangways,  with  gratings  to  cover  a  part,  or  even  all  of  the  inter 
mediate  space.  The  armaments  above  were  light  sixes,  nines,  or 
twelves,  according  to  the  respective  rates,  but  were  commonly  of 
trifling  account.  Carronades  had  not  then  been  invented,  though 
they  first  came  into  use  during  this  war.  This  gun  obtains  its  name 


48  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1115. 

from  the  circumstance  of  its  having  been  first  made  at  the  village  of 
Carron,  in  Scotland,  a  place  celebrated  for  its  foundries,  as  the  bayo 
net  derives  its  appellation  from  Bayonne  in  France.  It  is  believed 
it  was  first  used  with  effect,  in  the  battle  between  Lord  Rodney  and 
the  Comte  de  Grasse,  when  it  was  found  to  be  an  arm  of  more  effi 
ciency  than  had  been  generally  anticipated.  For  some  time  its  use 
was  confined  to  the  English,  nor  did  it  make  its  way  into  the  Ameri 
can  marine,  until  the  commencement  of  the  present  century,  or  the 
very  close  of  the  last.  Most  of  the  ships  mentioned  in  the  list  jus* 
given,  were  armed  with  nines  and  twelves,  having  sixes,  and  even 
fours,  on  their  quarter-decks  and  forecastles.  -It  is  thought  that  there 
was  no  regular  eighteen  pounder  frigate  constructed  under  the 
laws  of  1775. 

Bad  as  was  the*condition  of  the  Colonies,  as  respects  naval  stores, 
and  the  munitions  of  war,  the  country  might  be  said  to.be  even  worse 
off  for  persons  suited  to  form  a  navy  list.  There  was  no  lack  of 
competent  navigators,  or  of  brave  seamen,  but  the  high  moral  quali 
ties  which  are  indispensable  to  the  accomplished  officer,  were  hardly 
to  be  expected  among  those  who  had  received  all  their  training  in 
the  rude  and  imperfect  schools  of  the  merchant  service.  Still,  as  a 
whole,  the  merchant  seamen  of  America  were  of  a  class  superior  to 
those  of  most  oth^r  nations;  the  very  absence  of  a  regular  marine, 
which  induced  y«oung  men  of  enterprise  to  incur  the  dangers  of  the 
seas  in  this  mode-in  preference  to  remaining  on  shore,  and  the  moral 
superiority  of  the  level  of  the  population,  producing  such  a  result.  It 
has  been  said  that  the  gentry  of  the  country  had  begun  to  place  their 
wons  in  the  British  marine,  previously  to  the  commencement  of  this 
war;  but,  while  many  instances  occurred  in  which  Americans  threw 
up  their  commissions  in  the  British  army,  in  preference  to  serving 
against  their  native  land,  very  few  of  those  who  had  taken  service  in 
the  navy,  followed  their  example.  The  second  nature  that  tire  sea 
man  acquires  in  time,  appears  to  have  drawn  the  cord  too  tight  to 
suffer  it  to  be  snapped  even  by  the  violent  struggles  of  a  civil  war, 
and  most  of  the  young  men  who  were  born  in  the  colonies,  and  who 
found  themselves  arrayed  against  their  proper  country,  on  board  the 
ships  of  the  king,  continued  to  serve  with  the  undiminished  zeal  and 
singleness  of  purpose,  that  is  apt  to  distinguish  the  fidelity  of  a  sea 
man  to  his  flag.*  The  Committee  of  Congress,  to  which  the  duties 
of  a  Navy  Department  were  assigned,  was  compelled,  in  consequence 
of  these  difficulties,  to  select  the  new  corps  of  officers,  principally,  from 
such  conspicuous  persons  among  the  masters  and  mates  of  merchant 
ships  as  the  country  afforded;  a  few  of  those  who  had  been  trained 
in  the  English  marine,  but  who  had  left  it  previously  to  the  struggle, 
excepted.  The  result  was  such  as  might  have  been  anticipated. 
While  many  gallant  and  suitable  men  were  chosen,  some  of  the 
corps  had  little  to  recommend  them  besides  their  practical  knowledge 
of  seamanship.  These  were  valuable  qualities,  certainly,  but  the 
habits  of  subordination,  the  high  feelings  of  personal  pride  and  sel£ 

*  We  can  discover  but  a  single  instance  of  an  American's  quitting  the  English  navy 
on  account  of  the  war,  though  it  is  probable  more  occurred. 


1775.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  49 

respect  that  create  an  esprit  de  corps,  and  the  moral  courage  and  lofty 
sentiments  that  come  in  time,  to  teach  the  trained  officer  to  believe 
any  misfortune  preferable  to  professional  disgrace,  were  not  always 
to  be  expected  under  such  circumstances.  In  short,  a  service  created 
in  this  informal  manner,  must  necessarily  depend  more  on  accidental 
and  natural  qualities  for  its  success,  than  on  that  acquired  character 
which  has  been  found  to  be  so  competent  a  substitute,  and  which  is 
altogether  indispensable  when  there  is  a  demand  for  the  complicated 
and  combined  movements  that  can  alone  render  any  arm^efficient 
throughout  a  series  of  years.  It  is  true,  that  the  colonies  had  pos 
sessed  an  irregular  school  for  the  training  of  officers,  in  their  provin 
cial  cruisers,  or  guarda-costas ;  but  it  was  neither  sufficiently  ex 
tended,  not  sufficiently  disciplined,  to  afford  the  supply  that  was  now 
demanded  by  the  extraordinary  exigencies  of  the  times. 

The  documents  connected  with  the  early  history  of  the  navy  of  the 
country,  were  never  kept  with  sufficient  method,  and  the  few  that  did 
exist  have  become  much  scattered  and  lost,  in  consequence  of  there 
having  been  no  regular  navy  department;  the  authority  of  this  branch 
of  the  government  having  been  exercised  throughout  the  whole  war, 
by  Committees  and  Boards,  the  members  of  which  have  probably 
retained  many  documents  of  interest,  as  vouchers  to  authenticate 
their  own  proceedings.  , 

Among  other  defects  it  has  become  impossible  to  establish,  in  all 
cases,  who  did  and  who  did  not  actually  serve  in  the  marine  of  the 
United  States,  officers  so  frequently  passing  from  the  privateers  into 
the  public  vessels,  and  from  the  public  vessels  to  the  privateers,  as  to 
leave  this  important  branch  of  our  subject  involved  in  much  obscurity. 
Before  we  enter  more  fully  into  the  details  on  which  reliance  can  be 
placed,  it  may  be  well,  also,  to  explain  that  the  officers  in  the  navy 
of  the  Confederation  derived  their  authority  from  different  sources, 
a  circumstance  that  adds  to  the  difficulties  just  mentioned.  In  a- 
good  many  instances  Congress  made  the  appointments  by  direct 
resolutions  of  its  own,  as  will  appear  in  the  case  of  the  officers  first 
named.  S ubsequently ,  the  Marine  Committee  possessed  this  power ; 
and,  in  the  end,  not  only  did  the  diplomatic  agents  of  the  Government 
abroad  exercise  this  high  trust,  but  even  the  commanders  of  squadrons 
and  of  ships  were  put  in  possession  of  blank  commissions  to  be  filled 
at  their  particular  discretion.  It  will  easily  be  understood,  hpw 
much  this  looseness  in  managing  an  interest  of  so  much  moment, 
increases  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  the  truth. 

That  the  brave  men  who  acted  under  the  authority  of  Washington, 
at  the  commencement  of  the  contest,  were  not  in  the  navy,  is  evident 
from  the  circumstance  that  several  of  them  obtained  rank  in  the  ser 
vice,  as  the  reward  of  their  conduct  while  cruising  in  the  sort  of  semi 
official  vessels  that  have  already  been  mentioned.  It  has  been  said, 
that  the  first  regular  legislation  of  Congress,  in  reference  to  a  marine, 
with  a  view  to  resist  the  aggressions  of  the  British  Parliament,  dates 
from  a  resolution  of  that  body,  passed  the  13th  of  October,  1775. 
This  resolution  directed  a  committee  of  three,  Messrs.  Deane,  Lang- 
don  and  Gadsden,  to  fit  out  two  swift-sailing  vessels,,  the  one  of  ten, 
VOL.  i.  4 


50  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1781. 

and  the  other  of  fourteen  guns,  to  cruise  to  the  eastward,  to  intercept 
the  supplies  and  transports  intended  for  the  British  army  at  Boston. 
Under  this  law  it  is  believed  that  a  brig  called  the  Lexington,  and  a 
sloop  named  the  Providence  were  equipped;  though  it  does  not  ap 
pear  that  either  went  on  the  particular  duty  named  in  the  resolution. 
On  the  30th  of  the  same  month,  the  committee  was  increased  to 
seven,  and  a  ship  of  36  guns,  and  another  of  20,  were  ordered  to  be 
provided.  Under  this  law  the  Alfred  and  Columbus  were  purchased, 
though  neither  was  of  the  force  implied  by  the  highest  rate  named. 
The  first  of  these  ships  is  said  to  have  had  a  main-deck  battery  of  20 
nines,  while  her  armament  on  the  quarter-deck  and  forecastle,  varied 
in  the  course  of  her  service,  from  ten  guns  to  two.  At  the  end  of  her 
career  she  carried  no  guns  above.  Less  is  known  of  the  Columbus, 
but  she  is  believed  to  have  had  a  gun-deck  battery  of  18  nines. 
Both  were  clumsy  and  crank  ships,  and  neither  proved  to  be  a  very 
good  sailer. 

On  the  13th  of  December,  of  the  same  year,  Congress  directed  the 
thirteen  ships  of  war  to  be  built,  and  the  next  day  the  Marine  Com 
mittee  was  so  far  increased  as  to  contain  one  member  from  each 
colony  ;  all  the  proceedings  that  have  yet  been  mentioned,  having 
been  directed  rather  to  a  redress  of  grievances,  than  to  independence. 

It  will  aid  in  understanding  how  complicated  the  business  of  the 
navy  became,  if  we  here  give  a  brief  outline  of  the  various  modes 
that  were  adopted  in  managing  its  affairs.  To  the  committee  last 
named,  very  extensive  powers  were  given ;  but  in  November,  1776, 
a  "  Continental  Navy  Board,"  of  three  competent  persons,  was  estab 
lished  as  subordinate  to  this  committee  ;  one  being  termed  the 
"  Eastern  Board,"  and  the  other  the  "  Board  of  the  Middle  Dis 
trict."  A  large  portion  of  the  executive  functions  of  the  "  Marine 
Committee"  devolved  on  these  two  "  Boards."  In  October,  1779, 
this  mode  of  proceeding  was  changed,  and  a  "  Board  of  Admiralty" 
was  established,  consisting  of  three  commissioners  who  were  not  in 
Congress,  and  two  that  were.  Of  this  Board  an}'-  three  were  com 
petent  to  act.  In  January,  1781,  James  Reed  was  appointed,  by 
special  resolution,  to  manage  the  affairs  of  the  "  Navy  Board"  in 
the  "  Middle  Department ;"  and  in  February  of  the  same  year, 
Alexander  McDougall,  a  Major  General  in  the  army,  who  had  been 
a  seaman  in  his  youth,  was  chosen  "  Secretary  of  the  Marine."  In 
August  of  the  same  year,  the  entire  system  was  changed,  by  the 
appointment  of  an  "  Agent  of  the  Marine,"  who  had  full  control  of 
the  service,  subject  to  the  resolutions  of  Congress,  and  who  super 
seded  all  the  committees,  boards,  and  agents,  that  hud  been  pre 
viously  established  by  law.  Here  closed  the  legislation  of  Congress 
on  this  branch  of  the  subject,  though  we  shall  add  that  the  duties  of 
"  Agent  of  Marine,"  subsequently  devolved  on  the  "  Superintendent 
of  Finances,"  the  celebrated  Robert  Morris,  a  gentleman,  who  ap 
pears,  throughout  the  war,  to  have  had  more  control  over  the  affairs 
of  the  navy,  than  any  other  civilian  in  the  country.  To  return  to  the 
order  of  time. 


1775.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  51 

On  the  22d  of  December,  1775,  Congress  passed  the  following 
resolutions,  viz : — 

"  Resolved,  that  the  following  naval  officers  be  appointed : 
Esek  Hopkins,  Esquire,  Commander-in-Chief. 
Dudley  Saltonstall,  Captain  of  the  Alfred. 
Abraham  Whipple,     do.         do.         Columbus. 
Nicholas  Biddle,         do.         do.         Andrea  Doria. 
John  B.  Hopkins,       do.         do.         Cabot. 

First  Lieutenants,  John  Paul  Jones,  Rhodes  Arnold,  

Starisbury,  Hoysted  Hacker,  Jonathan  Pitcher. 

Second  Lieutenants,  Benjamin  Seabury,  Joseph  Olney,  Elisha 
Warner,  Thomas  Weaver, McDougal. 

Third  Lieutenants,  John  Fanning,  Ezekiel  Burroughs,  Daniel 
Vaughan. 

"  Resolved,  that  the  pay  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  fleet, 
be  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  dollars  a  month." 

By  this  law  it  \vill  be  seen  that  Mr.  Hopkins  was  not  made  a  cap 
tain,  but  the  "  Commander-in-Chief,"  a  rank  that  was  intended  to 
correspond  in  the  navy,  to  that  held  by  Washington  in  the  army. 
His  official  appellation,  among  seamen,  appears  to  have  been  that 
of  "  Commodore,"  though  he  was  frequently  styled  "  Admiral,"  in 
the  papers  of  that  period.  The  captains  were  particularly  named 
to  the  respective  ships,  and  the  law  was  so  construed,  that  the  lieu 
tenants  were  attached  to  the  different  vessels  in  the  order  in  which 
they  were  respectively  named. 

By  this  resolution,  or  law,  it  would  appear  that  two  brigs,  the 
Andrea  Doria,  and  the  Cabot,  had  been  purchased,  most  probably 
by  the  Marine  Committee,  previously  to  its  passage.  Of  the  precise 
force  of  the  latter  vessel  no  authentic  account  can  be  found,  but  it  is 
thought  to  have  been  16  sixes.  It  appears  by  a  letter  of  Paul  Jones, 
however,  that  the  armament  of  the  Doria  was  14  fours,  and  the  Cabot 
may  have  been  of  the  same  force. 

The  equipment  of  all  the  vessels  mentioned,  as  well  as  of  two  or 
three  more  of  less  size,  was  going  on  in  the  autumn  of  1775,  the 
appointment  of  their  officers  was  made  at  the  close  of  the  year,  and 
the  first  ensign  ever  shown  by  a  regular  American  man-of-war,  was 
hoisted  in  the  Delaware,  on  board  the  Alfred,  by  the  hands  of  Paul 
Jones,  some  time  about  the  last  of  December.  This  event  could 
not  have  occurred  previously  to  the  vote  appointing  a  commander- 
in-chief,  as  we  are  expressly  told  that  the  flag  was  shown  when  that 
officer  first  repaired  on  board  his  ship.  What  that  ensign  was,  is  hot 
now  certainly  known,  but  it  is  thought  to  have  been  a  device  repre 
senting  a  pine  tree,  with  a  rattlesnake  about  to-strike,  coiled  at  its 
root,  and  bearing  the  motto  "  don't  tread  on  me."  It  is  certain  that 
such  a  flag  was  used,  at  the  commencement  of  the  Revolution,  and 
on  board  of  some  of  the  vessels  of  war,  though  whether  this  was  the 
flag  worn  by  the  Alfred  is  not  quite  so  clear.  Most  of  the  privateers 
of  the  period  either  wore  the  arms  of  the  colony  from  which  they 
sailed,  and  by  whi3h  they  were  authorised  to  cruise,  or  they  also 
showed  devices  of  their  own,  according  to  the  conceits  of  the  differ- 


52  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1777. 

ent  captains  and  owners.     It  was  not  until  1777,  that   Congress 
formally  adopted  the  present  national  colours. 

The  first  regular  cruisers  that  ever  got  to  sea  under  the  new  gov 
ernment  were  the  Hornet  10,  and  Wasp  8,  a  sloop  and  a  schooner 
that  had  been  equipped  at  Baltimore  by  the  Marine  Committee,  and 
which  sailed  in  November,  to  join  the  squadron  under  Commodore 
Hopkins,  in  the  Delaware.  This  passage,  however,  cannot  properly 
be  called  a  cruise.  For  the  first  of  these  we  must  refer  to  the 
squadron  itself.  This  distinction  has  been  claimed  for  the  Lexing 
ton,  Capt.  Barry,  and  we  have  so  stated  the  fact,  in  the  earlier  edi 
tions  of  this  book  ;  but  an  examination  of  the  private  papers  of  that 
officer,  has  shown  us  that  he  was  actually  employed  on  shore,  or  in 
the  Delaware,  for  a  short  time  after  Com.  Hopkins  got  to  sea.  The 
first  regular  cruise,  therefore,  ever  made  in  a  vessel  of  the  United 
States,  was  that  made  by  the  squadron,  of  which  we  are  about  to 
relate  the  movements. 

The  plans  of  Congress  had  changed  between  the  time  when  the 
vessels  were  first  ordered  and  that  on  which  they  were  ready  for 
service.  Commodore  Hopkins  was  accordingly  directed  to  proceed 
to  the  southward,  with  a  view  to  act  against  the  naval  force,  which 
was  then  ravaging  the  coast  of  Virginia,  under  Lord  Dunmore.  The 
squadron  got  into  the  Bay,  and  rendezvoused  under  Cape  Henlopen, 
early  in  February.  It  consisted  of  the  Alfred  24,  Columbus  20, 
Doria  14,  Cabot  14,  Providence  12,  Hornet  10,  Wasp  8,  and  Fly 
despatch  vessel.  With  this  force  Commodore  Hopkins  went  to  sea 
on  the  17th  of  February.  On  the  night  of  the  19th,  as  the  squadron 
was  steering  south  with  a  fresh  breeze,  the  Hornet  and  Fly  parted 
company,  and  did  not  join  again  during  the  cruise.  No  vessel  of 
any  importance  was  met  until  the  ships  reached  Abaco,  in  the  Ba 
hamas,  where  the  squadron  had  been  ordered  to  rendezvous.  Here 
Commodore  Hopkins  determined  to  make  a  descent  on  New  Provi 
dence,  where  it  was  understood  a  considerable  amount  of  military 
stores  was  collected.  For  this  purpose,  a  body  of  300  men,  marines 
and  landsmen,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Nichols,  the  senior 
marine  officer  of  the  service,  was  put  into  two  sloops,  with  the  hope 
of  surprising  the  place.  As  the  squadron  approached  the  town, 
however,  an  alarm  was  given,  when  the  sloops  were  sent  in,  with  the 
Providence  12,  and  Wasp  8,  to  cover  the  landing.  This  duty  was 
handsomely  performed,  and  Captain  Nichols  got  complete  possession 
of  the  forts,  and  entire  command  of  the  place,  in  the  course  of  the 
afternoon,  and  of  the  following  morning,  after  a  very  insignificant 
resistance.  Unfortunately,  the  governor,  aware  of  the  motive  of  the 
descent,  found  means  to  send  away  a  considerable  quantity  of  pow 
der  during  the  night.  Near  a  hundred  cannon,  and  a  large  quantity 
of  other  stores,  however,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans.  On 
this  occasion,  the  first  that  ever  occurred  in  the  regular  American 
Navy,  the  marines  under  Captain  Nichols,  appear  to  have  behaved 
with  the  spirit  and  steadiness  that  have  distinguished  the  corps,  from 
that  hour  down  to  the  present  moment. 

After  retaining  possession  a  few  days,  Commodore  Hopkins  left 


1776.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  53 

New  Providence  on  the  17th  of  March,  bringing  away  with  him  the 
governor  and  one  or  two  men  of  note,  and  shaping  his  course  to  the 
northward.  Some  of  the  smaller  vessels  appear  to  have  left  him,  as 
he  proceeded  along  the  coast,  but,  with  the  most  of  his  force  in  com 
pany,  he  arrived  off  the  east  end  of  Long  Island,  early  in  April. 
On  the  4th,  he  captured  a  tender  of  six  guns,  commanded  by  a  son 
of  Commodore  Wallace,  and  on  the  5th  he  fell  in  with  and*  took  a 
British  Bomb  Brig  Bolton  8,  Lieutenant  Snead. 

About  one  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  April,  the  squadron 
being  a  little  scattered,  a  large  ship  was  discovered  steering  towards 
the  Alfred.  The  wind  was  light,  and  the  sea  quite  smooth,  and 
about  two,  the  stranger  having  gone  about,  the  Cabot  closed  with 
him,  and  hailed.  Soon  after  the  latter  fired  a  broadside.  The  first 
discharge  of  this  little  vessel  appears  to  have  been  well  directed,  but 
her  metal  was  altogether  too  light  to  contend  with  an  enemy  like  the 
one  she  had  assailed.  In  a  few  minutes  she  was  compelled  to  haul 
aboard  her  tacks,  to  get  from  under  the  guns  of  her  antagonist,  hav 
ing  had  her  captain  severely  wounded,  her  master  killed,  and  a  good 
many  of  her  people  injured. 

The  Alfred  now  took  the  place  of  the  Cabot,  ranging  handsomely 
alongside  of  the  enemy  and  delivering  her  fire.  Soon  after,  the 
Providence  got  under  the  stern  of  the  English  ship,  and  the  Andrea 
Doria  was  enabled  to  come  near  enough  to  do  some  service.  The 
Columbus  was  kept  at  a  distance  for  want  of  wind.  After  a  smart 
cannonade  of  near  an  hour,  the  block  and  wheel-rope  of  the  Alfred 
were  shot  away,  and  the  ship  broached  to  ;  by  which  accident  the 
enemy  was  enabled  to  rake  her  with  effect.  Being  satisfied,  how 
ever,  that  the  victory  was  impossible,  the  English  commander 
profited  by  this  accident,  to  put  his  helm  up,  and  brought  all  the 
American  vessels  astern.  Sailing  better  than  any  of  the  squadron, 
most  of  which  were  deep,  as  well  as  dull,  in  consequence  of  the  can 
non  and  stores  they  had  taken  on  board,  the  enemy  slowly  but 
steadily  gained  on  his  pursuers,  though  a  warm  cannonade  was  kept 
up  by  both  parties  until  past  daylight.  By  six  o'clock  the  ships  had 
got  so  far  to  the  eastward,  that  Commodore  Hopkins  felt  apprehen 
sive  the  firing  would  bring  out  the  Newport  squadron,  and  seeing 
little  chance  of  overtaking  the  chase,  he  made  a  signal  for  his  ves 
sels  to  haul  by  the  wind.  Capturing  a  tender  that  was  in  company 
with  the  ship  that  had  escaped,  the  squadron  now  went  into  New 
London,  the  port  to  which  it  was  bound. 

The  vessel  that  engaged  the  American  ships,  on  this  occasion,  was 
the  Glasgow  20,  Captain  Tyringham  Howe,  with  a  crew  of  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  souls.  In  every  thing  but  the  number  of  her 
men  the  Glasgow  was  probably  superior  to  any  one  ship  in  the 
American  squadron,  but  her  close  encounter  with,  and  eventual  es 
cape  from  so  many  vessels,  reflected  great  credit  on  her  commander. 
She  was  a  good  deal  cut  up,  notwithstanding,  and  had  four  men 
killed  and  wounded.  On  the  other  hand,  both  the  Alfred  and  the 
Cabot  suffered  materially,  the  former  from  having  been  raked,  and 
the  latter  from  lying  alongside  a  vessel  so  much  her  superior  in  force. 


54  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1776. 

The  Alfred  and  Cabot  had  twenty-three  men  killed  and  wounded, 
and  one  man  on  board  the  Columbus  lost  an  arm  while  in  the  chase. 
The  result  of  this  first  essay  of  the  American  navy,  when  an 
nounced,  caused  much  exultation  in  the  country.  The  affair  was 
represented  as  a  sort  of  victory,  in  which  three  light  vessels  of  war 
had  been  taken,  and  one  of  force  compelled  to  run.  A  short  time, 
however,  served  to  correct  these  errors,  and  public  opinion  probably 
went  as  far  in  the  opposite  extreme,  where  it  would  seem  to  have 
been  permanently  fixed,  by  subsequent  historians.  The  great  error 
of  Commodore  Hopkins  was  in  suffering  so  small  a  vessel  as  the  Ca 
bot  to  run  close  alongside  of  a  ship  of  the  Glasgow's  force,  when  the 
first  attack  should  have  been  made  by  the  Alfred.  Had  the  Cabot 
delivered  two  or  three  as  effectual  broadsides  from  a  favourable  po 
sition,  as  the  first  she  fired,  while  the  Glasgow  was  occupied  by  a 
heavier  ship,  it  is  highly  probable  the  enemy  would  have  been  cap 
tured.  Commodore  Hopkins  betrayed  no  want  of  spirit,  but  his 
crew  and  vessel  were  much  inferior  to  the  regularly  and  long  trained 
people  of  a  cruiser,  and  to  a  ship  properly  constructed  for  war.  The 
lightness  of  the  wind,  and  the  obscurity  of  a  night  action,  contributed 
to  the  disasters,  as,  in  such  circumstances,  when  the  ship  broaohed 
to,  it  required  time  to  get  her  again  under  the  command  of  her  helm. 
The  reason  for  not  continuing  the  chase  was  sufficient,  and  it  is 
now  known  that  the  English  squadron  did  come  out  of  Newport  as 
soon  as  the  Glasgow  appeared,  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that 
Commodore  Hopkins  would  have  lost  all  his  dull  sailing  vessels, 
had  he  gone  much  farther  in  pursuit.  It  ought  to  be  added,that  the 
small-pox,  then  a  malady  of  fatal  effect,  had  broken  out  in  the  ships 
while  they  were  at  New  Providence,  and  it  probably  had  an  influ 
ence  on  their  efficiency.  The  Doria,  in  particular,  was  known  to 
be  nearly  useless  from  the  number  of  cases  on  board. 

This  was  hardly  the  feeling  of  the  country,  notwithstanding,  for 
nations  are  seldom  just  under  disgrace,  imaginary  or  real.  Commo 
dore  Hopkins  was  left  in  command  some  time  longer,  it  is  true,  and 
he  carried  the  squadron  to  Rhode  Island,  a  few  weeks  after  his  arri 
val,  but  he  never  made  another  cruise  in  the  navy.  On  the  16th  of 
October,  Congress  passed  a  vote  of  censure  on  him,  for  not  perform 
ing  the  duties  on  which  lie  had  been  sent  to  the  southward,  and  on 
the  2d  of  January,  1777,  by  a  vote  of  that  body,  he  was  formally 
dismissed  from  the  service.  No  commander-in-chief  was  subse 
quently  appointed,  though  such  a  measure  was  recommended  to  the 
national  legislature  by  a  committee  of  its  own  body,  August  24th, 
1781. 

As  an  offset  to  the  escape  of  the  Glasgow,  the  Lexington,  Captain 
Barry,  which  had  sailed  from  the  Delaware  some  weeks  after  the 
squadron  got  to  seu,  fell  in  with  the  Edward,  an  armed  tender  of 
the  Liverpool,  on  the  17th  of  April,  off  the  Capes  of  Virginia,  and 
after  a  close  and  spirited  action  of  near  an  hour,  captured  her.  The 
Lexington  had  four  of  her  crew  killed  and  wounded,  while  the  Ed 
ward  was  nearly  cut  to  pieces,  and  met  with  a  very  heavy  compara 
tive  loss  in  men. 


1776.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  55 

It  may  better  connect  the  "history  of  this  little  brig,  if  we  add  here, 
that  .she  went  to  the  West  Indies  the  following  October,  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Hallock,  and  on  her  return  was  captured  near 
the  spot  where  she  had  taken  the  Liverpool's  tender,  by  the  Pearl 
frigate.  It  was  blowing  fresh  at  the  time,  and,  after  taking  out  of 
his  prize  a  few  officers,  and  putting  a  crew  on  board  of  her,  the  com 
mander  of  the  Pearl  ordered  her  crew  to  follow  his  own  ship.  That 
night  the  Americans  rose,  and  overpowering  the  prize  crew,  they 
carried  the  brig  into  Baltimore.  The  Lexington  was  immediately 
recommissioned,  under  the  orders  of  Captain  Johnston,  and  in 
March  of  the  succeeding  year  she  sailed  for  Europe,  where  there 
will  soon  be  occasion  to  note  her  movements.  This  little  vessel 
mounted  16  4  Ib  guns,  and,  under  Barry,  had  a  crew  of  70  souls, 
all  told. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Paul  Jones— His  first  cruise  as  a  Commander — Additional  vessels  ordered  by  Congress 
— Law  regulating  the  rank  of  officers — The  Andrea  Doria,  Capt.  Biddle,  takes  sev 
eral  prizes — The  Defence,  Capt.  Harding,  after  a  sharp  action,  captures  two  English 
schooners — Cruise  of  the  Providence  and  Alfred — Cruise  of  the  Reprisal  in  Europe — 
Of  the  Lexington  do. — Cruises  of  Capt.  Wickes — Lexington  taken — Loss  of  the 
Reprisal — Cruises  of  Capt.  Conyngham. 

WHEN  the  American  squadron  had  got  into  Newport  it  became 
useless,  through  want  of  men.  Many  of  the  seamen  having  entered 
for  the  cruise  only,  and  Congress  having  authorised  the  capture  of 
all  British  vessels  in  March,  so  many  persons  were  now  induced  to 
go  on  board  the  privateers,  that  crews  were  not  easily  obtained  for  the 
vessels  of  war.  It  is  a  singular  feature  of  the  times,  too,  that  the 
sudden  check  to  navigation,  and  the  delay  in  authorising  general 
captures,  had  driven  a  great  many  of  the  seamen  into  the  army.  It 
is  also  easy  to  imagine  that  the  service  was  out  of  favour,  after  the 
affair  with  the  Glasgow,  for  by  events  as  trifling  as  this,  are  the 
opinions  of  ordinary  men  usually  influenced. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  vessels  were  carried  to  Providence,  Rhode 
Island,  and  soldiers  were  borrowed  from  the  army,  in  order  to  effect 
even  this.  At  Providence,  courts  martial,  the  usual  attendants  of 
military  misfortunes,  were  assembled  to  judge  the  delinquents.  Cap 
tain  Whipple,  of  the  Columbus,  was  tried  for  not  aiding  the  Alfred 
in  the  action  with  the  Glasgow,  and  seems  to  have  been  acquitted. 
Captain  Hazard  of  the  Providence,  was  cashiered,  though  it  does 
not  appear  on  what  charge. 

The  day  after  the  dismissal  of  her  former  commander,  or  May 
the  10th,  1776,  Paul  Jones  was  directed  by  Commodore  Hopkins 
to  take  charge  of  the  Providence,  and  to  carry  the  borrowed  soldiers 
to  New  York,  there  to  enlist  a  regular  crew,  and  return  to  the  sta- 


56  NAVAL  UISTO.ilV*  [1776. 

lion.  This  duty  having  been  successfully  performed,  the  sloop  was 
hove  out,  cleaned,  refitted,  armed  and  manned  for  a  cruise.  On  the 
13th  of  June,  Captain  Jones  sailed  from  IVewport  with  a  convoy 
loaded  with  military  stores,  which  he  saw  into  Long  Island  Sound, 
a  service  attended  with  risk  on  account  of  the  numerous  cruisers  of 
the  enemy.  While  thus  employed,  Captain  Jones  covered  the  es 
cape  of  a  brig  from  St.  Domingo,  laden  also  with  military  stores, 
and  bound  to  New  York.  This  brig  was  soon  after  brought  into  the 
service,  and  became  the  Hamden,  14.  After  performing  this  duty, 
the  Providence  was  employed  in  cruising  between  Boston  and  the 
Delaware,  and  she  even  ran  as  far  south  as  Bermuda.  On  the  1st 
of  September,  while  on  the  latter  service,  this  little  sloop  made  five 
sail,  one  of  which  was  mistaken  for  a  large  merchantman.  On  get 
ting  near  the  latter  vessel,  she  proved  to  be  a  light  English  frigate, 
and  a  fast  sailer.  After  a  chase  of  four  hours  by  the  wind,  and  in 
a  cross  sea,  the  enemy  had  so  far  gained  on  the  Providence  as  to  be 
within  musket-shot,  on  her  lee-quarter.  The  stranger  had  early 
opened  with  his  chase  guns,  and  the  Providence  now  returned  the 
fire  with  her  light  four  pounders,  showing  her  colours.  Perceiving 
that  capture,  or  some  bold  expedient  must  soon  determine  his  fate, 
Captain  Jones  kept  edging  away,  until  he  had  got  rather  on  the  lee 
bow  of  the  enemy,  when  the  Providence  suddenly  went  off  dead  be 
fore  the  wind,  setting  every  thing  that  would  draw.  This  unexpected 
manoeuvre  brought  the  two  vessels  within  pistol-shot,  but  the  English 
ship  having  been  taken  completely  by  surprise,  before  she  could  get 
her  light  sails  set,  the  sloop  was  nearly  out  of  reach  of  grape.  The 
Providence  sailed  the  best  before  the  wind,  and  in  less  than  an  hour 
she  had  drawn  quite  beyond  the  reach  of  shot,  and  finally  escaped. 
This  affair  has  been  represented  as  an  engagement  of  several  hours 
with  the  Solebay,  28,  but,  as  has  been  said,  it  was  little  more  than  a 
clever  artifice,  in  which  Captain  Jones  discovered  much  steadiness 
and  address.  Not  a  shot  touched  the  Providence,  though  the  Sole- 
bay  fired  a  hundred. 

Captain  Jones  now  went  to  the  eastward,  where  he  made  several 
prizes.  Here  he  was  chased  by  the  Milford  32,  and  finding  he  could 
easily  outsail  her,  he  kept  just  out  of  gun-shot  for  several  hours,  the 
enemy,  who  measured  his  distance  badly,  firing  most  of  the  time. 
This  affair  has  also  been  exaggerated  into  a  running  fight. 

After  this  chase  the  Providence  went  upon  the  coast,  off  Canseau, 
and  did  much  damage  to  the  enemy's  fishermen,  taking  no  less  than 
twelve  sail.  Having  made  sixteen  prizes,  in  all,  some  of  which  were 
valuable,  Captain  Jones  returned  to  Newport. 

Ere  the  return  of  the  Providence,  independence  was  declared,  and 
Congress  had  set  about  a  more  regular  organisation  of  the  navy. 
October  the  3d,  it  ordered  another  frigate  and  two  cutters  to  be  built ; 
and  November  the  9th,  a  law  was  passed,  authorising  the  construc 
tion  of  three  seventy-fours,  five  more  frigates,  a  sloop  of  war  and  a 
packet.  In  January  of  the  succeeding  year,  another  frigate  and 
another  sloop  of  war,  were  commanded.  Eight  of  the  prizes  were 
also  directed  to  be  taken  into  the  service,  in  the  course  of  the  years 


1776.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  57 

1776  and  1777,  while,  as  the  war  proceeded,  divers  small  vessels 
were  directed  to  be  built,  or  purchased. 

But  the  most  important  step  taken  by  Congress,  at  this  time,  was 
a  law  regulating  the  rank  of  the  different  officers,  which  had  hith 
erto  been  very  uncertain,  and  had  led  to  many  disputes.  By  a  reso 
lution  passed,  April  the  17th,  1776,  Congress  had  declared  that  rank 
should  not  be  regulated  by  the  dates  of  the  original  appointments, 
reserving  to  itself  the  power  to  say  who  should  command,  when  it 
had  ascertained  who  were  disposed  to  serve.  But  it  had  now  de 
clared  the  nation  independent  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  and 
there  was  a  long  and  bloody  war  in  perspective,  before  that  inde 
pendence  could  be  recognised.  It  was  time  to  reduce  the  confused 
elements  of  the  service  to  order,  and  to  quiet  the  disputes  and  claims 
of  individuals,  by  an  exercise  of  sovereign  power.  A  resolution  was 
accordingly  passed  on  the  10th  of  October,  1776,  directing  that  the 
captains  in  the  navy  should  take  rank  in  the  following  order,  viz  : 

1.  James  Nicholson,  13.  John  B.  Hopkins, 

2.  John  Manly,  14.  John  Hodge, 

3.  Hector  McNiel,  15.  William  Hallock, 

4.  Dudley  Saltonstall,  16.  Hoysted  Hacker, 
*    5.  Nicholas  Biddle,  /I 7.  Isaiah  Robinson, 

6.  Thomas  Thompson,  &/18.  John  Paul  Jones^ 
v  7.  John  Barry,  19.  James  Josiah, 

8.  Thomas  Read,  20.  Elisha  Hinman, 

9.  Thomas  Grennall,  21.  Joseph  Olney, 

10.  Charles  Alexander,  22.  James  Robinson, 

11.  Lambert  Wickes,  23.  John  Young, 

\  12.  Abraham  Whipple,  24.  Elisha  Warner. 

The  Marine  Committee  was  empowered  to  arrange  the  rank  of  the 
inferior  officers.  At  this  time  Commodore  Hopkins  was  command- 
er-in-Chicf,  and  he  continued  to  serve  in  tfiat  capacity  until  the  com 
mencement  of  the  following  January,  when  Captain  Nicholson  be 
came  the  senior  officer  of  the  navy,  with  the  rank  of  captain  only. 
When  the  law  regulating  rank  was  passed,  the  vessels  of  the  navy, 
in  service,  or  in  the  course  of  construction,  were  as  follows  ;  the 
word  building,  which  is  put  after  most  of  them,  referring  as  well  to 
those  which  had  just  been  launched  as  to  those  that  were  still  on  the 
stocks  ;  a  few  of  the  former,  however,  were  nearly  ready  for  sea. 
List  of  vessels  in  the  United  States  Navy,  October,  1776. 

Hancock,  32,  'building  at  Boston. 

Randolph,  32,         do.         Philadelphia. 

Raleigh,  32,         do.         Portsmouth,  N.  H. 

Washington,  32,         do.         Philadelphia. 

Warren,  32,         do.         Rhode  Island. 

Trumbull,  28,         do.         Connecticut. 

Effingham,  28,          do.          Philadelphia. 

Congress,  28,         do.         Poughkeepsie,  N.  Y 

Virginia,  28          do.         Maryland. 


58  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1776. 

Providence,  28,  building  at  Rhode  Island. 

Boston,  24,         do.         Boston. 

Delaware,  24,         do.         Philadelphia. 

Montgomery,          24,         do.         Poughkeepsie,  N.  Y. 

Alfred,  24,  in  service. 

Columbus,  20,         do. 

Reprisal,  16,         do. 

Cabot,  16,         do. 

Hamden  14,         do. 

Lexington;  14,         do. 

Andrea  Doria,         1'4,         do. 

Providence,  12,         do. 

Sachem,  H),         do. 

Independence,    10,    do. 

Wasp,  8,         do. 

Musquito,  '4,         do. 

Fly,  do. 

To  these  vessels,  many  of  which  never  got  to  sea,  must  be  added 
several  small  cruisers,  that  were  employed  by  the  American  Com 
missioners  in  Europe  ;  the  histories  of  which  will  be  given  in  their 
proper  places  ;  and  the  vessel  that  parted  company  from  Commodore 
Hopkins'  squadron,  on  its  way  to  New  Providence.  This  vessel,  the 
Hornet,  suffered  much  before  s*he  got  in,  and  it  is  believed  she  was 
employed  very  little  afterwards. 

When  the  squadron,  under  Commodore  Hopkins,  broke  up,  all 
the  ships  did  not  remain  idle,  but  the  Columbus  20,  made  a  cruise, 
under  Captain  Whipple,  to  the  eastward,  and  took  a  few  prizes. 
The  Andrea  Doria  14,  Captain  Biddle,  went  in  the  same  direction, 
also,  and  was  even  more  successful  than  the  Providence  in  annoying 
the  enemy.  This  vessel,  a  little  brig,  carrying  14  fours,  actually 
took  two  armed  transports  filled  with  soldiers,  and  made  prizes  of  so 
many  merchantmen,  that, 'it  is  affirmed  on  plausible  authority,  when 
she  got  back  into  the  Delaware,  but  five  of  the  common  men  who 
composed  her  original  crew  were  in  her  ;  the  rest  having  been  put  in 
the  prizes,  and  their  places  supplied  by  volunteers  from  among  the 
prisoners.  Captain  Biddle  gained  much  credit  for  this  cruise,  and 
on  his  return,  he  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  Randolph 
32,  then  recently  launched.  One  of  the  transports,  however,  was 
retaken  by  the  Cerberus  frigate,  and  the  other  by  her  own  people, 
but  was  again  captured,  and  brought  in. 

While  the  United  States'  cruisers  were  thus  active  in  intercepting 
the  British  transports  on  the  high  seas,  the  colony  cruisers  and  priva 
teers  were  busy  in  the  same  way  in-shore.  Boston  had  been  evacu 
ated  by  the  enemy  on  the  17th  of  March,  of  this  year,  but  vessels 
continued  to  arrive  from  England  until  midsummer ;  the  fact  not  be~ 
ing  known  in  time  to  prevent  their  steering  towards  the  wrong  port. 
No  less  that  thirty  sail  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans,  in  conse 
quence  of  these  mistakes.  As  one  of  the  occurrences  of  this  nature 
was,  in  a  measure,  connected  with  a  circumstance  just  related  in  the 
cruise  of  the  Doria,  it  may  be  properly  given  here. 


1776.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  59 

The  Connecticut  colony  brig  Defence  14,  Captain  Harding-,  left 
Plymouth,  Massachusetts,  early  on  the  morning  of  the  17th  of  June, 
and,  on  working  out  into  the  bay,  a  desultory  firing  was  heard  to  the 
northward.  The  Defence  crowded  sail  in  the  direction  of  the  can 
nonading,  and  about  dusk  she  fell  in  with  four  light  American 
schooners,  which  had  been  in  a  running  fight  with  two  British  trans 
ports,  that  had  proved  too  heavy  for  them.  The  transports,  after 
beating  off  the  schooners,  had  gone  into  Nantasket  Roads  and 
anchored.  One  of  the  schooners  was  the  Lee  8,  Captain  Waters,  in 
the  service  of  Massachusetts,  the  little  cruiser  that  had  so  successfully 
begun  the  maritime  warfare  under  Captain  Manly.  The  three  others 
were  privateers. 

After  laying  his  plans  with  the  commanders  of  the  schooners, 
Captain  Harding  stood  into  the  roads,  and  about  eleven  o'clock,  at 
night,  he  anchored  between  the  transports,  within  pistol-shot.  The 
schooners  followed,  but  did  not  approach  near  enough  to  be  of  much 
service.  Some  hailing  now  passed,  and  Captain  Harding  ordered 
the  enemy  to  strike.  A  voice  from  the  largest  English  vessel  an 
swered,  "  Ay,  ay — I'll  strike,"  and  a  broadside  was  immediately 
poured  into  the  Defence.  A  sharp  action,  that  lasted  more  than  an 
hour,  followed,  when  both  the  English  vessels  struck.  These  trans 
ports  contained  near  two  hundred  soldiers  of  the  same  corps  as  those 
shortly  after  taken  by  the  Doria,  and  on  board  the  largest  of  them 
was  Lieutenant  Colonel  Campbell,  who  commanded  the  regiment. 

In  this  close  and  sharp  conflict,  the  Defence  was  a  good  deal  cut 
up  aloft,  and  she  had  nine  men  wounded.  The  transports  lost 
eighteen  killed,  and  a  large  number  wounded.  Among  the  slain  was 
Major  Menzics,  the  officer  who  had  answered  the  hail  in  the  manner 
stated. 

The  next  morning  the  Defence,  with  the  schooners  in  company, 
saw  a  sail  in  the  bay,  and  gave  chase.  The  stranger  proved  to  be 
another  transport,  with  more  than  a  hundred  men  of  the  same  regi 
ment  on  board.  Thus  did  about  five  hundred  men,  of  one  of  the  best 
corps  in  the  British  army,  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans,  by 
means  of  these  light  cruisers.  It  should  be  remembered  that,  in  this 
stage  of  the  war,  every  capture  of  this  nature  was  of  double  impor 
tance  to  the  cause,  as  it  not  only  weakened  the  enemy,  but  checked 
his  intention  of  treating  the  American  prisoners  as  rebels,  by  giving 
the  colonists  the  means  of  retaliation,  as  well  as  of  exchange.  Colo 
nel  Campbell  was  subsequently  imprisoned  by  Washington,  to  compel 
the  English  to  extend  better  treatment  to  the  Americans  who  had 
fallen  into  their  hands. 

To  return  to  the  vessels  left  at  Rhode  Island.  When  Captain 
Jones  came  in  from  his  last  cruise  in  the  Providence,  a  project  was 
formed  to  send  a  small  squadron  under  his  orders  to  the  coast  of  Nova 
Scotia,  with  the  double  view  of  distressing  the  British  trade,  and  of 
liberating  about  a  hundred  Americans  who  were  said  to  be  confined 
in  the  coal  pits  of  that  region.  For  this  purpose  the  Alfred  24, 
Hamden  14,  and  Providence  12,  were  put  under  the  orders  of  Cap 
tain  Jones ;  but  not  having  men  enough  for  all  three,  that  officer 


60  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1776. 

selected  the  two  first  for  his  purpose.  While  clearing  the  port,  the 
llamden  got  on  a  ledge  of  rocks,  and  sustained  material  damage. 
The  crew  of  the  Hamden  were  now  transferred  to  the  Providence, 
and  in  the  month  of  November  Captain  Jones  got  to  sea,  with  both 
vessels  rather  short  manned.  A  few  days  out,  the  Alfred  made,  one 
or  two  small  captures,  and  soon  after  she  fell  in  with,  and,  after  a 
short  combat,  took  the  armed  ship  Mellish,  loaded  with  supplies  for 
the  army  that  was  then  assembling  in  Canada,  to  compose  the  expe 
dition  under  General  Burgoyne.  On  board  this  vessel,  in  addition 
to  many  other  articles  of  the  last  importance,  were  ten  thousand  suits 
of  uniform,  in  charge  of  a  company  of  soldiers.  It  was  said  at  the 
time,  that  the  Mellish  was  the  most  valuable  English  ship  that  had 
then  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  A  mericans.  Of  so  much  importance 
did  Captain  Jones  consider  this  vessel,  that  he  announced  his  inten 
tion  to  keep  his  prize  in  sight,  and  to  sink  her  in  preference  to  letting 
her  fall  into  the  enemy's  hands  again.  This  resolution,  however, 
was  changed  by  circumstances. 

The  Providence  had  parted  company  in  the  night,  and  having 
taken  a  letter  of  marque,  from  Liverpool,  the  Alfred  was  making  the 
best  of  her  way  to  Boston,  with  a  view  to  get  the  Mellish  in,  when 
on  the  edge  of  George's  Banks,  she  made  the  Milford  32,  the  frigate 
that  had  chased  Captain  Jones  the  previous  cruise,  while  in  com 
mand  of  the  Providence.  The  enemy  was  to  windward,  but  there 
was  not  time  for  him  to  close  before  dark.  The  Alfred  and  the  letter 
of  marque  hauled  up  between  the  frigate  and  the  other  prizes,  in 
order  to  cover  them,  and  directions  were  given  to  the  latter  to  stand 
on  the  same  tack  all  m<yht,  regardless  of  signals.  At  midnight  the 
Alfred  and  letter  of  marque  tacked,  and  the  latter  showed  a  top-light 
until  morning.  This  artifice  succeeded,  the  Milford  appearing  in 
chase  of  the  Alfred  when  the  day  dawned,  while  the  Mellish  and  her 
consorts  had  all  disappeared  in  the  southern  board. 

The  Milford  had  run  to  leeward  in  the  course  of  the  night,  and 
was  now  on  the  Alfred's  lee  quarter.  Some  manoeuvring  took  place 
to  ascertain  the  stranger's  force,  for  it  was  not  then  known  that  the 
ship  in  sight  was  actually  a  frigate.  In  the  course  of  the  day,  the 
Alfred  was  compelled  to  carry  sail  hard,  but  she  escaped,  though  the 
letter  of  marque  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands.  After  eluding  her 
enemy,  and  covering  all  her  prizes,  the  one  just  mentioned  excepted, 
the  Alfred  went  into  Boston,  where  she  found  the  rest  of  the  vessels, 
and  where  she  landed  her  prisoners.  Another  officer  took  charge 
of  the  ship,  and  Captain  Jones,  who  had  been  flattered  with  the  hope 
of  having  a  still  larger  force  put  under  his  orders,  was  placed  so  low 
on  the  list  by  the  new  regulation  of  navy  rank,  as  to  be  obliged  to 
look  round  for  a  single  ship,  and  that,  too,  of  a  force  inferior  to  the 
one  he  had  just  commanded. 

While  this  service  was  in  the  course  of  execution  at  the  north, 
several  small  cruisers  had  been  sent  into  the  West  Indies,  to  convoy, 
in  quest  of  arms,  or  to  communicate  with  the  different  public  agents 
in  that  quarter  We  have  seen  the  manner  in  which  the  Lexington 
had  been  captured  and  retaken  on  her  return  passage  from  this 


1776.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  61 

station,  and  we  have  now  to  allude  to  a  short  cruise  of  the  Reprisal, 
Captain  Wickes,  in  the  same  quarter.  This  ship  sailed  early  in  the 
summer,  for  Martinique,  capturing  several  prizes  by  the  way. 
When  near  her  port,  the  English  sloop  of  war  Shark  16,  Captain 
Chapman,  laid  her  close  alongside,  and  commenced  a  brisk  attack, 
the  Reprisal  being  both  lighter  than  the  enemy,  and  short-handed. 
Captain  Wickes  made  so  gallant  a  defence,  however,  that  the  Shark 
was  repulsed  with  loss,  and  he  got  into  the  island  with  credit,  hun 
dreds  having  witnessed  the  affair  from  the  shore.  As  this  occurred 
early  in  the  season,  and  before  the  declaration  of  independence,  the 
Shark  followed  the  Reprisal  in,  and  Jier  captain  demanded  that  the 
governor  should  deliver  up  the  American  ship  as  a  pirate.  This  de 
mand  was  refused  of  course,  and  shortly  after  Captain  Wickes 
returned  home.  With  a  view  to  connect  the  train  of  events,  we  will 
now  follow  this  excellent  officer  to  the  European  seas. 

The  Reprisal  was  the  first  American  man  of  war  that  ever  showed 
herself  in  the  other  hemisphere.  She  sailed  from  home  not  long 
after  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  appeared  in  France  in 
the  autumn  of  1776,  bringing  in  wTith  her  several  prizes,  and  having 
Dr.  Franklin  on  board  as  a  passenger.  A  few  privateers  had  pre 
ceded  her,  and  slight  difficulties  had  occurred  in  relation  to  some  of 
their  prizes  that  had  gone  into  Spain,  but  it  is  believed  these  were 
the  first  English  captured  ships  that  had  entered  France  since  the 
commencement  of  the  American  Revolution.  The  English  ambas 
sador  complained  of  this  infraction  of  the  treaty  between  the  two 
countries,  but  means  were  found  to  dispose  of  the  prizes  without  de 
tection.  The  Reprisal  having  refitted,  soon  sailed  towards  the  Bay 
of  Biscay,  on  another  cruise.  Here  she  captured  several  more  ves 
sels,  and  among  the  rest  a  king's  packet  that  plied  between  Falmouth 
and  Lisbon.  When  the  cruise  was  up,  Captain  Wickes  went  into 
Nantes,  taking  his  prize  with  him.  The  complaints  of  the  English 
now  became  louder,  and  the  American  commissioners  were  secretly 
admonished  of  the  necessity  of  using  greater  reserve.  The  prizes 
Avere  directed  to  quit  France,  though  the  Reprisal,  being  leaky,  was 
suffered  to  remain  in  port,  in  order  to  refit.  The  former  were  taken 
into  the  offing,  and  sold ;  the  state  of  the  times  rendering  these  in 
formal  proceedings  necessary.  Enormous  losses  to  the  captors  were 
the  consequences,  while  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  gains  of  the 
purchasers  had  their  influence  in  blinding  the  local  authorities  to  the 
character  of  the  transaction.  The  business  appears  to  have  been 
managed  with  dexterity,  and  the  proceeds  of  the  sales,  such  as  they 
were,  proved  of  great  service  to  the  agents  of  government,  by  enabling 
them  to  purchase  other  vessels. 

In  April,  the  Lexington  14,  Captain  Johnston,  arrived  in  France, 
and  the  old  difficulties  were  renewed.  But  the  commissioners  at 
Paris,  who  had  been  authorised  to  equip  vessels,  appoint  officers,  and 
do  other  matters  to  annoy  the  enemy,  now  planned  a  cruise  that 
surpassed  any  thing  of  the  sort  that  had  yet  been  attempted  in  Eu 
rope  under  the  American  flag.  Captain  Wickes  was  directed  to 
proceed  to  sea,  with  his  own  vessel  and  the  Lexington,  and  to  go 


62  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1776. 


directly  off  Ireland,  in  order  to  intercept  a  convoy  of  linen  ships  that 
was  expected  to  sail  about  that  time.  A  cutter  of  ten  guns,  called 
the  Dolphin,  that  had  been  detained  by  the  commissioners  to  carry 
despatches  to  America,  was  diverted  from  her  original  destination 
and  placed  under  the  orders  of  Captain  Wickes.  The  Dolphin  was 
commanded  by  Lieutenant  S.  Nicholson,  a  brother  of  the  senior 
captain,  and  a  gentleman  who  subsequently  died  himself  at  the  head 
of  the  service. 

Captain  Wickes,  in  command  of  this  light  squadron,  sailed  from 
Nantes  about  the  commencement  of  June,  going  first  into  the  Bay 
of  Biscay,  and  afterwards  entirely  around  Ireland,  sweeping  the  sea 
before  him  of  every  thing  that  was  not  of  a  force  to  render  an  attack 
hopeless.  The  linen  ships  were  missed,  but  many  vessels  were 
taken  or  destroyed.  As  the  American  cruisers  approached  the 
French  coast,  on  their  return,  a  line  of  battle  ship  gave  chase,  and 
followed  them  nearly  into  port.  The  Lexington  and  Dolphin  appear 
to  have  escaped  without  much  difficulty,  by  separating,  but  the  Re 
prisal  was  so  hard  pressed,  as  to  be  obliged  to  saw  her  bulwarks, 
and  even  to  cut  away  some  of  her  timbers ;  expedients  that  were 
then  much  in  favour  among  the  seamen  of  the  day,  though  of  ques 
tionable  utility. 

This  was  the  first  exploit  of  the  kind  in  the  war,  and  its  boldness 
and  success  seem  to  have  produced  so  much  sensation  in  England, 
that  the  French  government  was  driven  to  the  necessity  of  entirely 
throwing  aside  the  mask,  or  of  taking  some  more  decided  step  in 
relation  to  these  cruisers.  Not  being  yet  prepared  for  war,  it  resorted 
to  the  latter  expedient.  The  Reprisal  and  Lexington  were  ordered 
to  be  seized  and  held,  until  security  was  given  that  they  would  quit 
the  European  seas,  while  the  prizes  were  commanded  to  leave  France 
without  delay.  The  latter  were  accordingly  taken  outside  the  port, 
and  disposed  of  to  French  merchants,  in  the  same  informal  manner, 
and  with  the  same  loss,  as  in  the  previous  cases,  while  the  vessels  of 
war  prepared  to  return  home. 

In  September,  the  Lexington  sailed  from  Morlaix,  in  which  port 
she  had  taken  refuge  in  the  chase,  and  next  day  she  fell  in  with  the 
British  man-of-war-cutter  Alert,  Lieutenant  Bazely,  a  vessel  of  a 
force  a  trifle  less  than  her  own,  when  an  engagement  took  place. 
The  lightness  of  the  vessels,  and  the  roughness  of  the  weather,  ren 
dered  the  fire  on  both  sides,  very  ineffective,  and  after  an  action  of 
two  hours  and  a  half,  the  Lexington  had  expended  nearly  all  of  her 
powder,  without  subduing  her  gallant  opponent.  The  Alert,  how- 
3ver,  had  suffered  so  much  aloft,  as  to  enable  the  brig  to  leave  her. 
Notwithstanding  this  advantage,  so  much  activity  was  shown  on 
board  the  English  vessel,  that,  after  a  chase  of  four  hours,  she  was 
enabled  to  get  alongside  of  the  Lexington  again,  while  the  latter  was 
herself  repairing  damages.  A  one-sided  battle  now  occurred,  the 
Lexington  not  having  it  in  her  power  to  keep  up  a  fire  of  any  moment, 
and  after  receiving  that  of  his  persevering  antagonist  for  another  hour. 
Captain  Johnston  was  compelled  to  strike,  to  save  the  lives  of  his 
crew.  Thus  closed  the  brief  history  of  the  gallant  little  cruiser  that 


1777.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  63 

is  known  to  have  first  borne  the  regular  American  flag  in  a  victory 
upon  the  ocean.  Her  career  was  short,  but  it  was  not  without  credit 
and  usefulness.  When  taken,  she  had  been  in  service  about  one  year 
and  eight  months,  in  which  time  she  had  been  under  three  command 
ers,  Captains  Barry,  Hallock,  and  Johnston;  had  fought  two  severe 
battles  with  vessels  of  war ;  was  twice  taken,  and  once  recaptured, 
besides  having  several  times  engaged  armed  ships,  and  made  many 
prizes.  The  English  commander  received  a  good  deal  of  credit  for 
the  persevering  gallantry  with  which  he  lay  by,  and  captured  his 
opponent. 

The  fate  of  the  Reprisal,  a  vessel  that  had  even  been  more  suc 
cessful  than  her  consort,  was  still  harder.  This  ship  also  sailed  for 
America,  agreeably  to  the  conditions  made  with  the  French  govern 
ment,  and  foundered  on  the  banks  of  Newfoundland,  all  on  board 
perishing  with  the  exception  of  the  cook.  In  Captain  Wickes  the 
country  lost  a  gallant,  prudent,  and  efficient  officer,  and  one  who 
promised  to  have  risen  high  in  his  profession  had  his  life  been  spared. 

To  the  untimely  loss  of  the  Reprisal,  and  the  unfortunate  capture 
of  the  Lexington,  must  be  attributed  the  little  eclat  that  attended  the 
services  of  these  two  vessels  in  Europe.  They  not  only  preceded  all 
the  other  national  cruisers  in  the  European  seas,  but  they  did  great 
positive  injury  to  the  commerce  of  the  enemy,  besides  exciting  such 
a  feeling  of  insecurity  in  the  English  merchants,  as  to  derange  their 
plans,  and  to  produce  other  revolutions  in  the  course  of  trade,  that 
will  be  adverted  to  in  the  close  of  the  chapter. 

In  order  to  complete  the  account  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Amer 
ican  commissioners  at  Paris,  so  far  as  they  were  connected  with  na 
val  movements,  during  the  years  1776  and  1777,  it  is  necessary  to 
come  next  to  the  affair  of  Captain  Conyngham,  which,  owing  to 
some  marked  circumstances,  made  more  noise  than  the  cruises  of 
the  Reprisal  and  Lexington,  though  the  first  exploits  of  the  latter  were 
anterior  as  to  time,  and  of  not  less  consequence  in  their  effects. 

While  the  commissioners*  were  directing  the  movements  of  Cap 
tain  Wickes,  in  the  manner  that  has  been  mentioned,  they  were  not 
idle  in  other  quarters.  A  small  frigate  was  building  at  Nantes,  on 
their  account,  and  there  will  be  occasion  hereafter  to  speak  of  her 
services  and  loss,  under  the  name  of  the  Queen  of  France.  Some 
time  in  the  spring  of  1777,  an  agent  was  sent  to  Dover  by  the  Amer 
ican  commissioners  where  he  purchased  a  fine  fast-sailing  English- 
built  cutter,  and  had  her  carried  across  to  Dunkirk.  Here  she  was 
privately  equipped  as  a  cruiser,  and  named  the  Surprise.  To  the 
command  of  this  vessel,  Captain  Gustavus  Conyngham  was  ap 
pointed,  by  filling  up  a  blank  commission  from  John  Hancock,  the 
President  of  Congress.  This  commission  bore  date  March  1st, 
1777,  and  it  would  seem,  as  fully  entitled  Mr.  Conyngham  to  the  rank 
of  a  captain  in  the  navy,  as  any  other  that  was  ever  issued  by  the 
same  authority.  Having  obtained  his  officers  and  crew  in  Dunkirk, 
Captain  Conyngham  sailed  on  a  cruise,  about  the  1st  of  May,  and  on 
the  4th,  he  took  a  brig  called  the  Joseph.  On  the  7th,  when  within 

*  Dr.  Franklin  and  Silas  Deane. 


(j4  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1777. 

a  few  leagues  of  the  coast  of  Holland,  the  Surprise  ran  along  side  of 
the  Harwich  packet  the  Prince  of  Orange,  which  she  boarded  and 
took  with  so  little  previous  alarm,  that  Captain  Conyngham  on  step- 
ing  upon  the  deck  of  the  prize,  walked  cooly  down  into  her  cabin, 
where  he  found  her  master  and  his  passengers  at  breakfast.  The 
mail  for  the  north  of  Europe  being  on  board  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
Captain  Conyngham  believed  his  acquisition  to  be  of  sufficient  im 
portance  to  return  to  port,  and  accordingly  he  reappeared  at  Dun 
kirk  in  a  day  or  two. 

By  referring  to  the  dates,  it  will  be  seen,  though  both  the  Reprisal 
and  the  Lexington,  especially  the  first,  had  cruised  in  the  European 
seas  prior  to  the  sailing  of  the  Surprise,  that  the  latter  vessel  per 
formed  the  exploit  just  mentioned,  shortly  before  Captain  Wickes 
sailed  on  his  cruise  in  the  Irish  and  English  Channels.  Coming  as 
it  did  so  soon  after  the  capture  of  the  Lisbon  packet,  and  occurring 
on  one  of  the  great  thoroughfares  between  England  and  the  conti 
nent,  coupled  with  the  fact  that  the  cutter  had  been  altogether 
equipped  in  a  French  port,  the  loss  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  appears 
to  have  attracted  more  attention  than  the  transactions  before  des 
cribed.  The  remonstrances  of  the  English  ambassador  were  so  earn 
est,  that  Captain  Conyngham  and  his  crew  were  imprisoned,  the  cut 
ter  was  seized,  and  the  prizes  were  liberated.  On  this  occasion  the 
commission  of  Captain  Conyngham  was  taken  from  him,  and  sent 
to  Versailles,  and  it  seems  never  to  have  been  returned. 

So  completely  was  the  English  government  deceived  by  this  de 
monstration  of  an  intention  on  the  part  of  the  French  ministry  to 
cause  the  treaty  to  be  respected,  that  two  sloops  of  war  were  actually 
sent  to  Dunkirk  to  carry  Captain  Conyngham  and  his  people  to 
England,  that  they  might  be  tried  as  pirates.  When  the  ships 
reached  Dunkirk,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  succeeding  events,  the  birds 
had  flown. 

The  commissioners  had  the  capture  of  some  of  the  transports 
with  Hessian  troops  on  board  in  view,  and  they  were  no  sooner  no 
tified  of  the  seizure  of  the  Surprise,  than  Mr.  Hodge,  an  agent  who 
was  of  great  service  to  the  cause,  was  directed  to  procure  another 
cutter.  One  was  accordingly  purchased  at  Dunkirk,  and  was  fitted, 
with  all  despatch,  for  a  cruiser.  Means  were  found  to  liberate  Cap 
tain  Conyngham  and  his  people,  and  this  second  vessel,  which  was 
called  the  Revenge,  sailed  from  Dunkirk  on  the  J8th  of  July,  or 
about  the  time  that  Captain  Wickes  returned  from  his  cruise  with 
the  three  other  vessels.  A  new  commission  had  been  obtained  foi 
Captain  Conyngham,  previously  to  putting  to  sea,  which  bore  date 
May  2d,  1777.  As  this  second  commission  was  dated  anterior  to 
the  seizure  of  the  old  one,  there  is  no  question  that  it  was  also  one 
of  those  in  blank,  which  had  been  confided  to  the  commissioners  to 
fill  at  their  discretion. 

The  Revenge  proved  exceedingly  successful,  making  prizes  daily 
and  generally  destroying  them.  Some  of  the  most  valuable,  how 
ever,  were  ordered  into  Spain,  where  many  arrived  ;  their  avails 
proving  of  great  moment  to  the  agents  of  the  American  government 


1777.]  NAVAL  HISTORY,  65 

in  Europe.  It  is  even  affirmed  that  the  money  advanced  to  Mr.  Ad 
ams  for  travelling  expenses,  when  he  landed  in  Spain  from  the 
French  frigate  La  Sensible,  a  year  or  two  later,  was  derived  from 
this  source. 

Having  suffered  from  a  gale,  Captain  Conyngham  disguised  the 
Revenge,  and  took  her  into  one  of  the  small  English  ports,  where 
he  actually  refitted  without  detection.  Shortly  after,  lie  obtained 
supplies  in  Ireland,  paying  for  them  by  bills  on  his  agents  in  Spain. 
In  short,  after  a  cruise  of  almost  unprecedented  success,  so  far  as 
injury  to  the  English  merchants  was  concerned,  the  Revenge  went 
into  Ferrol,  refitted,  and  finally  sailed  for  the  American  sea's,  where 
it  would  derange  the  order  of  events  to  follow  her  at  this  moment. 

The  characters  of  the  Surprise  and  Revenge  appear  never  to  have 
been  properly  understood.    In  all  the  accounts  of  the  day,  and  in  near 
ly,  if  not  in  quite  all  the  subsequent  histories,  these  vessels  are  spoken 
of  as  privateers,  authorised  to  act  by  the  commissioners  at  Paris.    It  is 
not  clear  that  the  commissioners  sent  private  armed  vessels  to  sea  at 
all,  though  the  act  may  have  come  within  the  scope  of  their  powers. 
That  the  two  cutters  commanded  by  Captain  Conyngham  were  pub 
lic  vessels,  however,  is  proved  in  a  variety  of  ways.     Like  the  Dol 
phin  10,  Lieutenant  Nicholson,  an  officer  who  may  be  said  to  have 
almost  passed  his  life  in  the  navy,  the  Surprise  and  Revenge  were 
bought  and  equipped  by  agents  of  the  diplomatic  commissioners  of 
the  United  States,  on  public  account,  and  the  commissions  granted 
to  Captain   Conyngham  were   gifts  of  personal  authority,  and  not 
powers  conceded  to  particular  vessels.     It  is  known  that  Dr.  Frank 
lin,  at  a  later  day,  and  with  an  especial  object  in  view,  granted  tem 
porary  commissions  in  the  navy,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  either 
of  those  bestowed  on  Captain  Conyngham  possessed  even  this  con 
ditional  character.     The  Revenge  was  finally  given  up  to  the  Navy 
Board,  in  Philadelphia,  and  was  sold  on  public  account.     It  is  cer 
tainly  competent  for  a  government  to  consider  its  public  vessels  as  it 
may  see  fit,  or  to  put  them  in  the  several  classes  of  vessels  of  war, 
revenue  cruisers,  packets,  troop-ships,  transports,  or  any  thing  else, 
but  it  would,  at  least,  be  a  novelty  for  it  to  deem  any  of  its  own  active 
cruisers  privateers.     The  very  word  would  infer  a  contradiction  in 
terms.     Paul  Jones  speaks  of  his  desire  to  obtain  Captain  Conyng 
ham  as  a  member  of  a  court  martial,  as  late  as  1779,  and  in  a  re 
monstrance  against  the  treatment  shown  to  Captain  Conyngham, 
then  a  prisoner  of  war,  made  by  Congress,  through  its  Secretary, 
Charles  Thompson,  of  the  date  of  July  1779,  that  officer  is  termed, 
*'  Gustavus  Conyngham,  a  citizen  of  America,  late  commander  of  an 
armed  vessel  in  the  service  of  said  States,  and  taken  on  board  a  pri 
vate  armed  cutter,"  &c.  &c.     Here  the  distinction  between  public 
and  private  armed  vessels  is  unequivocally  made,  and  the  fact  that 
Captain  Conyngham  had  served  in  both,  is  as  clearly  established; 
it  being  admitted  that  he  was  acting  in  a  privateer  at  the  precise  mo 
ment  of  his  capture.     The  latter  circumstance,  in  no  degree  affected 
the  rank  of  Captain   Conyngham,   officers  of  the  navy  quite  fre 
quently  serving  in  private  armed  ships,  after  the  first  two  or  three 
VOL.  i.  5 


66  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1777. 


years  of  the  war,  in  consequence  of  there  not  having  been  public 
vessels  to  afford  them  employment.  That  there  was  some  irregu 
larity  in  giving  Captain  Conyngham  two  commissions  for  the  same 
rank,  and  bearing  different  dates,  is  true,  but  this  arose  from  neces 
sity  ;  and  want  of  regularity  and  system  was  a  fault  of  the  times, 
rather  than  of  those  who  conducted  the  affairs  of  the  American  ma 
rine,  during  the  Revolution.  There  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt 
that  both  the  Surprise  and  the  Revenge  were  public  vessels  of  war, 
and  that  Gustavus  Conyngham  was  a  captain  in  the  navy  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  in  virtue  of  two  commissions  granted  by 
a  competent  authority  ;  and  that,  too,  subsequently  to  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence,  or  alter  the  country  claimed  all  the  political 
rights  of  sovereign  power. 

The  sensation  produced  among  the  British  merchants,  by  the  dif 
ferent  cruises  in  the  European  seas,  that  have  been  recorded  in  this 
chapter,  is  stated  in  the  diplomatic  correspondence  of  the  day,  to 
have  been  greater  than  that  produced,  in  the  previous  war,  by  the 
squadron  of  the  celebrated  Thurot.  Insurance  rose  to  an  enormous 
height,  and,  in  speaking  of  the  cruise  of  Captain  Wickes  in  partic 
ular,  Mr.  Deane  observes  in  one  of  his  letters  to  Robert  Morris,  that 
it  **  effectually  alarmed  England,  prevented  the  great  fair  at  Chester, 
occasioned  insurance  to  rise,  and  even  deterred  the  English  mer 
chants  from  shipping  goods  in  English  bottoms,  at  any  rate,  so  that 
in  a  few  weeks,  forty  sail  of  French  ships  were  loading  in  the 
Thames  on  freight ;  an  instance  never  before  known."  In  the 
same  letter,  this  commissioner  adds, — "  In  a  word,  Cunningham 
(Conyngham)  by  his  first  and  second  bold  expeditions,  is  become  the 
terror  of  all  the  eastern  coast  of  England  and  Scotland,  and  is  more 
dreaded  than  Thurot  was,  in  the  late  war." 

Insurance,  in  some  instances,  rose  as  high  as  twenty-five  per 
cent.,  and  it  is  even  affirmed  that  there  was  a  short  period  when  ten 
per  cent,  was  asked  between  Dover  and  Calais,  a  distance  of  only 
seven  leagues. 

Having  now  related  the  principal  maritime  events  that  were  con 
nected  with  the  policy  and  measures  of  the  commissioners  in  France, 
during  the  years  1776  and  1777,  we  shall  return  to  the  American 
seas,  and  resume  the  thread  of  the  narrative,  where  it  has  been  in 
terrupted,  or  towards  the  middle  of  the  former  year.  \Ve  shall 
shortly  have  occasion,  however,  to  revert  to  the  subject  that  we  are 
now  temporarily  quitting,  this  quarter  of  the  world  having  been  the 
theatre  of  still  more  interesting  incidents  connected  with  the  navy,  at 
a  later  day.  Before  returning  to  the  year  1776,  and  the  more  chro 
nological  order  of  events,  however,  one  fact  may  well  be  recorded 
here.  With  a  view  to  increase  the  naval  force  of  the  country,  the 
commissioners  had  caused  a  frigate  of  extraordinary  size,  and  of 
peculiar  armament  and  construction  for  that  period,  to  be  laid  down 
at  Amsterdam.  This  ship  had  the  keel  and  sides  of  a  two  decker, 
though  frigate  built,  and  her  main  deck  armament  was  intended  to 
consist,  of  thirty-two  pounders.  Her  name  was  the  Indien.  But  in 
consequence  of  the  apprehensions  of  the  Dutch  government,  and  thr 


1776.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  67 


jealousy  of  that  of  England,  Congress  was  induced,  about  this  time, 
to  make  an  offering  of  the  Indien  to  Louis  XVI.,  and  she  was  equip 
ped  and  got  ready  for  sea,  as  a  French  vessel  of  war.  In  the  end, 
the  manner  in  which  this  frigate  was  brought  into  the  service  of  one 
of  the  new  American  States,  and  her  fate,  will  be  shown. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Commodore  Sir  Peter  Parker  attacks  Charleston — Is  repulsed  by  the  Americans — Capt. 
Mngfbrd  captures  the  Hope — The  Sachem,  Capt.  Robinson,  captures  an  English  let 
ter  of  marque — Capt.  R.  put  in  command  of  the  Doria — Captures  the  Racehorse,  after 
a  sharp  contest — Conflict  of  American  galleys  with  the  enemy — Capt.  Hudson  of  the 
Ranger  captures  a  British  brig,  after  an  action  of  two  hours — Battle  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain — General  Arnold — American  privateers. 

IT  is  now  necessary  to  revert  to  events  that  will  require  the  time 
to  be  carried  back  more  than  a  twelvemonth.  In  reviewing  this 
branch  of  the  subject,  it  may  be  well  to  take  a  brief  notice  of  the  state 
of  the  regular  marine  of  the  country,  in  the  spring  of  the  year  1776, 
or  soon  after  the  law  for  capturing  all  British  vessels  had  passed,  and 
at  a  moment  when  the  independence  of  the  country  was  seriously 
contemplated,  though  not  formally  declared. 

None  of  these  vessels  ordered  to  be  built,  by  the  laws  of  the  previ 
ous  year,  were  yet  launched,  and  every  public  cruiser  of  any  size 
that  was  actually  afloat  had  been  bought  into  the  service.  Of  these, 
the  largest  were  little  suited  to  war,  as  they  were  necessarily  selected 
from  among  the  merchant  vessels  of  the  country,  while  the  smaller 
had  been  chosen  principally  from  among  the  privateers.  Copper, 
for  ships,  was  just  coming  into  use,  and  it  is  not  believed  thai  a  single 
cruiser  of  the  United  States  possessed  the  great  advantage  of  having 
this  material  on  its  bottom  until  a  much  later  day. 

Philadelphia  being  the  seat  of  government,  the  largest  town  in 
the  country,  and  naturally  strong  in  its  defences,  more  than  usual 
attention  was  paid  to  the  means  of  preventing  the  enemy  from  getting 
possession  of  it  by  water.  Thirteen  galleys  had  been  provided  for 
this  purpose,  as  well  as  a  heavy  floating  battery,  and  several  fire 
rafts.  An  officer  of  the  name  of  Hazlewood  was  put  in  command, 
with  the  title  of  commodore,  his  commission  having  been  issued  by 
the  Colony  of  Pennsylvania.  Similar  arrangements  were  made  in 
the  Chesapeake,  where  a  gentleman  of  the  name  of  Barren,  the 
father  of  two  officers  who  have  subsequently  risen  to  high  rank  in 
the  service,  received  the  same  commission  from  the  Colony  of  Vir 
ginia.  James  Nicholson,  who  so  shortly  after  became  the  senior 
captain  of  the  navy,  filled  a  corresponding  station  in  the  Colony  of 
Maryland,  and  performed  some  service  that  did  him  credit. 

Most  of  the  colonies  had  their  respective  cruisers  at  sea,  or  on 
their  own  coasts,  while  the  ocean  literally*  began  to  swarm  with  pri 


68  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1776. 

vateers  from  all  parts  of  the  country  ;  though  New  England  took 
the  lead  in  this  species  of  warfare.  Robert  Morris,  in  one  of  his 
official  letters  of  a  date  later  than  this  precise  time,  remarks  that  the 
passion  for  privateering  was  so  strong  in  this  particular  part  of  the 
country,  that  even  agriculture  was  abandoned  in  order  to  pursue  it. 

The  English  evacuated  Boston  on  the  17th  of  March  of  this  year, 
retiring  to  Halifax  with  their  fleet  and  army.  From  this  place,  they 
directed  their  movements  for  a  short  period,  or  until  they  were  en 
abled,  by  the  arrival  of  powerful  reinforcements,  to  choose  the  points 
which  it  was  believed  would  be  the  most  advantageous  to  possess  for 
the  future  management  of  the  war.  Charleston,  South  Carolina, 
was  soon  selected  for  this  purpose,  and  preparations  for  a  descent 
on  that  coast  were  made  as  early  as  April,  or  immediately  after  the 
the  evacuation  of  Boston.  It  is  not  improbable  that  this  step  was 
held  in  view,  when  the  British  quitted  New  England,  as  the  occupa 
tion  of  that  town  would  enable  the  English  government  to  overrun  all 
the  southern  colonies.  Luckily,  some  despatches,  that  were  inter 
cepted  by  Commodore  Barron,  of  the  Virginia  service,  betrayed  this 
/  design  to  the  people  of  Charleston,  who  were  not  slow  in  making 
their  preparations  to  meet  the  enemy. 

In  furtherance  of  this  plan,  which  is  even  said  to  have  emanated 
from  the  British  ministry  itself,  though  some  ascribe  the  attack  that 
occurred  to  the  officers  immediately  in  command,  the  main  object 
being  a  secure  footing  in  the  southern  States  at  any  eligible  point 
that  might  offer,  a  squadron  consisting  of  several  sail,  under  the 
orders  of  Commodore  Sir  Peter  Parker,  arrived  on  the  coast  of 
North  Carolina  as  early  as  May.  Here  it  was  joined  by  a  fleet  of 
transports  from  Halifax,  having  on  board  nearly  three  thousand 
troops,  at  the  head  of  whom  was  Lieutenant  General,  afterwards  Sir 
Henry,  Clinton. 

On  the  4th  of  June  this  imposing  force  appeared  off  Charleston 
Bar,  and  made  immediate  preparations  for  a  descent  and  an  attack 
by  sea ;  buoying  out  the  channel  for  the  latter  purpose  without  delay. 
A  portion  of  the  troops  were  landed  on  Long  Island,  which  is  sepa 
rated  from  Sullivan's  Island  by  a  narrow  channel  that  is  fordable  in 
certain  states  of  the  tide,  with  a  view  to  pass  over  and  take  a  strong 
work,  made  of  palmetto  logs,  that  the  Americans  had  erected  for  the 
defence  of  their  harbour,  and  which  it  was  thought  might  easily  be 
reduced  from  the  rear.  Happily  for  the  Americans,  a  long  continu 
ance  of  easterly  winds  drove  the  water  up  into  the  passage  between 
the  two  islands,  converting  the  channel  into  a  ditch,  that  effectually 
prevented  the  forces  of  General  Clinton  from  crossing.  On  the  7tli, 
the  frigates  passed  the  bar ;  and  on  the  10th,  a  fifty  gun  ship  suc 
ceeded  with  great  difficulty,  in  accomplishing  the  same  object.  The 
delay  occasioned  by  the  want  of  water,  and  the  indecision  of  the  Eng 
lish  general,  who  acted  with  less  vigour  than  his  associate  in  com 
mand,  was  eagerly  improved  by  the  Americans,  and  a  considerable 
force  collected  in  and  about  the  town,  though  the  fort  on  Sullivan's 
Island,  which  was  subsequently  named  after  its  gallant  commander, 
Colonel  Moultrio,  did  not  admit  of  much  enlargement  or  additional 


I 


1776.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  69 

fortifying.  This  work  contained  twenty-six  guns,  twenty-six  and 
eighteen  pounders,  and  it  was  garrisoned  by  about  four  hundred 
men,  of  whom  more  than  three  hundred  were  regulars.  Other 
troops  were  at  hand  to  watch  the  party  on  Long  Island,  and  to  resist 
any  attempt  to  land.  Major  General  Lee,  of  the  United  States'  ser 
vice  commanded  in  chief,  on  the  side  of  the  Americans.  Suitable 
preparations  were  made  to  save  the  garrison,  in  the  event  of  a  de 
scent,  though  it  appears  to  have  been  the  opinion  of  Colonel  Moul- 
trie,  that  he  could  have  maintained  the  island  even  had  the  enemy 
crossed  and  landed. 

On  the  28th  of  June,  Sir  Peter  Parker,  being  joined  by  another 
fifty,  and  having  completed  his  preparations,  moved  his  ships  to  their 
respective  stations,  in  order  to  commence  the  attack.  Between  ten 
and  eleven  in  the  forenoon,  the  Thunder  began  to  throw  shells  at  the 
fort,  to  cover  the  approach  of  the  other  vessels,  though  without  much 
effect.  The  shells  were  well  directed,  and  many  fell  in  the  centre 
of  the  fort ;  but  they  were  received  in  a  morass,  where  the  fuses  were 
extinguished.  But  few  exploded.  The  Bristol  50,  Sir  Peter  Par 
ker's  own  ship,  the  Experiment  50,  which  had  joined  but  a  day  or 
two  before,  both  vessels  of  two  decks,  the  Active  28,  and  the  Solebay 
28,  anchored  in  front  of  the  fort,  with  springs  on  their  cables  ;  while 
the  Acteon  28,  Siren  28,  and  Sphinx  20,  endeavored  to  get  into 
positions  between  the  island  arid  the  town,  with  a  view  to  enfilade 
the  works,  to  cut  off  the  communications  with  the  main  body  of  the 
American  forces,  and  to  intercept  a  retreat.  The  latter  vessels  got 
entangled  among  the  shoals,  and  all  three  took  the  ground.  In  the 
confusion,  the  Sphinx  and  Siren  ran  foul  of  each  other,  by  which  ac 
cident  the  former  lost  her  bowsprit.  The  Acteon  stuck  so  fast,  that 
all  the  efforts  of  her  crew  to  get  her  afloat  proved  "unavailing  ;  but 
the  other  two  succeeded  in  getting  off  in  a  few  hours.  In  conse 
quence  of  these  mistakes  and  accidents,  the  three  vessels  named 
were  of  little  or  no  use  to  the  British  during  the  engagement. 

Of  the  vessels  that  came  up  in  front,  the  Active  28,  led.  As  she 
drew  near,  the  fort  fired  a  few  guns,  as  if  to  try  the  range  of  its  shot, 
but  the  battle  did  not  properly  begin  until  the  frigate  had  anchored 
and  delivered  her  broadside.  The  other  vessels  followed,  when  they 
all  commenced  as  severe  and  well  supported  a  fire,  as  was  probably 
ever  kept  up  for  so  long  a  period,  by  ships  of  their  force. 

The  cannonade  began  in  earnest  about  twelve  o'clock,  and  it  was 
maintained  throughout  a  long  summer's  afternoon,  and,  with  short 
intervals,  until  nine  o'clock  at  night,  with  undaunted  resolution,  on 
both  sides.  The  fire  of  the  ships  was  rapid  :  that  of  the  fort  delibe 
rate,  but  of  deadly  aim.  The  first,  owing  to  the*peculiar  nature  of 
the  wood  of  which  the  works  were  composed,  did  but  little  injury, 
•vhile  the  heavy  shot  sent  from  the  fort,  passed  through  and  through 
the  sides  of  the  enemy's  ships.  At  one  period,  the  garrison  had 
nearly  expended  its  ammunition,  and  its  fire  ceased  for  so  long  a 
time,  that  it  became  the  impression  of  the  enemy  that  it  had  evacu- 


,0  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1776, 

ted  the  works.*  A  fresh  supply  arriving,  however,  this  error  of  the 
English  was  soon  corrected,  the  fire  that  was  renewed  being,  if  pos 
sible,  more  destructive  than  that  which  had  preceded  the  pause.  In 
the  heat  of  the  engagement  the  springs  of  the  Bristol's  cable  were 
cut,  and  the  ship  swung  round,  with  her  stern  to  the  embrasures. 
That  deadly  deliberate  fire,  which  had  distinguished  the  garrison 
throughout  the  day,  now  told  with  awful  effect  on  this  devoted  vessel. 
In  this  scene  of  slaughter  and  destruction,  the  old  seaman  who 
commanded  the  British  squadron,  displayed  the  high  resolution 
which,  during  the  last  century,  has  distinguished  so  many  other  of 
ficers  of  his  name  in  the  same  service.  At  one  time,  he  is  said  to 
have  stood  almost  alone  on  the  quarter-deck  of  his  ship,  bleeding, 
but  delivering  his  orders  calmly  and  with  discretion.  By  the  appli 
cation  of  a  new  spring,  the  vessel  was  extricated  from  this  awful 
position,  and  her  firing  was  renewed. 

But  no  courage  or  perseverance  on  the  part  of  the  assailants  could 
overcome  the  cool  resolution  of  the  garrison,  and  when  night  set  in, 
Sir  Peter  Parker  made  the  signal  for  the  ships  to  retire.  All  the 
vessels  effected  their  retreat  but  the  Acteon,  which  ship  remained 
too  firmly  grounded  to  be  moved.  From  this  frigate  the  enemy 
withdrew  her  people  next  morning,  when  they  set  her  on  fire,  leaving 
her  with  her  guns  loaded  and  colours  flying.  She  was  immediately 
boarded  by  the  Americans,  who  hauled  down  her  ensign,  fired  a  few 
shot  at  the  retreating  ships,  and  left  her.  In  a  short  time  her  maga 
zine  exploded. 

This  was  the  most  hotly  contested  engagement  of  the  kind  that 
ever  took  place  on  the  American  coast,  and  it  goes  fully  to  prove  the 
important  military  position,  that  ships  cannot  withstand  forts  when 
the  latter  are  properly  constructed,  armed,  and  garrisoned.  Gen 
eral  Moultrie,  in  his  Memoirs,  states  that  he  commenced  the  battle 
with  only  twenty-eight  rounds  of  powder.  The  supplies  received 
during  the  fight  amounted  to  but  seven  hundred  pounds  in  gross, 
which,  for  guns  of  so  heavy  caliber,  would  scarcely  make  a  total  of 
thirty -five  rounds.  He  is  of  opinion  that  the  want  of  powder  alone 
prevented  the  Americans  from  destroying  the  men  of  war. 

On  this  occasion  the  Americans  had  only  thirty-six  killed  and 
wounded,  while  the  loss  of  the  British  was  about  two  hundred  men. 
The  two  fifty  gun  ships  suffered  most,  the  Bristol  having  the  com 
modore  himself,  Captain  Morris,  who  died  of  his  injuries,  and  sixty- 
nine  men  wounded,  besides  forty  killed.  Amonjr  the  former  was 
Lord  William  Campbell,  a  brother  of  the  Duke  of  Argyle,  who  had 

*  Some  carious  errors  appear  in  Sir  Peter  Parker's  report  of  this  affair,  arising  otit  of 
the  distance  at  which  he  was  placed,  and  the  confusion  of  a  hot  conflict.  Among  other 
things  he  says  that  large  parties  were  driven  out  of  the  fort  by  the  fire  of  the  ships,  and 
that  they  were  replaced  by  reinforcements  from  the  main  land.  He  also  says  that  a 
man  was  hanged  on  a  tree,  in  the  rear  of  the  fort,  by  a  party  that  was  entering  ft.  Noth 
ing  of  the  sort  occurred.  Colonel  Moultrie  explains  the  affair  of  the  man  in  the  tree,  by 
saying  that  a  shot  took  a  soldier's  coat  and  carried  it  into  the  branches  of  a  tree,  where 
il  remained  suspended  during  the  rest  of  the  day.  So  far  from  any  confusion  or  disorder 
having  existed  in  the  fort,  when  General  Lee  visited  the  works,  Airing  the  height  of  the 
action,  the  officers  laid  aside  their  pipes  in  order  to  receive  him  with  proper  respect. 
After  the  affair,  twelve  hundred  shot  were  picked  up  in  and  about  the  fort,  besides manv 
shells. 


1776.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  71 

recently  been  Governor  of  South  Carolina,  in  which  province  he  had 
married,  arid  who  had  taken  a  command  on  the  Bristol's  lower  gun 
deck,  with  a  view  to  animate  her  men.  The  Experiment  suffered  little 
less  than  the  Bristol,  several  of  her  ports  having  been  knocked  into 
one,  and  seventy-nine  of  her  officers  and  crew  were  killed  and 
wounded.  Among  the  latter  was  her  commander,  Captain  Scott. 
The  frigates,  attracting  less  of  the  attention  of  the  garrison  escaped 
with  comparatively  little  Joss.  A  short  time  after  this  signal  discom 
fiture,  the  British  temporarily  abandoned  their  design  on  Charleston, 
carrying  off  the  troops,  which  had  been  perfectly  useless  during  the 
operations. 

Quitting  the  south  for  the  present,  we  will  now  return  to  the  north, 
to  mention  a  few  of  the  lighter  incidents  that  occurred  at  different 
points  on  the  coast.  Soon  after  the  British  left  Boston,  a  Captain 
Mugford  obtained  the  use  of  a  small  armed  vessel  belonging  to  gov 
ernment,  called  the  Franklin,  and  getting  to  sea,  he  succeeded  in 
capturing  the  Hope,  a  ship  that  had  on  board  fifteen  hundred  barrels 
of  powder,  and  a  large  quantity  of  intrenching  tools,  gun  carriages, 
and  other  stores.  This  vessel  was  got  into  Boston,  in  sight  of  the 
British  squadron.  Attempting  another  cruise  immediately  after 
wards,  Captain  Mugford  lost  his  life  in  making  a  gallant  and  suc 
cessful  effort  to  repel  some  of  the  '  nemy's  boats,  which  had  endeav 
oured  to  carry  the  Franklin  and  u  small  privateer  that  was  in  com 
pany,  by  boarding. 

On  the  6th  of  July,  or  two  days  after  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  the  Sachem  10,  Captain  Robinson,  sailed  from  the 
Delaware  on  a  cruise.  The  Sachem  was  sloop  rigged,  and  one  of 
the  lightest  cruisers  in  the  service.  When  a  few  days  out  she  fell  in 
with  an  English  letter  of  marque,  a  Jamaica-man,  and  captured  her, 
after  a  sharp  contest.  Both  vessels  are  said  to  have  suffered  severely 
in  this  affair,  and  to  have  had  an  unusual  number  of  their  people 
killed  and  wounded.  Captain  Robinson  was  now  compelled  '  j 
return  to  refit,  and  arriving  at  Philadelphia  with  the  prize,  the  Ma.  me 
Committee  rewarded  him  for  his  success  by  giving  him  the  command 
of  the  Andrea  Doria  14,  then  recently  returned  from  her  cruise  to  the 
eastward  under  Captain  Biddle,  which  officer  had  been  transferred 
to  the  Randolph  32. 

The  Doria  sailed  shortly  after  for  St.  Eustatia,  to  bring  home  some 
arms ;  and  it  is  said  that  the  first  salute  ever  paid  to  the  American 
flag,  by  a  regular  government,  was  fired  in  return  for  the  salute  of 
the  Doria,  when  she  went  into  that  island.  For  this  indiscretion  the 
Dutch  governor  was  subsequently  displaced. 

On  her  return  passage,  off  the  western  end  of  Porto  Rico,  the 
Doria  made  an  English  vessel  of  war,  bearing  down  upon  her  with 
a  disposition  to  engage.  On  ranging  up  abeam,  the  enemy  com 
menced  the  action  by  firing  a  broadside,  which  was  immediately 
returned  by  the  Doria.  A  very  sharp  contest  of  two  hours  followed, 
when  the  Englishman  struck.  The  prize  proved  to  be  the  Race 
horse  12,  Lieutenant  Jones,  who  had  been  sent  by  his  admiral  to 
cruise  expressly  for  his  captors.  Lieutenant  Jones  was  mortally 


72  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1776. 

wounded,  and  a  very  large  proportion  of  the  Racehorse's  officers 
and  crew  were  either  killed  or  wounded.  The  Doria  lost  twelve 
men,  including'  all  the  casualties.  Captain  Robinson  and  his  prize 
got  safely  into  Philadelphia,  in  due  season.  The  Doria  never  went 
to  sea  again,  being  shortly  after  burned  by  the  Americans  to  prevent 
her  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  British  fleet,  when  the  evacuation 
of  Fort  Mifflin  gave  the  enemy  the  command  of  the  Delaware. 

The  galleys  in  the  Delaware  had  a  long  and  well  contested  strug 
gle  with  the  Roebuck  44,  Captain  Hammond,  and  the  Liverpool  20, 
Captain  Bellew,  about  the  first  of  May  of  this  year.  The  cannon 
ade  was  handsomely  conducted,  and  it  resulted  in  driving  the  enemy 
from  the  river.  During  this  affair  the  Wasp  8,  Captain  Alexander, 
was  active  and  conspicuous,  cutting  out  a  tender  of  the  English  ships 
from  under  their  guns. 

A  spirited  attack  was  also  made  on  the  Phoenix  44,  and  Rose  24, 
in  the  Hudson,  on  the  third  of  August,  by  six  American  galleys. 
The  firing  was  heavy  and  well  maintained  for  two  hours,  both  sides 
suffering  materially.  On  the  part  of  the  galleys,  eighteen  men  were 
killed  and  wounded,  and  several  guns  were  dismounted  by  shot. 
The  loss  of  the  enemy  is  not  known,  though  both  vessels  were 
repeatedly  hulled. 

But  by  this  time  the  whole  coast  was  alive  with  adventures  of  such 
a  nature,  scarcely  a  week  passing  that  did  not  give  rise  to  some  inci 
dent  that  would  have  interest  for  the  reader,  did  the  limits  of  our  work 
permit  us  to  enter  into  the  details.  Wherever  an  enemy's  cruiser 
appeared,  or  attempted  to  land,  skirmishes  ensued  ;  and  in  some  of 
these  little  affairs  as  much  personal  gallantry  and  ingenuity  were 
displayed  as  in  many  of  the  more  important  combats.  The  coast 
of  New  England  generally,  the  Chesapeake,  and  the  coast  of  the 
Carolinas,  were  the  scenes  of  most  of  these  minor  exploits,  which, 
like  all  the  subordinate  incidents  of  a  great  struggle,  are  gradually 
„  °coming  lost  in  the  more  engrossing  events  of  the  war. 

v  ^ctober  12th,  of  this  year,  an  armed  British  brig,  the  name  of 
whicii  has  been  lost,  fitted  out  by  the  government  of  the  Island  of 
Jamaica,  made  an  attempt  on  a  small  convoy  of  American  vessels, 
off  Cape  Nicola  Mole,  in  the  West  Indies,  then  in  charge  of  the 
privateer  Ranger  18,  Captain  Hudson.  Perceiving  the  aim  of  the 
enemy,  Captain  Hudson  ran  under  her  stern,  and  gave  her  a  severe 
raking  fire.  The  action  thus  commenced,  lasted  nearly  two  hours, 
when  the  Ranger  boarded,  and  carried  the  brig,  hand  to  hand.  The 
English  vessel,  in  this  affair,  reported  thirteen  men  killed  and 
wounded,  by  the  raking  broadside  of  the  Ranger  alone.  In  the 
whole,  she  had  between  thirty  and  forty  of  her  people  injured.  On 
her  return  from  this  cruise,  the  Ranger  was  purchased  for  the  navy. 

While  these  events  were  occurring  on  the  ocean,  naval  armaments, 
and  naval  battles,  took  place  on  those  lakes,  that  witnessed  the  evo 
lutions  of  squadrons  of  force  in  the  subsequent  war  between  the  two 
countries. 

In  order  to  command  the  Lakes  Champlain  and  George,  across 
\which  lay  the  ancient  and  direct  communication  with  the  Canadas, 


1776.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  73 

flotillas  had  been  constructed  on  both  these  waters,  by  the  Ameri 
cans.  To  resist  this  force,  and  with  a  view  to  co-operate  with  the 
movements  of  their  troops,  the  British  commenced  the  construction 
of  vessels  at  St.  Johns.  Several  men-of-war  were  laid  up,  in  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and  their  officers  and  crews  were  transferred  to  the  ship 
ping  built  on  Lake  Champlain. 

The  American  force,  in  the  month  of  August,  appears  to  have 
consisted  of  the  following  vessels,  viz  : 

Schooner,  Royal  Savage,  12,  Wynkoop. 
Do.       Enterprise,         12,  Dixon. 
Do.       Revenge,  10,  Laman. 

Do.       Liberty,  10,  Plumer. 

Gondola,  3,  Simmons. 

Do.  3,  Mansfield. 

Do.  3,  Sumner. 

Do.  3,  listens. 

To  this  force  were  added  several  more  gondolas,  and  a  few  row 
galleys.  These  vessels  were  hastily  equipped,  and  in  most  of  the 
instances,  it  is  believed,  that  they  were  commanded  by  officers  in  the 
army.  Their  crews  were  principally  soldiers.  At  a  later  day,  the 
American  force  was  materially  changed,  new  names  were  given  and 
new  vessels  substituted,  but  so  much  confusion  exists  in  the  accounts 
as  to  render  any  formal  attempt  at  accuracy  in  enumerating  the  craft, 
difficult,  if  not  impossible. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  British  constructed  a  force  that  enabled 
them  to  take  the  lake  in  October,  with  the  following  vessels,  viz  : 
Ship,  Inflexible,  16,  Lieutenant  Schank. 

Schooner,     Maria,  14,  '       *'  Starke. 

Do.  Carleton,  12,         "  Dacres. 

Radeau,         Thunderer,  14,         "  Scott. 

Gondola,       Royal  Convert,      6,         "  Lancroft. 

To  these  were  added  twenty  gun-boats,  four  long-boats,  each 
armed  with  a  gun,  and  twenty-four  other  craft,  loaded  with  stores 
and  provisions.  The  metal  of  this  flotilla  was  much  superior  to  that 
of  the  American  force,  the  Inflexible  carrying  twelve  pounders,  the 
schooners  sixes,  the  radeau  twenty-fours  and  twelves,  and  the  gun 
boats,  pieces  that  varied  from  eighteens  down  to  nines.  The  British 
accounts  admit  that  796  officers  and  men  were  drafted  from  the  Isis, 
Blonde,  Triton,  Garland,  &c.,  in  order  to  man  these  vessels,  and 
artillerists  and  other  troops  were  also  put  on  board  to  aid  in  fighting 
them. 

October  llth,  General  Arnold,  who  commanded  the  American 
flotilla,  was  lying  off  Cumberland  Head,  when  at  eight  in  the  morn 
ing,  the  enemy  appeared  in  force,  to  the  northward,  turning  to  wind 
ward  with  a  view  to  engage.  On  that  day  the  American  vessels 
present  consisted  of  the  Royal  Savage,  12,  Revenge,  10,  Liberty, 
10,  Lee,  cutter,  4,  Congress,  galley,  10,  Washington,  do.,  10,  Trum- 
bull,  do.,  10,  and  eight  gondolas.  Besides  the  changes  that  had  been 
made  since  August,  two  or  three  of  the  vessels  that  were  on  the  lake 


NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1776 


were  absent  on  their  duty.     The  best  accounts  state  the  force  of  this 
flotilla,  or  of  the  vessels  present,  as  follows,  viz : 
Guns,     90. 
Metal,  647  Ibs. 
Men,     600,  including  soldiers. 

On  this  occasion,  the  British  brought  up  nearly  their  whole  force, 
as  it  has  been  already  stated,  although  having  the  disadvantage  of 
being  to  leeward,  all  their  vessels  could  not  get  into  close  action. 
Captain  Douglas,  of  the  Isis,  had  commanded  the  naval  movements 
that  preceded  the  battles,  and  Lieutenant  General  Sir  Guy  Carleton, 
was  present,  in  person,  on  board  the  Maria.  The  first  officer,  in 
his  official  report  of  the  events,  mentions  that  the  Inflexible  was 
ready  to  sail,  within  twenty-eight  days  after  her  keel  had  been  laid, 
and  that  he  had  caused  to  be  equipped,  between  July  and  October, 
"  thirty  fighting  vessels  of  different  sorts  and  sizes,  and  all  carrying 
cannon."  Captain  Pringle,  of  the  Lord  Howe,  was  the  officer 
actually  in  charge,  however,  of  the  British  naval  force  on  the  lake, 
and  he  commanded  in  person  in  the  different  encounters. 

The  action  of  the  llth  of  October  commenced  at  eleven,  in  the 
forenoon,  and  by  half-past  twelve  it  was  warm.  On  the  part  of  the 
British,  the  battle  for  a  long  time  was  principally  carried  on  by  the 
gun  boats,  which  were  enabled  to  sweep  up  to  windward,  and  which, 
by  their  weight  of  metal,  were  very  efficient  in  smooth  water.  The 
Carleton,  12,  Lieutenant  Dacres,  was  much  distinguished  in  this  day, 
being  the  only  vessel  of  size,  that  could  get  into  close  fight.  After 
maintaining  a  hot  fire  for  several  hours,  Captain  Pringle  judiciously 
called  off  the  vessels  that  were  engaged,  anchoring  just  out  of  gun 
shot,  with  an  intention  to  fenew  the  attack  in  the  morning.  In  this 
affair  the  Americans,  who  had  discovered  great  steadiness  through 
out  the  day,  had  about  60  killed  and  wounded,  while  the  British 
acknowledged  a  loss  of  only  40.  The  Carleton,  however,  suffered 
considerably. 

Satisfied  that  it  would  be  impossible,  successfully,  to  resist  so  great 
a  superiority  of  force,  General  Arnold  got  under  way,  at  2  P.  M.,  on 
the  12th,  with  the  wind  fresh  ahead.  The  enemy  made  sail  in  chase, 
as  soon  as  his  departure  was  discovered,  but  neither  flotilla  could 
make  much  progress  on  account  of  the  gondolas,  which  were  unable 
to  turn  to  windward.  In  the  evening  the  wind  moderated,  when  the 
Americans  gained  materially  on  their  pursuers.  Another  change 
occurred,  however,  and  a  singular  variation  in  the  currents  of  air, 
now  favoured  the  enemy  ;  for  while  the  Americans,  in  the  narrow 
part  of  the  lake,  were  contending  with  a  fresh  southerly  breeze,  the 
English  got  the  wind  at  northeast,  which  brought  their  leading  ves 
sels  within  gun-shot  at  12,  meridian,  on  the  13th. 

On  this  occasion  Captain  Pringle,  in  the  Maria,  led  in  person, 
closely  supported  by  the  Inflexible  and  Carleton.  The  Americans 
were  much  scattered,  several  of  the  gondolas  having  been  sunk  and 
abandoned,  on  account  of  the  impossibility  of  bringing  them  off. 
General  Arnold,  in  the  Congress  galley,  covered  the  rear  of  his 
retreating  flotilla,  having  the  Washington  galley,  on  board  of  which 


1776.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  75 


was  Brigadier  General  Waterbury,  in  company.  The  latter  had 
been  much  shattered  in  the  fight,  of  the  llth,  and  after  receiving  a 
few  broadsides,  she  was  compelled  to  strike.  General  Arnold,  now 
defended  himself  like  a  lion,  in  the  Congress,  occupying  the  three 
vessels  of  the  enemy  so  long  a  time,  as  to  enable  six  of  his  little  fleet 
to  escape.  When  further  resistance  was  out  of  the  question,  he  ran 
the  Congress  on  shore,  set  fire  to  her,  and  she  blew  up  with  her  col 
ours  flying. 

Although  the  result  of  this  action  was  so  disastrous,  the  American 
arms  gained  much  credit,  by  the  obstinacy  of  the  resistance.  Gen 
eral  Arnold,  in  particular,  covered  himself  with  glory,  and  his  ex 
ample  appears  to  have  been  nobly  followed  by  most  of  his  officers 
and  men.  Even  the  enemy  did  justice  to  the  resolution  and  skill 
with  which  the  American  flotilla  was  managed,  the  disparity  in  the 
force  rendering  victory  out  of  the  question  from  the  first.  The  mari 
ner  in  which  the  Congress  was  fought  until  she  had  covered  the  re 
treat  of  the  galleys,  and  the  stubborn  resolution  with  which  she  was 
defended  until  destroyed,  converted  the  disasters  of  this  part  of  the 
day,  into  a  species  of  triumph. 

In  these  affairs,  the  Americans  lost  eleven  vessels,  principally  gon 
dolas,  while  on  the  part  of  the  British,  two  gondolas  were  sunk,  and 
one  blown  up.  The  loss  of  men  was  supposed  to  be  about  equal,  no 
less  than  sixty  of  the  enemy  perishing  in  the  gondola  that  blew  up. 
This  statement  differs  from  the  published  official  accounts  of  the 
English,  but  those  reports,  besides  being  meagre  and  general,  are 
contradicted  by  too  much  testimony  on  the  other  side,  to  command 
our  respect. 

There  has  been  occasion,  already,  to  mention  Mr.  John  Manly, 
who,  in  command  of  the  schooner  Lee,  made  the  first  captures  that 
occurred  in  the  war.  The  activity  and  resolution  of  this  officer, 
rendered  his  name  conspicuous  at  the  commencement  of  the  strug 
gle,  and  it  followed  as  a  natural  consequence,  that,  when  Congress 
regulated  the  rank  of  the  captains,  in  1776,  he  appears  as  one  of 
them,  his  appointment  having  been  made  as  early  as  April  the  17th, 
of  this  year.  So  highly,  indeed,  were  his  services  then  appreciated, 
that  the  name  of  Captain  Manly  stands  second  on  the  list,  and  he 
was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  Hancock  32.  When  Captain 
Manly  was  taken  into  the  navy,  the  Lee  was  given  to  Captain 
Waters,  and  was  present  at  the  capture  of  the  three  transports  off 
Boston,  as  has  been  already  stated.  This  little  schooner,  the  name 
of  which  will  ever  remain  associated  with  American  history,  in  con 
sequence  of  her  all  important  captures  in  1775,  appears  to  have  con 
tinued  actively  employed,  as  an  in-shore  cruiser,  throughout  this 
year,  if  not  later,  in  the  pay  of  the  new  state  of  Massachusetts. 
Captain  Waters,  like  his  predecessor,  Captain  Manly,  was  received 
into  the  navy,  on  the  recommendation  of'Washingtori,  a  commission 
to  that  effect  having  been  granted  by  Congress,  March  18th,  1777. 

Much  enterprise  and  gallantry  were  exhibited  in  the  encounters 
between  the  American  privateers  and  heavily  armed  merchant-ships 
of  the  enemy,  at  this  period,  and  England  appears  to  have  been  so 


76  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1776. 

completely  taken  by  surprise,  that  they  were  of  almost  daily  occur 
rence.  The  different  colonies,  also,  fitted  out  more  cruisers,  princi 
pally  vessels  purchased  for  that  purpose,  and  some  of  them  were 
commanded  by  officers  who  also  bore  commissions  in  the  service  of 
Congress,  or  of  the  United  States  of  America,  as  the  confederation 
was  called  after  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  South  Carolina, 
on  the  16th  February,  1 776,  had  thre^3  of  these  vessels  ;  a  ship  of  26 
nine  pounders  ;  a  brig  of  18  sixes  ;  and  a  schooner  of  12  sixes.  One 
of  these  cruisers  drove  a  sloop  of  war  from  her  convoy,  and  captured 
four  transports  loaded  with  stores.  Massachusetts  was  never  without 
several  cruisers,  and  Pennsylvania,  from  time  to  time,  had  more  or 
less.  Virginia  had  her  little  marine,  too,  as  has  been  already  men 
tioned,  though  its  attention  was  principally  directed  to  the  defence 
of  her  numerous  rivers  and  bays. 

Some  of  the  English  accounts  of  this  period  state  that  near  a 
hundred  privateers  had  been  fitted  out  of  New  England  alone,  in  the 
two  first  years  of  the  war,  and  the  number  of  seamen  in  the  service 
of  the  crown,  employed  against  the  new  States  of  America,  was  com 
puted  at  26,000. 

The  colonies  obtained  many  important  supplies,  colonial  as  well 
as  military,  and  even  manufactured  articles  of  ordinary  use,  by  means 
of  their  captures ;  scarce  a  day  passing  that  vessels  of  greater  or 
less  value  did  not  arrive  in  some  one  of  the  ports  of  their  extensive 
coast.  By  a  list  published  in  the  Remembrancer,  an  English  work 
of  credit,  it  appears  that  342  sail  of  English  vessels  had  been  taken 
by  American  cruisers  in  1776  ;  of  which  number  44  were  recaptured, 
18  released,  and  4  burned. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Americans  met  with  their  disasters  ;  many 
privateers  being  taken,  principally  by  the  fast-sailing  frigates  of  the 
enemy,  while  valuable  merchantmen  fell  into  their  hands,  from  time 
to  time.  In  short,  in  a  commercial  sense,  the  war  became  very 
destructive  to  both  parties,  though  it  was  best  supported  by  the  colo 
nists,  the  rise  in  colonial  produce,  in  a  measure,  compensating  them 
for  their  losses. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Successful  cruise  of  the  Randolph British  account,  of  the  action,  in  which  she  blew  up 

Loss  of  the  Cabot...  The  Trumbull  captures  two  English  transports The  Han- 
Cock,   Capt.  Manly,  captures  the  Fox,  which  is  afterwards  recaptured  oft' Halifax 

Capt.  M.  surrenders  his  ship  to  the  British Capt.  McNiel  censured  and  dismissed  the 

service Vessels  destroyed  in  the  Delaware  by  the  English The  Augusta  blown 

up Cruise  of  the  Raleigh,  and  her  action  with  the  Druid. 

THE  year  1777  opened  with  new  prospects  for  the  American 
cause.  The  hardy  movements  of  Washington  in  New  Jersey  had 
restored  the  drooping  confidence  of  the  nation,  and  great  efforts  were 


1776.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  77 

made  to  follow  up  the  advantage  that  had  been  so  gloriously  ob 
tained.  Most  of  the  vessels  authorised  by  the  laws  of  1775,  had 
been  built  and  equipped  during  the  year  1776,  and  America  may 
now  be  said,  for  the  first  time,  to  have  something  like  a  regular  navy, 
although  the  service  was  still,  and  indeed  continued  to  be  throughout 
the  war,  deficient  in  organisation,  system,  and  unity.  After  the  first 
effort,  connected  with  its  creation,  the  business  of  repairing  losses, 
of  increasing  the  force,  and  of  perfecting  that  which  had  been  so 
hastily  commenced,  however,  was  either  totally  neglected,  or  carried 
on  in  a  manner  so  desultory  and  inefficient,  as  soon  to  leave  very 
little  of  method  or  order  in  the  marine.  As  a  consequence,  officers 
were  constantly  compelled  to  seek  employment  in  private  armed 
ships,  or  to  remain  idle,  and  the  discipline  did  not  advance,  as  would 
otherwise  have  been  the  case  during  the  heat  of  an  active  war.  To 
the  necessities  of  the  nation,  however,  and  not  to  its  foresight  and 
prudence,  must  be  attributed  this  state  of  things,  the  means  of  rais 
ing  and  maintaining  troops  being  obtained  with  difficulty,  and  the 
cost  of  many  ships  entirely  exceeding  its  resources.  It  is  probable 
that  had  not  the  public  armed  vessels  been  found  useful  in  conveying, 
as  well  as  in  convoying  the  produce,  by  means  of  which  the  loans 
obtained  in  Europe  were  met,  and  perhaps  indispensable  in  keeping 
up  the  diplomatic  communications  with  that  quarter  of  the  world, 
the  navy  would  have  been  suffered  to  become  extinct,  beyond  its 
employment  in  the  bays  and  rivers  of  the  country.  This,  however, 
is  anticipating  events,  for  at  the  precise  moment  in  the  incidents  of 
the  war  at  which  we  have  now  arrived,  the  exertions  of  the  republic 
were  perhaps  at  their  height,  as  respects  its  naval  armaments. 

One  of  the  first,  if  not  the  very  first  of  the  new  vessels  that  got  to 
sea,  was  the  Randolph  32.  It  has  been  seen  that  Captain  Biddle 
was  appointed  to  this  ship,  on  his  return  from  his  successful  cruise  in 
the  Andrea  Doria  14.  The  Randolph  was  launched  at  Philadelphia 
in  the  course  of  the  season  of  1776,  and  sailed  on  her  first  cruise 
early  in  1777.  Discovering  a  defect  in  her  masts,  as  well  as  a  dis 
position  to  mutiny  in  his  people,  too  many  of  whom  were  volunteers 
from  among  the  prisoners,  Captain  Biddle  put  into  Charleston  for 
repairs.  As  soon  as  the  ship  was  refitted,  he  sailed  again,  and  three 
days  out,  he  fell  in  with  and  captured  four  Jamaica-men,  one  of 
which,  the  True  Briton,  had  an  armament  of  20  guns.  The  Ran 
dolph  returned  to  Charleston,  with  her  prizes,  in  safety.  Here  she 
appears  to  have  been  blockaded,  by  a  superior  English  force,  during 
the  remainder  of  the  season.  The  state  authorities  of  South  Caro 
lina  were  so  much  pleased  with  the  zeal  and  deportment  of  Captain 
Biddle,  and  so  much  elated  with  their  own  success  against  Sir  I3eter 
Parker,  that  they  now  added  four  small  vessels  of  war  of  their  own, 
the  General  Moultrie  18,  the  Polly  16,  the  Notre  Dame  16,  and  the 
Fair  American  14,  to  his  command.  With  these  vessels  in  com 
pany,  and  under  his  orders,  Captain  Biddle  sailed,  early  in  1778,  in 
quest  of  the  British  ships,  the  Carrysfort  32,  the  Perseus  20,  the 
Hinchinbrpok  16,  and  a  privateer,  which  had  been  cruising  off 
Charleston  for  some  time.  The  American  squadron,  however,  had 


78  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1776. 

been  detained  so  long  by  foul  winds,  that,  when  it  got  into  the  off 
ing,  no  traces  of  the  enemy  were  to  be  discovered.  For  the  further 
history  of  the  Randolph,  we  are  unhappily  indebted  to  the  British  ac 
counts. 

By  a  letter  from  Captain  Vincent,  of  his  Britannic  Majesty's  ship 
Yarmouth,  64,  dated  March  17th  1778,  we  learn  that,  on  the  7th  of 
that  month,  while  cruising  to  the  eastward  of  Barbadoes,  he  made 
six  sail  to  the  southwest,  standing  on  a  wind.  The  Yarmouth  bore 
down  on  the  chases,  which  proved  to  be  twro  ships,  three  brigs,  and  a 
schooner.  About  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening  she  succeeded  in 
ranging  up  on  the  weather  quarter  of  the  largest  and  leading  vessel 
of  the  strangers  ;  the  ship  next  in  size,  being  a  little  astern  and  to  lee 
ward.  Hoisting  her  own  colours,  the  Yarmouth  ordered  the  ship 
near  her  to  show  her  ensign,  when  the  American  flag  was  run  up, 
and  the  enemy  poured  in  a  broadside.  A  smart  action  now  com 
menced,  and  was  maintained  with  vigour  for  twenty  minutes,  when 
the  stranger  blew  up.  The  two  ships  were  so  near  each  other  at  the 
time,  that  many  fragments  of  the  wreck  struck  the  Yarmouth,  and 
among  other  things,  an  American  ensign,  rolled  up,  was  blown  in 
upon  her  forecastle.  This  flag  was  not  even  singed.  The  vessels 
in  company  now  steered  different  wrays,  and  the  Yarmouth  gave 
chase  to  two,  varying  her  own  course  for  that  purpose.  But  her  sails 
had  suffered  so  much  in  the  engagement,  that  the  vessels  chased 
soon  run  her  out  of  sight.  In  this  short  action  the  Yarmouth,  by 
the  report  of  her  own  commander,  had  five  men  killed  and  twelve 
wounded.  On  the  12th,  while  cruising  near  the  same  place,  a  piece 
of  wreck  was  discovered,  with  four  men  on  it,  \vho  were  making 
signals  for  relief.  These  men  were  saved,  and  when  they  got  on 
board  the  Yarmouth,  they  reported  themselves  as  having  belonged 
to  the  United  States  ship  Randolph  32,  Captain  Biddle,  the  vessel 
that  had  blown  up  in  action  with  the  English  ship  on  the  night  of  the 
7th  of  the  same  month.  They  had  been  floating  ever  since  on  the 
piece  of  wreck,  without  any  other  sustenance  than  a  little  rain  water. 
They  stated  that  they  were  a  month  out  of  Charleston. 

We  regard  with  admiration  the  steadiness  and  spirit  with  which 
according  to  the  account  of  his  enemy,  Captain  Biddle  commenced 
this  action,  against  a  force  so  vastly  his  superior  ;  and,  although  vic 
tory  was  almost  hopeless,  even  had  all  his  vessels  behaved  equally 
well  with  his  own  ship,  we  find  it  difficult,  under  the  circumstances, 
to  suppose  that  this  srallant  seaman  did  not  actually  contemplate 
carrying  his  powerful  antagonist,  most  probably  by  boarding.* 

*  Nicholas  Biddle  was  descended  from  one  of  those  respectable  families  that  first 
peopled  West  Jersey,  in  the  last  qnarter  of  the  seventeenth  century.  He  was  the  sixth 
son  of  William  Biddle,  of  that  colony,  who  had  removed  to  the  city  of  Philadelphia  pre 
viously  to  his  hirth,  and  where  this  child  was  horn,  in  1750.  Young  Biddle  went  to  sea 
at  thirteen,  and  from  that  early  age  appears  to  hnve  devoted  himself  to  the  calling  with 
ardour  and  perseverance.  After  several  voyages,  and  suffering  much  in  the  way  of 
shipwreck,  he  went  to  England,  and  hy  means  of  letters,  was  rated  as  a  midshipman  on 
board  of  a  British  sloop  of  war,  commanded  by  Captain,  afterwards  Admiral,  Sterling. 
It  is  a  singular  fact  in  the  life  of  this  remarkable  young  man,  that  he  subsequently  en 
tered  on  hoard  one  of  the  vessels  sent  towards  the  North  Pole,  under  the  Hon.  Captain 
Phipps,  where  he  found  Nelson  a  volunteer  like  himself,  Both  were  made  cockswains 
by  the  commodore.  This  was  in  1775,  and  the  difficulties  with  the  American  colonies 


1777.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  79 

In  March,  1777,  the  United  States  brig  Cabot,  Captain  Olney, 
was  chased  ashore,  on  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia  by  the  British  frig 
ate  Milford,  which  pressed  the  Cabot  so  hard  that  there  was  barely 
time  to  get  the  people  out  of  the  brig.  Captain  Olney  and  his  crew 
retreated  into  the  woods,  and  subsequently  they  made  their  escape 
by  seizing  a  schooner,  in  which  they  safely  arrived  at  home.  The 
enemy,  after  a  long  trial,  got  the  Cabot  off,  and  she  was  taken  into 
the  British  navy. 

Shortly  after  this  loss,  or  on  the  9th  of  April,  the  Trumbull  28, 
Captain  Saltoristall,  fell  in  with,  off  New  York,  and  captured  after  a 
smart  action,  two  armed  transports,  with  stores  of  value  on  board. 
In  this  affair  the  enemy  suffered  severely  in  casualties,  and  the  Trum 
bull  herself  had  7  men  killed  and  S  wounded. 

In  May  of  this  year,  the  Hancock  32,  Capt.  John  Manly,  and  the 
Boston  24,  Capt.  Hector  McNiel,  sailed  in  company  from  Boston,  on 
a  cruise  to  the  eastward.  A  few  days  out,  or  in  the  month  of  May, 
the  Hancock  made  a  strange  sail,  early  in  the  morning,  and  suc 
ceeded  in  getting  near  enough  to  her  to  exchange  broadsides,  on  op 
posite  tacks  ;  the  Hancock  using  her  starboard  and  the  enemy  his 
larboard  guns.  At  this  time,  the  Boston  was  out  of  gun-shot.  Find 
ing  that  he  had  to  deal  with  an  antagonist  of  superior  force,  the 
English  vessel,  which  was  a  frigate,  stood  on,  crowding  sail  to  es 
cape.  The  Hancock  now  went  about,  in  pursuit,  when  Captain 
Manly  sent  his  people  from  the  guns,  and  ordered  them  to  get  their 
breakfasts.  As  the  Hancock  was  one  of  the  fastest  ships  that  was 
ever  built,  she  quickly  drew  up  abeam  of  the  chase,  which  renewed  her 
fire  as  soon  as  her  guns  would  bear.  Captain  Manly,  however, 
commanded  his  men  not  to  discharge  a  gun,  until  fairly  alongside, 
when  a  warm  and  close  action  commenced,  that  lasted  an  hour  and 
a  half,  when  the  Boston  drawing  near,  the  Englishman  struck.  The 

prize  proved  to  be  the  Fox  28,  Capt.  .  In  this  action  the 

Hancock  lost  8  men,  and  the  Fox  32.  The  Boston  did  not  fire  a 

were  coming  to  a  head.  In  1775,  Mr.  Biddle  returned  home,  prepared  to  share  his 
country's  fortunes,  in  weal  or  wo. 

The  first  employment  of  Mr.  Biddle,  in  the  public  service,  was  in  command  of  a  gal 
ley  called  the  Camden,  fitted  out  by  the  colony  for  the  defence  of  the  Delaware.  From 
this  station  he  was  transferred  to  the  service  of  Congress,  or  put  into  the  regular  marine, 
as  it  then  existed,  and  given  the  command  of  the  brig  Andrea  Doria,  14.  In  this  vessel 
he  does  not  appear  to  have  had  much  share  in  the  combat  with  the  Glasgow,  though 
present  in  the  squadron,  and  in  the  expedition  against  New  Providence.  His  successful 
cruise  to  the  eastward,  in  the  Doria,  has  been  related  in  the  body  of  the  work,  and  on  his 
return  he  was  appointed  to  the  Randoph,  32,  the  vessel  in  which  he  perished. 

In  the  action  with  the  Yarmouth,  Captain  Biddle  was  severely  wounded  in  the  thigh, 
and  is  said  to  have  been  seated  in  a  chair,  with  the  surgeon  examining  his  hurt,  when 
his  ship  blew  up.  His  death  occurred  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-seven,  and  he  died 
unmarried,  though  engaged,  at  the  time,  to  a  lady  in  Charleston. 

There  is  little  question  that  Nicholas  Biddle  would  have  risen  to  high  rank  and  great 
consideration,  had  his  life  been  spared.  Ardent,  ambitious,  fearless,  intelligent,  and 
persevering,  he  had  all  the  qualities  of  a  great  naval  captain,  and,  though  possessing 
some  local  family  influence  perhaps,  he  rose  to  the  station  he  filled  at  so  early  an  age,  by 
personal  merit.  For  so  short  a  career,  scarcely  any  other  had  been  so  brilliant ;  for 
though  no  victories  over  regular  cruisers  accompanied  his  exertions,  he  had  ever  been 
successful  until  the  fatal  moment  when  he  so  gloriously  fell.  His  loss  was  greatly  re 
gretted  in  the  midst  of  the  excitement  and  vicissitudes  of  a  revolution,  and  can  scarcely 
be  appreciated  by  those  who  do  not  understand  the  influence  that  such  a  character  cac 
produce  on  a  small  and  infant  service. 


80  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1777. 


gun  until  just  after  the  Fox  bad  struck,  when  she  is  said  to  have 
given  her  a  broadside,  the  Hancock  being  in  the  act  of  lowering  the 
boats  to  take  possession,  as  her  consort  ranged  up  on  the  beam  of 
the  prize. 

Captain  Manly,  now,  put  a  crew  on  board  the  Fox,  and  con 
tinued  his  cruise,  but  was  not  fortunate  enough  to  fall  in  with  any 
thing  of  moment.  On  the  1st  of  June,  the  three  ships  appeared  off 
Halifax,  in  company,  looking  into  the  harbour.  This  brought  out 
the  Rainbow,  a  44  on  two  decks,  Sir  George  Collier,  the  Flora  32, 
and  the  Victor  18,  in  chase.  The  Americans  scattered,  the  Rain 
bow  and  Victor  pressing  the  Hancock,  the  Flora  the  Fox,  while  the 
Boston  had  so  much  the  start,  as  to  be  able  easily  to  keep  aloof. 
The  Flora  first  closed  with  the  Fox,  which  ship  she  recaptured  after 
a  short,  but  spirited  action.  The  wind  being  very  light,  Captain 
Manly  attempted  to  lighten  his  ship,  by  pumping  out  the  water, 
and  is  believed  to  have  hurt  her  sailing,  by  altering  the  trim.  Find 
ing  the  Rainbow  was  closing,  that  gallant  officer  made  his  dispo 
sitions  for  boarding,  and  doubtless,  would  have  made  a  desperate 
effort  to  carry  his  powerful  antagonist,  had  the  wind  permitted.  The 
air  remained  so  light,  however,  that  the  Rainbow  got  him  fairly  un 
der  her  guns,  before  he  could  get  near  enough  to  accomplish  the 
object.  The  Victor  getting  a  raking  position  at  the  same  time,  the 
Hancock  struck. 

Captain  McNiel  was  much  censured  for  abandoning  his  consort 
on  this  occasion,  and  was  dismissed  the  service,  in  consequence.  As 
respects  the  Hancock,  it  is  not  probable  the  Boston  could  have  done 
much  service,  the  Rainbow  alone  having  been  superior  to  them  both, 
but  our  accounts  state  that  being  about  a  league  to  windward  of  the 
Fox,  when  she  was  engaged,  it  was  in  the  power  of  Captain  Mc 
Niel  to  have  rendered  her  essential  assistance,  and  possibly  to  have 
prevented  the  recapture.  No  official  accounts  of  the  loss  sus 
tained,  by  either  side,  in  this  last  affair,  have  been  obtained. 

The  occupation  of  Philadelphia  by  the  British  army,  this  year, 
wrought  a  material  change  in  the  naval  arrangements  of  the  country. 
Up  to  this  time,  the  Delaware  had  been  a  safe  place  of  retreat  for 
the  different  cruisers,  and  ships  had  been  constructed  on  its  banks 
in  security  and  to  advantage.  The  largest  town  in  the  United 
States,  Philadelphia  offered  unusual  facilities  for  such  objects,  and 
many  public  and  private  armed  cruisers  had  been  equipped  at  her 
wharves  previously  to  the  appearance  of  the  British  forces,  under 
Sir  William  Howe.  That  important  event  completely  altered  the 
state  of  things,  and  the  vessels  that  were  in  the  stream  at  the  time, 
were  compelled  to  move  higher  up  the  river,  or  to  get  to  sea  in  the 
best  mariner  they  could.  Unfortunately,  several  of  the  ships  con 
structed,  or  purchased,  under  the  laws  of  1775,  were  not  in  a  situa 
tion  to  adopt  the  latter  expedient,  and  they  were  carried  to  different 
places  that  were  supposed  to  offer  the  greatest  security. 

As  a  part  of  the  American  vessels  and  galleys  were  above,  and  a 
part  below  the  town,  the  very  day  after  reaching  the  capital,  the 
English  commenced  the  erection  of  batteries  to  intercept  the  com- 


1777.]  NAVAL  HISTORY;  81 

munications  between  them.  Aware  of  the  consequences,  the  Dela 
ware  24,  Captain  Alexander,  and  Andrea  Doria  14,  seconded  by 
some  other  vessels,  belonging  to  the  navy,  and  to  the  State  of  Penn 
sylvania,  moved  in  front  of  these  works,  and  opened  a  cannonade, 
with  a  view  to  destroy  them.  The  Delaware  was  so  unfortunately 
placed,  that  when  the  tide  fell,  she  took  the  ground,  and  her  guns 
became  unmanageable.  Some  field  pieces  were  brought  to  bear  on 
her,  while  in  this,  helpless  situation,  and  she  necessarily  struck. 
The  other  vessels  were  compelled  to  retire. 

As  the  command  of  the  river  was  now  indispenable  to  the  British, 
they  turned  their  attention  at  once  to  the  destruction  of  the  Ameri 
can  works  below  the  town.  An  unsuccessful  land  attack  was  made 
by  the  Hessians,  on  Red  Bank,  and  this  was  soon  followed  by  an 
other  on  Fort  Mifflin,  which,  as  it  was  intrusted  to  the  shipping, 
comes  more  properly  within  our  observation.  With  a  view  to  effect 
the  reduction  or  abandonment  of  Fort  Mifflin,  the  British  assembled 
a  squadron  of  ships  of  a  light  draft  of  water,  among  which  was  the 
Augusta  64,  which  had  been  partially  stripped,  and  fitted  in  some 
measure  as  a  floating  battery.  As  soon  as  the  troops  advanced 
against  Red  Bank,  as  stated,  the  ships  began  to  move,  but  some 
chevaux  de  frise  anchored  in  the  river,  had  altered  its  channel,  and 
the  Augusta,  and  the  Merlin  sloop  of  war,  got  fast,  in  unfavorable 
positions.  Some  firing  between  the  other  vessels  and  the  American 
works  and  galleys  now  took  place,  but  was  soon  put  a  stop  to  by  the 
approach  of  night.  The  next  day  the  action  was  renewed  with 
spirit,  the  Roebuck  44,  Isis  32,  Pearl  32,  and  Liverpool  28,  being 
present,  in  addition  to  the  Augusta  and  Merlin.  Fire-ships  were  in 
effectually  employed  by  the  Americans,  but  the  cannonade  became 
heavy.  In  the  midst  of  the  firing,  it  is  said,  that  some  pressed  hay, 
which  had  been  secured  on  the  quarter  of  the  Augusta,  to  render  her 
shot-proof,  took  fire,  and  the  ship  was  soon  in  flames.  It  now  be 
came  necessary  to  withdraw  the  other  vessels  in  order  to  escape  the 
effects  of  the  explosion,  and  the  attack  was  abandoned.  The  Au 
gusta  blew  up,  and  the  Merlin  having  been  set  on  fire  by  the  British 
shared  the  same  fate.  A  number  of  the  crew  of  the  Augusta  were 
lost  in  that  ship,  the  conflagratkm  being  so  rapid  as  to  prevent  their 
removal.  A  second  and  better  concerted  attack,  however,  shortly 
after,  compelled  the  Americans  to  evacuate  the  works,  when  the  en 
emy  got  command  of  the  river  from  the  capes  to  the  town.  This 
state  of  things  induced  the  Americans  to  destroy  the  few  sea  vessels 
that  remained  below  Philadelphia,  among  which  were  the  U.  S.  Brig 
Andrea  Doria  14,  and  schooner  Wasp  8,  and  it  is  believed  the  Hor 
net  10,  though  the  galleys,  by  following  the  Jersey  shore,  were  en 
abled  to  escape  above. 

While  these  important  movements  were  occurring  in  the  middle 
states,  the  Raleigh,  a  fine  twelve-pounder  frigate,  that  had  been  con 
structed  in  New  Hampshire,  under  the  law  of  1775,  was  enabled  to 
get  to  sea  for  the  first  time.  She  was  commanded  by  Captain 
Thompson,  the  officer  who  appears  as  sixth  on  the  list,  and  sailed  in 
company  with  the  Alfred  24,  Captain  Hinman.  These  two  ships 

VOL.   i.  0 


82  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1777 

went  to  sea,  short  of  men,  bound  to  France,  where  military  stores 
were  in  waiting  to  be  transported  to  America. 

The  Raleigh  and  Alfred  had  a  good  run  off  the  coast,  and  they 
made  several  prizes  of  little  value  during  the  first  few  days  of  their 
passage.  On  the  2d  of  September  they  overtook  and  captured  a 
snow,  called  the  Nancy,  which  had  been  left  by  the  outward  bound 
Windward  Island  fleet,  the  previous  day.  Ascertaining  from  his 
prisoners  the  position  of  the  West  Indiamen,  Captain  Thompson 
made  sail  in  chase.  The  fleet  was  under  the  charge  of  the  Camel, 
Druid,  Weasel,  and  Grasshopper,  the  first  of  which  is  said  to  have 
had  an  armament  of  twelve  pounders.  The  following  day,  or  Sep 
tember  3d,  1777,  the  Raleigh  made  the  convoy  from  her  mast  heads, 
and  by  sunset  was  near  enough  to  ascertain  that  there  were  sixty  sail, 
as  well  as  the  positions  of  the  men-of-war.  Captain  Thompson  had 
got  the  signals  of  the  fleet  from  his  prize,  and  he  now  signalled  the 
Alfred,  as  if  belonging  to  the  convoy.  After  dark  he  spoke  his  con 
sort,  and  directed  her  commander  to  keep  near  him,  it  being  his 
intention  to  run  in  among  the  enemy,  and  to  lay  the  commodore 
aboard.  At  this  time,  the  two  American  ships  were  to  windward, 
but  nearly  astern. 

In  the  course  of  the  night  the  wind  shifted  to  the  northward,  and 
the  convoy  hauled  by  the  wind,  bringing  the  American  ships  to  lee 
ward.  At  daylight  the  wind  had  freshened,  and  it  became  necessary 
to  carry  more  sail  than  the  Alfred  (a  tender-sided  ship)  could  bear. 
Here  occurred  one  of  those  instances  of  the  unfortunate  conse 
quences  which  must  always  follow  the  employment  of  vessels  of 
unequal  qualities  in  the  same  squadron,  or  the  employment  of  offi 
cers  not  trained  in  the  same  hiffh  school.  The  Alfred  would  not 
bear  her  canvass,  and  while  the  Raleigh  fetched  handsomely  into  the 
fleet,  under  double-reefed  topsails,  the  former  fell  to  leeward  more 
than  a  league.  Captain  Thompson  did  not  dare  to  shorten  sail,  lest 
his  character  might  be  suspected,  and  despairing  of  being  supported 
by  the  Alfred,  he  stood  boldly  in  among  the  British  ships  alone,  and 
hove-to  his  ship  in  order  to  permit  the  merchantmen  astern  to  draw 
more  ahead  of  him. 

When  his  plan  was  laid,  Captain  Thompson  filled  away,  and  stood 
directly  through  the  convoy,  luffing  up  towards  the  vessel  of  war  that 
was  most  to  windward.  In  doing  this  he  spoke  several  of  the  mer 
chantmen,  giving  them  orders  how  to  steer,  as  if  belonging  himself 
to  the  fleet,  and  repeating  all  the  commodore's  signals.  Up  to  this 
moment  the  Raleigh  appears  to  have  escaped  detection,  nor  had  she 
had  any  signs  of  preparation  about  her,  as  her  guns  were  housed, 
and  her  ports  lowered. 

Having  obtained  a  weatherly  position,  the  Raleigh  now  ran  along 
side  of  the  vessel  of  war,  and  when  within  pistol-shot,  she  hauled  up 
her  courses,  run  out  her  guns,  set  her  ensign,  and  commanded  the 
enemy  to  strike.  So  completely  was  fhis  vessel  taken  by  surprise, 
that  the  order  threw  her  into  great  confusion,  and  even  her  sails  got 
aback.  The  Raleigh  sei/ed  this  favourable  moment  to  pour  in  a 
oroadside,  which  was  feebly  returned.  The  enemy  were  soon  driven 


1777.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  83 

from  their  guns,  and  the  Raleigh  fired  twelve  broadsides  into  the 
English  ship  in  twenty  minutes,  scarcely  receiving  a  shot  in  return. 
A  heavy  swell  rendered  the  aim  uncertain,  but  it  was  evident  that 
the  British  vessel  suffered  severely,  and  this  the  more  so,  as  she  was 
of  inferior  force. 

A  squall  had  come  on,  and  at  first  it  shut  in  the  two  ships  engaged. 
When  it  cleared  away,  the  convoy  was  seen  steering  in  all  directions, 
in  the  utmost  confusion,  but  the  vessels  of  war,  with  several  heavy 
well-armed  West  Indiamen,  tacked  and  hauled  up  for  the  Raleigh, 
leaving  no  doubt  of  their  intentions  to  engage.  The  frigate  lay  by 
her  adversary  until  the  other  vessels  were  so  near,  that  it  became 
absolutely  necessary  to  quit  her,  and  then  she  ran  to  leeward  and 
joined  the  Alfred.  Here  she  shortened  sail,  and  waited  for  the  en- 
my  to  come  down,  but  it  being  dark,  the  British  commodore  tacked 
and  hauled  in  among  his  convoy  again.  The  Raleigh  and  Alfred 
kept  near  this  fleet  for  several  days,  but  no  provocation  could  induce 
the  vessels  of  war  to  come  out  of  it,  and  it  was  finally  abandoned. 

The  ship  engaged  by  the  Raleigh,  proved  to  be  the  Druid  20,  Cap 
tain  Carteret.  She  was  much  cut  up,  and  the  official  report  of  her 
commander,  made  her  loss  six  killed,  and  twenty-six  wounded.  Of 
the  latter,  five  died  soon  after  the  action,  and  among  the  wounded 
was  her  commander.  The  Druid  was  unable  to  pursue  the  voyage, 
and  returned  to  England. 

In  this  affair,  Captain  Thompson  discovered  a  proper  spirit,  for 
he  might  easily  have  cut  out  of  the  fleet  half  a  dozen  merchantmen, 
but  he  appears  to  have  acted  on  the  principle  that  vessels  of  war 
should  first  seek  vessels  of  war.  The  Raleigh  had  three  men  killed 
and  wounded  in  the  engagement,  but  otherwise  sustained  little  injury. 

The  commerce  of  England  suffered  a  loss  of  467  sail  of  mer 
chantmen,  during  the  year  1777,  some  of  which  were  of  great  value, 
though  the  government  kept  a  force  of  about  seventy  sail  of  men-of- 
war  on  the  American  coast  alone.  Many  American  privateers  fell 
into  their  hands  however,  and  a  scarcity  of  men  began  to  be  felt,  in 
consequence  of  the  numbers  that  were  detained  in  the  English  prisons. 
It  was  on  the  14th  of  June  of  this  year,  that  Congress  finally  estab 
lished  the  stars  and  stripes  as  the  flag  of  the  nation. 

During  this  year,  Bushnel  made  several  unsuccessful  attempts  to 
blow  up  the  ships  of  the  enemy  by  means  of  torpedoes,  a  species  of 
warfare  that  it  can  hardly  be  regretted  has  so  uniformly  failed,  since 
its  tendency  is  to  aggravate  the  evils  of  hostilities,  without  essentially 
conducing  to  bring  them  tc  a  termination. 


84  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1778 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Alliance  with  France New  frigates Seizure  of  New  Providence  by  Capt.  Ralh- 

burne Capture  of  the  Alfred Loss  of  the  Virginia,  Capt.  Nicholson,  on  a  bar  in 

the  Dela\vare....American  vessels  destroyed  on  the  Delaware.. ..John  Paul  Jones  com 
mands  the  Ranger attempt  to  capture  the  Drake to  burn  the  colliers  at  White- 
haven to  seize  the  Earl  of  Selkirk his  conduct  to  L*dy  Selkirk action  with, 

and  capture  of  the  Drake The  Pigot  cut  out  by  Major  Talbot.... .The  private  armed 

ship  Thorn,  Capt.  Waters,  engages  the  Governor  Tryon  and  the  Sir  "William  Erskine, 

and  captures  the  latter Capture  of  the  Sparlin Capt.  John  Barry,  captures  a  British 

schooner  and  four  transports....his  appointment  to  the  Raleigh  and  action  with  the 
Experiment  and  Unicorn Loss  of  the  Raleigh. 

THE  year  1778  opened  with  cheerful  prospects  for  the  great  cause 
of  American  Independence  ;  the  capture  of  Burgoyne,  and  the 
growing  discontents  in  Europe,  rendering  a  French  alliance,  and  a  Eu 
ropean  war,  daily  more  probable.  These  events,  in  truth,  soon  after 
followed,  and  from  that  moment,  the  entire  policy  of  the  United 
States,  as  related  to  its  marine,  was  changed.  Previously  to  this 
great  event,  Congress  had  often  turned  its  attention  towards  the  ne 
cessity  of  building  or  purchasing  vessels  of  force,  in  order  to  inter 
rupt  that  absolute  control  which  the  enemy  possessed,  in  the  imme 
diate  waters  of  the  country,  and  which  even  superseded  the  necessity 
of  ordinary  blockades,  as  two  or  three  heavy  frigates  had  been  able, 
at  any  time,  since  the  commencement  of  the  struggle,  to  command 
the  entrance  of  the  different  bays  and  sounds. 

The  French  fleet,  soon  after  the  war  between  England  and  France 
broke  out,  appeared  in  the  American  seas,  and,  in  a  measure,  re 
lieved  the  country  from  a  species  of  warfare  that  was  particularly 
oppressive  to  a  nation  that  was  then  so  poor,  and  which  possessed  so 
great  an  extent  of  coast. 

As  the  occupation  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia  prevented  sev 
eral  of  the  new  frigates  from  getting  to  sea  at  all,  or  occasioned  their 
early  Joss,  Congress  had  endeavoured  to  repair  these  deficiencies  by 
causing  other  vessels  to  be  built,  or  purchased,  at  points  where  they 
would  be  out  of  danger  from  any  similar  misfortunes.  Among  these 
ships  were  the  Alliance  32,  Confederacy  32,  Deane  32,  (afterwards 
called  the  Hague,)  and  Queen  of  France  28,  all  frigate-built,  and  the 
Ranger,  Gates,  and  Saratoga  sloops  of  war.  To  these  were  added 
a  few  other  vessels,  that  were  either  bought,  or  borrowed  in  Europe, 
which  will  be  mentioned  in  their  proper  places.  The  Alliance, 
which,  as  her  name  indicates,  was  launched  about  the  time  the  treaty 
was  made  with  France,  was  the  favourite  ship  of  the  American 
navy,  and  it  might  be  added  of  the  American  nation,  during  the  war 
of  the  Revolution  ;  filling  some  .such  space  in  the  public  mind,  as 
lias  since  been  occupied  by  her  more  celebrated  successor,  the  Con 
stitution.  She  was  a  beautiful  and  an  exceedingly  fast  ship,  but,  as 
vrill  be  seen  in  the  sequel,  was  rendered  less  efficient  than  she  might 
otherwise  have  proved,  by  the  mistake  of  placing  her  under  the 
command  of  a  French  officer,  with  a  view  to  pay  a  compliment  to 


1778.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  85 

the  new  allies  of  the  republic.  This  unfortunate  selection,  produced 
mutinies,  much  discontent  among  the  officers,  and,  in  the  end,  grave 
irregularities.  The  Alliance  was  built  at  Salisbury,  in  Massachusetts 
a  place  that  figured  as  a  building  station,  even  in  the  seventeenth 
century. 

The  naval  operations  of  the  year  open  with  a  gallant  little  exploit, 
achieved  by  the  United  States  sloop  Providence  12,  Captain  Rath- 
burne.  This  vessel  carried  only  four  pounders,  and,  at  the  time,  is 
said  to  have  had  a  crew  of  but  fifty  '-men  o*n  board.  Notwithstand 
ing  this  trifling  force,  Captain  Rathburne  made  a  descent  on  the 
Island  of  New  Providence,  at  the  head  of  twenty -five  men.  He  was 
joined  by  a  few  American  prisoners,  less  than  thirty,  it  is  said,  and, 
while  a  privateer  of  sixteen  guns,  with  a  crew  of  near  fifty  men,  lay 
in  the  harbour,  he  seized  the  forts,  got  possession  of  the  stores,  and 
effectually  obtained  command  of  the  place.  All  the  vessels  in  port, 
six  in  number,  fell  into  his  hands,  and  an  attempt  of  the  armed  pop 
ulation  to  overpower  him,  was  put  down,  by  a  menace  to  burn  the 
town.  A  British  sloop  of  war  appeared  off  the  harbour,  while  the 
Americans  were  in  possession,  but,  ascertaining  that  an  enemy  was 
occupying  the  works,  she  retired,  after  having  been  fired  on.  The 
following  day,  the  people  assembled  in  such  force,  as  seriously  to 
threaten  the  safety  of  his  party  and  vessel,  and  Captain  Rathburne 
caused  the  guns  of  the  fort  to  be  spiked,  removed  all  the  ammunition 
and  small  arms,  burned  two  of  his  prizes,  and  sailed  with  the  re 
mainder,  without  leaving  a  man  behind  him.  In  this  daring  little 
enterprise,  the  Americans  held  the  place  two  entire  clays. 

Captain  John  Barry,  whose  spirited  action  off  the  capes  of  Vir 
ginia,  in  the  Lexington  14,  has  been  mentioned,  and  whose  capture 
of  the  Edward,  on  that  occasion,  is  worthy  of  note,  as  having  been 
the  first  of  any  vessel  of  war,  that  was  ever  made  by  a  regular  Amer 
ican  cruiser  in  battle,  was  placed  on  the  regulated  list  of  October, 
1776,  as  the  seventh  captain,  and  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
Emngham  28,  then  building  at  Philadelphia.  The  Efnngham  was 
one  of  the  vessels  that  had  been  taken  up  the  Delaware,  to  escape 
from  the  British  army ;  and  this  gallant  officer,  wearied  with  a  life 
of  inactivity,  planned  an  expedition  down  the  stream,  in  the  hope  of 
striking  a  blow  at  some  of  the  enemy's  vessels  anchored  off,  or  below 
the  town.  Manning  four  boats,  he  pulled  down  with  the  tide.  Some 
alarm  was  given  when  opposite  the  town,  but  dashing  ahead,  two  of 
the  barges  got  past  without  injury.  Off  Port  Penn  lay  an  enemy's 
schooner  of  ten  guns,  and  thirty  two  men,  and  four  transports,  with 
freight  for  the  British  army.  The  schooner  was  boarded  and  carried, 
without  loss,  and  the  transports  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans 
also.  Two  cruisers  appearing  soon  after  in  the  river,  however,  Cap 
tain  Barry  destroyed  his  prizes,  and  escaped  by  land,  without  losing 
a  man.  On  this  occasion,  the  force  actually  present  with  Barry  con 
sisted  of  only  twenty  eight  men. 

Following  the  order  of  time,  we  now  return  to  the  movements  of 
the  two  ships  under  the  command  of  Captain  Thompson,  the  Raleigh 
and  the  Alfred.  After  taking  in  military  stores  in  France,  these 


86  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1778. 

vessels  sailed  for  America,  making  a  circuit  to  the  southward,  aa 
was  then  quite  usual  with  cruisers  thus  employed,  in  order  to  avoid 
the  enemy's  vessels  of  force,  and  to  pick  up  a  few  prizes  by  the  way. 
They  sailed  from  POrient  in  February,  1778,  and  on  the  9th  of 
March,  were  chased  by  the  British  ships  Ariadne  and  Ceres,  which 
succeeded  in  getting  alongside  of  the  Alfred,  and  engaging  her, 
while  the  Raleigh  was  at  a  distance.  Believing  a  contest  fruitless, 
after  exchanging  a  few  broadsides,  the  Alfred  struck,  but  the  Raleigh, 
though  hard  pressed,  in  the  chase  that  succeeded,  made  her  escape. 
Captain  Thompson  was  blamed  in  the  journals  of  the  day,  for  not 
aiding  his  consort  on  this  occasion  ;  and  he  appears  to  have  been 
superseded  in  the  command  of  his  ship,  to  await  the  result  of  a  trial. 

The  British  accounts  state  the  force  of  the  Alfred,  at  the  time  of 
her  capture,  at  twenty  nine-pounders,  which  will  give  us  a  more  ac 
curate  idea  of  the  real  character  of  a  vessel  that  filled  so  prominent 
a  situation  in  the  navy,  at  its  formation.  Twenty  nine-pounders, 
would  not  probably  raise  her  above  the  rate  of  an  English  twenty 
gun  ship,  even  allowing  her  to  have  had  a  few  sixes  on  her  quarter 
deck  and  forecastle  ;  and  this,  probably,  was  the  true  class  of  both 
the  Alfred  and  Columbus,  ships  that  figure  as  twenty-eights,  and 
even  as  thirty-twos,  in  some  of  the  earlier  accounts  of  the  war. 
But,  it  should  always  be  remembered,  that  a  disposition  to  exagger 
ate  the  power  of  the  country,  by  magnifying  the  force  of  the  ships, 
a  practice  peculiar  to  an  infant  and  aspiring  people,  was  a  fault  of 
the  popular  accounts  of  not  only  the  Revolution,  but  of  a  still  later 
period  in  the  history  of  the  United  States. 

Among  the  frigates  ordered  by  the  act  of  1775,  was  one  called  the 
Virginia  28,  which  had  been  laid  down  in  Maryland.  To  this  ves 
sel  was  assigned  Captain  James  Nicholson,  the  senior  captain  on  the 
list,  an  officer  who  had  already  discovered  conduct  and  spirit  in  an 
affair  with  one  of  the  enemy's  tenders  off  Annapolis,  while  serving 
in  the  local  marine  of  Maryland.  The  great  embarrassments  which 
attended  most  of  the  public  measures  of  the  day,  and  a  vigilant 
blockade,  prevented  the  Virginia  from  getting  to  sea,  until  the  spring 
of  this  year,  when  having  received  her  crew  and  equipments,  she 
made  the  attempt  on  the  30th  of  March. 

The  frigate  appears  to  have  followed  another  vessel  down  the 
Chesapeake,  under  the  impression  that  the  best  pilot  of  the  bay  was 
in  charge  of  her.  About  three  in  the  morning,  however,  she  struck 
on  the  middle  ground,  over  which  she  beat  with  the  loss  of  her  rud 
der.  The  ship  was  immediately  anchored.  Day  discovered  two 
English  vessels  of  war  at  no  great  distance,  when  Captain  Nichol 
son  got  ashore  with  his  papers,  and  the  ship  was  taken  possession  of 
by  the  enemy.  An  inquiry,  instituted  by  Congress,  acquitted  Captain 
Nicholson  of  blame.  The  peculiarity  of  a  commander's  abandoning 
his  vessel  under  such  circumstances,  gave  rise  to  some  comments  at 
the  time,  but  the  result  renders  it  probable  that  considerations  of  im 
portance,  that  were  not  generally  known,  induced  the  step.  A  trial 
was  not  deemed  necessary,  and  Captain  Nicholson  subsequently 


1778.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  87 

fought  two  of  the  most  remarkable  combats  of  the  war,  though  suc 
cessful  in  neither. 

But  merit  in  warfare  is  not  always  to  be  measured  by  success,  and 
least  of  all,  in  a  profession  that  is  liable  to  so  many  accidents  and 
circumstances  that  lie  beyoncl  the  control  of  man.  An  unexpected 
shift  of  wind,  the  sudden  loss  of  an  important  spar,  or  the  unfortu 
nate  injury  occasioned  by  a  single  shot,  may  derange  the  best  devis 
ed  schemes,  or  enfeeble  the  best  appointed  ship;  and  it  is  in  repairing 
these  unexpected  damages,  in  the  steadiness,  and  order,  and  sub 
mission  to  authority,  with  which  casualties  are  met,  as  well  as  in  the 
greater  effect  of  their  attack,  that  the  trained  officers  and  men  mani 
fest  their  vast  superiority  over  the  hurried  and  confused  movements 
of  those  who  are  wanting  in  these  high  qualities  of  discipline. 

Leaving  the  ocean  for  a  moment,  we  will  now  turn  our  attention 
to  the  proceedings  of  the  enemy  again,  in  the  Delaware.     Early  in 
May,  an  expedition  left  Philadelphia,  under  the  command  of  Major 
Maitland,  and  ascended  that  river  with  a  view  to  destroy  the  Ameri 
can  shipping,  which  had  been  carried  up  it  to  escape  the  invading  and 
successful  army  of  the  enemy.     The  force  consisted  of  the  schooners 
Viper  and  Pembroke ;  the  Hussar,  Cornwallis,  Ferret,  and  Phila 
delphia  galleys  ;  four  gun-boats,  and  eighteen  flat-boats,  under  the 
orders  of  Captain  Henry  of  the  navy.     The  2d  battalion  of  the  light- 
infantry,  and  two  field  pieces  composed  the  troops.     Ascending  the 
stream  to  a  point  above  Bristol,  the  troops  landed,  under  cover  of  the 
guns  of  the  flotilla,  without  opposition.     Indeed,  there  does  not  ap 
pear  to  have  been  any  force  to  oppose  the  British  on  this  occasion,  or, 
if  any,  one  of  so  little  moment,  as  to  put  a  serious  contest  out  of  the 
question.     The  Washington  32,  and  Effingham  28,  both  of  which 
had  been  built  at  Philadelphia,  but  had  never  got  to  sea,  were  burned. 
These  ships  had  not  yet  received  their  armaments.     At  this  point 
several  other  vessels  were  destroyed,  privateers  and  merchantmen, 
and  the  party  proceeded   to  Croswise    Creek,  where   the  privateer 
Sturdy   Beggar  18,  and  eight  sail  of  other  vessels  were  set  on  fire 
and    consumed.      The  next   day  the   British    ascended  to  Bile's 
Island,   arid  burned  six  more  craft,  four  of  which  were  pierced  for 
guns.     On  descending  by  land  to  Bristol,  a  ship  and  a  brig  were 
destroyed.     After  this,  four  new  ships,  a  new  brig,  and  an   old 
schooner  were  burned  by  the  galleys,  the  party  returning  to  Phila 
delphia  that  night,  without  losing  a  man.     By  this  coup  dt  main,  the 
Americans  lost  two  more  of  the  frigates  authorised   by  the  law  of 
1775  ;  and  though  it  is  not  now  easy  to  ascertain  facts  so  minute,  it 
is  believed  that  two  or  three  of  the  smallest  of  the  cruisers  that  ap 
pear  on  the  list  of  the  navy,  at  its  formation,  were  destroyed  by  the 
English  on  this  occasion.     The  Hornet,  Sachem,  Independence,  and 
Musquito,  are  not  to  be  traced  subsequently  to  this  period,  and  if  not 
burned  when  this  expedition  occurred,  it  is  probable  that  they  all 
were  burnt  with  the  Wasp,  in  1777.     To  compensate  for  these  losses, 
not  a  single  frigate  of  the  enemy  had  yet  been  brought  into  port, 
though  the  Fox  28,  had  been  captured. 

About  this  time  the  celebrated  Paul  Jones,  whose  conduct  as  a 


88  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1778. 

lieutenant  in  the  Alfred,  and  in  the  command  of  that  ship,  as  well  as 
in  that  of  the  Providence  12,  had  attracted  much  attention,  appeared 
in  the  European  seas  in  command  of  the  Ranger  IS.  So  cautious 
had  the  American  government  got  to  be,  in  consequence  of  the  British 
remonstrances,  that  orders  were  given 'to  the  Ranger  to  conceal  her 
armament  while  in  France.  This  vessel,  which  is  described  as 
having  been  both  crank  and  slow,  was  not  thought  worthy  of  so 
good  an  officer,  by  the  Marine  Committee,  and  he  had  been  promised 
a  better  ship  ;  but  the  exigencies  of  the  service  did  not  admit  of  the 
fulfilment  of  this  engagement,  and  Captain  Jones,  after  a  long  delay, 
had  been  induced  to  take  this  command,  in  preference  to  remaining 
idle.  It  is  said,  however,  that  he  came  to  Europe  in  the  hope  of  ob 
taining  the  Indien,  but  that  vessel  had  been  presented  to  the  King  of 
France  previously  to  his  arrival. 

After  going  into  Brest  to  refit,  Captain  Jones  sailed  from  that  port 
on  the  10th  of  April,  1778,  on  a  cruise  in  the  Irish  Channel.  As 
the  Ranger  passed  along  the  coast,  she  made  several  prizes,  arid 
getting  as  high  as  Whitehaven,  Captain  Jones  determined,  on  the 
17th,  to  make  an  attempt  to  burn  the  colliers  that  were  crowded  in 
that  narrow  port.  The  weather,  however,  prevented  the  execution 
of  this  project,  and  the  ship  proceeded  as  high  as  Glentinc  bay,  on  the 
coast  of  Scotland,  where  she  chased  a  revenue  vessel  with  out  success. 
Quitting  the  Scottish  coast,  the  Ranger  next  crossed  to  Ireland, 
and  arriving  off  Carrickfergus,  she  was  boarded  by  some  fishermen. 
From  these  men  Captain  Jones  ascertained  that  a  ship  which  lay 
anchored  in  the  roads,  was  the  Drake  sloop  of  war,  Captain  Burden, 
a  vessel  of  a  force  about  equal  to  that  of  the  Ranger,  and  he  imme 
diately  conceived  a  plan  to  run  in  and  take  her.  Preparations  were 
accordingly  made  to  attempt  the  enterprise  as  soon  as  it  was  dark. 

It  blew  fresh  in  the  night,  but  when  the  proper  hour  had  arrived, 
the  Ranger  stood  for  the  roads,  having  accurately  obtained  the  bear 
ings  of  the  enemy.  The  orders  of  Captain  Jones  were  to  overlay 
tfhe  cable  of  the  Drake,  and  to  bring  up  on  her  bows,  where  he  in 
tended  to  secure  his  own  ship,  and  abide  the  result.  By  some  mis 
take,  the  anchor  was  not  let  go  in  season,  and  instead  of  fetching  up 
in  the  desired  position,  the  Ranger  could  not  be  checked  until  she 
had  drifted  on  the  quarter  of  the  Drake,  at  a  distance  of  half  a  cable's 
length.  Perceiving  that  his  object  was  defeated,  Captain  Jones  or 
dered  the  cable  to  be  cut,  when  the  ship  drifted  astern,  and,  making 
sail,  she  hauled  by  the  wjnd  as  soon  as  possible.  The  gale  increas 
ing,  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  the  Ranger  weathered  the  land, 
and  regained  the  channel. 

Captain  Jones  now  stood  over  to  the  English  coast,  and  believing 
the  time  more  favourable,  he  attempted  to  execute  his  former  design 
on  the  shipping  in  the  port  of  Whitehaven.  Two  parties  landed  in 
the  night ;  the  forts  were  seized  and  the  guns  were  spiked  ;  the  few 
look-outs  that  were  in.  the  works  being  confined.  In  effecting  this 
duty  Captain  Jones  was  foremost  in  person,  for,  having  once  sailed 
out  of  the  port,  he  was  familiar  with  the  situation  of  the  place.  An 
accident  common  to  both  the  parties  into  which  the  expedition  had 


1778.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  89 

been  divided,  came  near  defeating  the  enterprise  in  the  outset.  They 
had  brought  candles  in  lanterns,  for  the  double  purpose  of  lights  and 
torches,  and,  now  that  they  Avere  about  to  be  used  as  the  latter,  it  was 
found  that  they  Avere  all  consumed.  As  the  day  Avas  appearing,  the 
party  under  Mr.  Wallingford,  one  of  the  lieutenants,  took  to  its  boat 
without  effecting  any  thing,  Avhile  Captain  Jones  sent  to  a  detached 
building  and  obtained  a  candle.  He  boarded  a  large  ship,  kindled 
a  fire  in  her  steerage,  and  by  placing  a  barrel  of 'tar  over  the  spot, 
soon  had  the  vessel  in  flames.  The  tide  being  out,  this  ship  lay  in 
the  midst  of  more  than  a  hundred  others,  high  and  dry,  and  Captain 
Jones  flattered  himself  Avith  the  hope  of  signally  revenging  the  dep 
redations  that  the  enemy  had  so  freely  committed  on  the  American 
coast.  But,  by  this  time,  the  alarm  Avas  effectually  given,  and  the 
entire  population  appeared  on  the  adjacent  high  ground,  or  were 
seen  rushing  in  numbers  towards  the  shipping.  The  latter  Avere 
easily  driven  back  by  a  show  of  force,  and  remaining  a  sufficient 
time,  as  he  thought,  to  make  sure  of  an  extensive  conflagration,  Cap 
tain  Jones  took  to  his  boats  and  pulled  toAvards  his  ship.  Some  guns 
Avere  fired  on  the  retiring  boats  without  effect ;  but  the  people  of  the 
place  succeeded  in  extinguishing  the  flames  before  the  mischief  be 
came  very  extensive. 

The  hardihood,  as  Avell  as  the  nature  of  this  attempt,  produced  a 
great  alarm  along  the  Avhole  English  coast,  and  from  that  hour,  even 
to  this,  the  name  of  Jones,  in  the  minds  of  the  people  of  Whiteha- 
ven,  is  associated  Avith  audacity,  destruction,  and  danger. 

While  cruising,  Avith  the  utmost  boldness,  as  it  might  be  in  the  very 
heart  of  the  British  Avaters,  Avith  the  coasts  of  the  three  kingdoms 
frequently  in  view  at  the  same  moment,  Captain  Jones,  who  Avas  a 
native  of  the  country,  decided  to  make  an  attempt  to  seize  the  Earl 
of  Selkirk,  Avho  had  a  seat  on  St.  Mary's  Isle,  near  the  point  Avhere 
ifefcDce  floAVS  into  the  channel.  A  party  landed,  and  got  possession 
oTthe  house,  but  its  master  Avas  absent.  The  officer  in- command  of 
the  boats  so  far  forgot  himself  as  to  bring  aAvay  a  quantity  of  the 
family  plate,  although  no  other  injury  Avas  done,  or  any  insult  offered. 
This  plate,  the  value  of  which  did  not  exceed  a  hundred  pounds, 
Avas  subsequently  purchased  of  the  creAv  b^  Captain  Jones,  and  re 
turned  to  Lady  Selkirk,  Avith  a  letter  expressive  of  his  regrets  at  the 
occurrence. 

After  the  landing  mentioned,  the  Ranger  once  more  steered  toAvards 
Ireland,  Captain  Jones  still  keeping  in  view  his  design  on  the  Drake, 
and  arrived  off  Carrickfergus  again,  on  the  24th.  The  commander 
of  the  latter  ship,  sent  out  an  officer,  in  one  of  his  boats,  to  ascertain 
the  character  of  the  stranger.  By  means  of  skilful  handling,  the 
Ranger  Avas  kept  end-on  to  the  boat,  and  as  the  officer  in  charge  of 
the  latter  could  merely  see  the  ship's  stern,  although  provided  Avith  a 
glass,  he  suffered  himself  to  be  decoyed  alongside,  and  Avas  taken. 
From  the  prisoners,  Captain  Jones  learned  that  intelligence  of  his 
descents  on  Whitehaven  and  St.  Mary's  Isle,  had  reached  Belfast, 
and  that  the  people  of  the  Drake  had  weighed  the  anchor  he  had 
lost  in  his  attempt  on  that  ship. 


90  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1778 

Under  these  circumstances,  Captain  Jones  believed  that  the  com 
mander  of  the  Drake  would  not  long  defer  coining  out  in  search  of 
his  boat ;  an  expectation  that  was  shortly  realised,  by  the  appearance 
of  the  English  ship  under  way.  The  Ranger  now  filled  and  stood 
off  the  land,  with  a  view  to  draw  her  enemy  more  into  the  channel, 
where  she  lay  to,  in  waiting  for  the  latter  to  come  on.  Several  small 
vessels  accompanied  the  Drake,  to  witness  the  combat,  arid  many 
volunteers  had  gone  on  board  her,  to  assist  in  capturing  the  Ameri 
can  privateer,  as  it  was  the  fashion  of  the  day  to  term  the  vessels  of 
the  young  republic.  The  tide  being  unfavourable,  the  Drake  worked 
out  of  the  roads  slowly,  and  night  was  approaching  before  she  drew 
near  the  Ranger. 

The  Drake,  when  she  got  sufficiently  nigh,  hailed,  and  received 
the  name  of  her  antagonist,  by  way  of  challenge,  with  a  request  to 
come  on.  As  the  two  ships  were  standing  on,  the  Drake  a  little  to 
leeward  and  astern,  the  Ranger  put  her  helm  up,  a  manceuvre  that 
the  enemy  imitated,  and  the  former-gave  the  first  broadside,  firing  as 
her  guns  bore.  The  wind  admitted  of  but  few  changes,  but  the 
battle  was  fought  running  free,  under  easy  canvass.  It  lasted  an 
hour  and  four  minutes,  when  the  Drake  called  for  quarter,  her  en 
sign  being  already  down. 

The  English  ship  was  much  cut  up,  both  in  her  hull  and  aloft, 
and  Captain  Jones  computed  her  loss  at  about  forty  men.  Her  cap 
tain  and  lieutenant  were  both  desperately  wounded,  and  died  shortly 
after  the  engagement.*  The  Ranger  suffered  much  less,  having 
Lieutenant  Wallingford  and  one  man  killed,  and  six  wounded.  The 
Drake  was  not  only  a  heavier  ship,  but  she  had  a  much  stronger 
crew  than  her  antagonist.  She  had  also  two  guns  the  most. 

After  securing  her  prize  and  repairing  damages,  the  Ranger  went 
round  the  north  of  Ireland,  and  shaped  her  course  for  Brest.  She 
was  chased  repeatedly,  but  arrived  safely  at  her  port  with  the  Drak%, 
on  the  8th  of  May.  "  * 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  conduct  of  Captain  Jones  in 
turning  a  local  knowledge  acquired  in  the  manner  mentioned,  to 
such  an  account,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  course  pursued  by 
the  enemy  on  the  American  coast,  would  have  fully  justified  the 
course  he  took  in  any  other  officer  in  the  service  ;  and  it  is  due  to 
Captain  Jones,  to  say,  that  he  had,  personally,  been  so  much  vilified 
by  the  British  press,  as  quite  naturally  to  have  weakened  any  re 
mains  of  national  attachment  that  he  may  formerly  have  entertain 
ed.  The  natives  of  Great  Britain,  that  served  on  the  American 
side,  in  this  great  contest,  were  not  essentially  in  a  position  different 
from  that  of  those  who  had  been  born  in  the  colonies.  The  war,  in 
one  sense,  was  a  civil  war,  and  the  conduct  of  all  who  took  part  in 
it,  was  to  be  measured  by  the  merits  of  the  main  question.  The 
Englishman  actually  established  in  the  colonies,  when  the  struggle 
commenced,  was  essentially  in  the  situation  of  the  native  ;  and  if  the 
latter  had  a  moral  right  to  resist  the  encroachments  of  the  British 
Parliament,  it  was  a  right  that  extended  to  the  former,  since  it  was 
not  a  question  of  birthplace  that  was  at  issue,  but  one  of  local  and 


1778.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  91 

territorial  interests.  By  transferring  himself  to  England,  the  native 
of  America  would  have  avoided  the  injuries,  and  shared  in  the  ad 
vantages  of  the  offensive  policy ;  and  by  transferring  himself  to 
America,  the  native  of  England  became  the  subject  of  its  wrongs. 
Both  steps  were  legal,  and  it  follows  as  a  legitimate  consequence, 
that  all  the  moral  as  well  as  legal  rights  dependent  on  their  exercise, 
were  carried  with  them. 

Mr.  Silas  Talbot,  of  Rhode  Island,  who  had  been  a  seaman  in  his 
youth,  had  taken  service  in  the  army,  and  October  10th,  1777,  he 
had  been  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  Major,  to  reward  him  for  a  spirited 
attempt  to  set  fire  to  one  of  the  enemy's  cruisers  in  the  Hudson.  In 
the  autumn  of  the  present  year  (1778),  Major  Talbot  headed  another 
expedition  against  the  British  schooner  Pi^ot,  8,  then  lying  in  the 
eastern  passage  between  Rhode  Island  and  the  main  land,  in  a  small 
sloop  that  had  two  light  guns,  and  which  was  manned  by  60  volun 
teers.  The  Pigot  had  45  men,  and  one  heavy  gun  in  her  bows, 
besides  the  rest  of  her  armament.  Her  commander  showed  great 
bravery,  actually  fighting  alone  on  deck,  in  his  shirt,  when  every  man 
of  his  crew  had  run  belo\v.  Major  Talbot  carried  the  schooner 
without  loss,  and  for  his  conduct  and  gallantry  was  promoted  to  be  a 
Lieutenant  Colonel.  The  following  year  this  officer  was  transferred 
to  the  navy,  Congress  passing  an  especial  resolution  to  that  effect, 
with  directions  to  the  Marine  Committee  to  give  him  a  ship  on  the 
first  occasion.  It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  it  was  in  the  power 
of  the  committee,  at  that  period  of  the  war,  to  appoint  Captain 
Talbot  to  a  government  vessel,  and  he  is  believed  to  have  served, 
subsequently,  in  a  private  armed  ship. 

It  has  already  been  intimated,  that  the  appearance  of  a  French 
fleet,  in  July,  1778,  off  Newport,  materially  changed  the  character 
of  the  war,  so  far  as  the  American  marine  was  concerned.  On  this 
occasion,  the  enemy  destroyed  the  following  ships  at,  or  near  New 
port,  to  prevent  their  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  French,  viz:  the 
Juno,  32;  Orpheus,  32;  Cerberus,  32;  Lark,  32;  Flora,  32;  and 
Falcon,  18. 

It  will  give  some  idea  of  the  condition  of  the  American  marine  at 
this  time,  if  we  state  that  a  month  previously  to  the  arrival  of  the 
French,  the  following  vessels  were  lying  at  Boston.  They  appear 
to  have  composed  most  of  the  disposable  naval  force  of  the  United 
States,  in  the  American  seas,  viz:  Warren,  32,  Captain  John  Hop 
kins;  Raleigh,  32,  Captain  Thompson;  Deane,  (afterwards  Hague,) 
32,  Captain  S.  Nicholson;  Tyrannicide,  14,  State  cruiser,  Captain 
Harding;  Independence,  14,  Captain  Hazard;  Sampson,  20;  Han 
cock,  20,  (formerly  Weymouth,a  packet;)  and  Speedwell,  10.  The 
four  last  were  State  cruisers,  or  privateers.  Of  this  force,  Captain 
Thompson  was  the  senior  officer.  Several  private  armed  ships  were 
cruising  off  the  eastern  coast,  at  the  same  time,  among  which  was 
the  Mars,  24,  Captain  Truxtun. 

It  has  been  said  that  many  officers  of  the  navy,  previously  to  the 
period  of  the  war  at  which  we  have  now  arrived,  had  been  compelled 
to  seek  service  in  the  privateers,  for  want  of  more  regular  employ. 


92  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1778. 

ment,  and  among  others  was  Captain  Daniel  Waters.  While  in 
command  of  the  private  armed  ship  Thorn,  16,  out  of  Boston,  Cap 
tain  Waters  engaged  the  letter  of  marque,  Governor  Tryon,  16, 
Captain  Stebbins,  and  the  Sir  William  Erskine,  18,  Captain  Ham 
ilton,  both  full  manned.  After  a  sharp  action  of  two  hours,  the  Tryon 
struck,  and  the  Erskine  made  sail  to  escape.  Instead  of  stopping 
to  take  possession  of  his  prize,  Captain  Waters  pursued  the  Erskine, 
and  getting  alongside,  compelled  her  also  to  surrender.  Throwing 
a  crew  on  board  this  ship,  the  two  vessels  now  went  in  quest  of  the 
Tryon,  Avhich  had  profited  by  the  situation  of  the  Thorn,  to  endeavour 
to  escape.  Favoured  by  the  night,  this  vessel  succeeded  in  getting 
off,  and  the  next  day  the  Erskine  was  sent  into  port.  The  Thorn 
had  now  but  60  men  left,  and  in  a  few  days,  she  fell  in  with  the 
Sparlin,  18,  with  97  men,  which  she  succeeded  in  taking  after  a 
fight  of  near  an  hour.  The  Thorn,  and  both  her  prizes,  arrived 
safely  in  Boston. 

In  consequence  of  the  investigation  connected  with  the  loss  of  the 
Alfred,  Captain  Thompson  was  relieved  from  the  command  of  the 
Raleigh  32,  as  has  been  said  already,  and  that  ship  was  given  to 
Captain  Barry.  Under  the  orders  of  this  new  commander,  the 
Raleigh  sailed  from  Boston  on  the  25th  of  September,  at  six  in  the 
morning-,  having  a  brig  and  a  sloop  under  convoy.  The  wind  was 
fresh  at  N.  W.,  and  the  frigate  run  off  N.  E.  At  twelve,  two  strange 
sail  were  seen  to  leeward,  distant  fifteen  or  sixteen  miles.  Orders 
were  given  to  the  convoy  tq  haul  nearer  to  the  wind,  and  to  crowd 
all  the  sail  it  could  carry,  the  strangers  in  chase.  After  dark  the 
Raleigh  lost  sight  of  the  enemy,  as  by  this  time  the  two  ships  were 
ascertained  to  be,  and  the  wind  became  light  and  variable.  The 
Raleigh  now  cleared  for  action,  and  kept  her  people  at  quarters  all 
night,  having  tacked  towards  the  land.  In  the  morning  it  proved 
to  be  hazy,  and  the  strangers  were  not  to  be  seen.  The  Raleigh 
was  still  standing  towards  the  land,  which  she  shortly  after  made 
ahead,  quite  near.  About  noon,  the  haze  clearing  away,  the  enemy 
were  seen  in  the  southern  board,  and  to  windward,  crowding  sail  in 
chase.  The  weather  became  thick  again,  and  the  Raleigh  lost  sight 
of  her  two  pursuers,  when  she  hauled  off  to  the  eastward.  That  night 
no  more  was  seen  of  the  enemy,  and  at  daylight  Captain  Barry  took 
in  every  thing,  with  a  view  to  conceal  the  position  of  the  ship,  which 
was  permitted  to  drift  under  bare  poles.  Finding  nothing  visible  at 
6,  A.  M.,  the  Raleigh  crowded  sail  once  more,  and  stood  S.  E.  by  E. 
But  at  half  past  9,  the  two  ships  were  again  discovered  astern,  and  in 
chase.  The  Raleigh  now  hauled  close  upon  a  wind,  heading  N.  W., 
with  her  larboard  tacks  aboard.  The  enemy  also  came  to  the  wind, 
all  three  vessels  carrying  hard  with  a  staggering  breeze.  The  Ra 
leigh  now  fairly  outsailed  the  strangers,  running  11  knots  2  fathoms, 
on  a  dragged  bowline. 

Unfortunately,  at  noon  the  wind  moderated,  when  the  leading 
vessel  of  the  enemy  overhauled  the  Raleigh  quite  fast,  and  even  the 
ship  astern  held  way  with  her.  At  4.,  P.  M.,  the  Raleigh  tacked  to 
the  westward,  with  a  view  to  discover  the  force  of  the  leading  vessel 


1778.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  93 

of  the  enemy,  and,  about  the  same  time  she  made  several  low  islands, 
the  names  of  which  were  not  known.     At  5,  P.  M.,  the  leading  ves 
sel  of  the  enemy  having  nearly  closed,  the  Raleigh  edged  away  and 
crossed  her  fore  foot,  brailirig  her  mizzen,  and  taking  in  her  staysails. 
The  enemy  showed  a  battery  of  14  guns  of  a  side,    including  both 
decks,  and  set   St.  George's  ensign.     In  passing,   the  Raleigh  de 
livered  her  broadside,  which  was  returned,  when  the  stranger  came 
up  under  the  lee  quarter  of  the  American  ship,  arid  the  action  became 
steady  and   general.     At  the  second  fire,  the  Raleigh  unfortunately 
lost  her  fore-topmast,  and  mizzen  top-gallant-mast,  which  gave  the 
enemy  a  vast  advantage  in  manoeuvring  throughout  the  remainder 
of  the  affair.     Finding  the  broadside  of  the  Raleigh  getting  to  be  too 
hot  for  him,  the  enemy  soon  shot  ahead,  and,  for  a  short  time,  while 
the  people  of  the  former  ship  were  clearing  the  wreck,  he  engaged 
to  windward,  and  at  a  distance.     Ere  long,  however,  the  English 
vessel  edged  away  and  attempted  to  rake  the  Raleigh,  when  Captain 
Barry  bore  up,  and  bringing  the  ships  alongside  each  other,  he  en 
deavoured  to  board,  a  step  that  the  other,  favoured  by  all  his  canvass, 
and  his  superiority  of  sailing  in  a  light  breeze,  easily  avoided.     By 
this  time,  the  second  ship  had  got  so  near  as  to  render  it  certain  she 
would  very  soon  close,  and,  escape  by  flight  being  out  of  the  ques 
tion  in  the  crippled  condition  of  the  ship,  Captain  Barry  called  a 
council  of  his  officers.     It  was  determined  to  make  an  attempt  to  run 
the  frigate   ashore,  the  land   being  then  within  a  few  miles.     The 
Raleigh  accordingly  wore  round,  and  stood  for  the  islands  already 
mentioned,  her  antagonist  sticking  to  her  in  the  most  gallant  manner, 
both  ships  maintaining  the  action  with  spirit.     About  midnight,  how 
ever,  the  enemy  hauled  off,  and  left  the  Raleigh  to  pursue  her  course 
towards  the  land.     The  engagement  had  lasted  seven  hours,  much 
of  the  time  in  close  action,  and  both  vessels  had  suffered  materially, 
the  Raleigh  in  particulai^ft  her  spars,   rigging,    and  sails.     The 
darkness,  soon  after,  concWling  his  ship,  Captain  Barry  had  some 
hopes  of  getting  off  among  the  islands,  and  was  in  the  act  of  bending 
new  sails,  for  that  purpose,  when  the  enemy's  vessels  again  came  in 
sight,  closing  fast.     The  Raleigh  immediately  opened  a  brisk  fire 
from  her  stern  guns,  and  every  human  effort  was  made  to  force  the 
ship  towards  the  land.     The  enemy,  however,  easily  closed  again, 
and  opened  a  heavy  fire,  which  was  returned  by  the  Raleigh  until 
she  grounded,  when  the  largest  of  the  onemy's  ships  immediately 
hauled  off,  to  avoid  a  similar  calamity,  and,  gaining  a  safe  distance, 
both  vessels  continued  their  fire,  from  positions  they  had  taken  on 
the  Raleigh's  quarter.     Captain  Barry,  finding  that  the  island  was 
rocky,  and  that  it  might  be  defended,  determined  to  land,  and  to  burn 
his  ship;  a  project  that  was  rendered  practicable  by  the  fact  that  the 
enemy  had  ceased  firing,  and  anchored  at  the  distance  of  about  a 
mile.     A  large  party  of  men  got  on  shore,  and  the  boats  were  about 
to   return   for  the   remainder,  when  it  was  discovered  that,  by  the 
treachery  of  a  petty  officer,  the  ship  had  surrendered. 

The  officers  and  men  on  the  island  escaped,  but  the  ship  was  got 
off  and  placed  in  the  British  navy.     The  two  ships  that  took   the 


94  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1779. 

Raleigh  were  the  Experiment  50,  Captain  Wallace,  arid  the  Unicorn 
22.  The  latter  mounted  28  guns,  and  was  the  ship  that  engaged 
the  Raleigh  so  closely,  so  long,  and  so  obstinately.  She  was  much 
cut  up,  losing  her  masts  after  the  action,  and  had  10  men  killed, 
besides  many  wounded.  The  Americans  had  25  men  killed  and 
wounded,  in  the  course  of  the  whole  affair. 

Captain  Barry  gained  great  credit  for  his  gallantry  on  this  occa 
sion.  He  escaped  to  the  main  with  a  considerable  portion  of  his 
crew,  though  not  without  great  suffering,  and  a  new  ship  was  given 
to  him  on  the  first  opportunity.  The  island  on  which  he  first  landed, 
is  called  the  Wooden  Ball,  and  lies  about  twenty  miles  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Penobscot;  being  the  outermost  of  all  the  islands  arid 
rocks  in  its  immediate  vicinity.  In  the  chase  the  Raleigh  shifted  her 
ground  about  two  degrees  to  the  northward,  and  about  one  to  the 
eastward. 

Thus  terminated  the  year  1778,  so  far  as  it  was  connected  with 
the  service  of  the  regular  marine,  though  like  all  that  had  preceded, 
or  which  followed  it,  in  this  war,  it  gave  rise  to  some  handsome  ex 
ploits  among  the  colony  cruisers  and  privateers,  some  of  which  there 
may  be  occasion  to  mention  in  a  chapter  that  will  be  devoted  to  that 
branch  of  the  subject. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Alliance  sails  with  Lafayette  for  France....conspiracy  on  board.... Action  of  the 
Hampden  with  an  Indiaman....Nine  British  ves^tecaptured,  and  twenty-four  British 
officers  made  prisoners,  by  Capt.  Hopkins....  Val^^fe  prizes  sent  into  Boston  by  Capt. 
Whipple....The  Cumberland,  Capt.  Manly,  is  csfBffed  by  the  Pomona  frigate....Capt. 
Manly  in  the  private  armed  ship  Jason,  engages  with,  and  captures  two  British  priva 
teers... .Description  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard.. ..Capture  of  a  letter  of  marque,  by  Paul 
Jones.. ..Disobedience  of  orders,  by  Capt.  Landais  of  the  Alliance.. ..Capt  Lawrence 
takes  command  of  the  Chesapeake....Action  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  with,  and 
capture  of  the  Serapis....Capt.  Landais  fires  into  the  Richard....she  sinks. 

THE  year  1779  opened  with  the  departure  of  the  Alliance,  32,  for 
France.  It  has  already  been  stated  that  the  command  of  this  ship 
had  been  given  to  a  Captain  Landais,  who  was  said  to  be  a  French 
officer  of  gallantry  and  merit.  Unfortunately  the  prejudices  of  the 
seamen  did  not  answer  to  the  complaisance  of  the  Marine  Committee 
in  this  respect,  and  it  was  found  difficult  to  obtain  a  crew  willing  to 
enlist  under  a  French  captain.  When  General  Lafayette,  after  a 
detention  of  several  months  on  the  road,  in  consequence  of  severe 
illness,  reached  Boston  near  the  close  of  1778,  in  order  to  embark  in 
the  Alliance,  it  was  found  that  the  frigate  was  not  yet  manned.  De 
sirous  of  rendering  themselves  useful  to  their  illustrious  guest,  the 
government  of  Massachusetts  offered  to  complete  the  ship's  comple 
ment  by  impressment,  an  expedient  that  had  been  adopted  on  more 
than  one  occasion  during  the  war  ;  but  the  just-minded  and  benevo- 


1779.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  95 

lent  Lafayette  would  not  consent  to  the  measure.  Anxious  to  sail, 
however,  for  he  was  entrusted  with  important  interests,  recourse  was 
had  to  a  plan  to  man  the  ship,  which,  if  less  objectionable  on  the 
score  of  principle,  was  scarcely  less  so  in  every  other  point  of  view 
The  Somerset  64,  had  been  wrecked  on  the  coast  of  New  Eng 
land,  arid  part  of  her  crew  had  found  their  way  to  Boston.  By  ac 
cepting  the  proffered  services  of  these  men,  those  of  some  volunteers 
from  among1  the  prisoners,  and  those  of  a  few  French  seamen  that 
were  also  found  in  Boston  after  the  departure  of  their  fleet,  a  motley 
number  was  raised  in  sufficient  time  to  enable  the  ship  to  sail  on  the 
llth  of  January.  With  this  incomplete  and  mixed  crew,  Lafayette 
trusted  himself  on  the  ocean,  and  the  result  was  near  justifying  the 
worst  forebodings  that  so  ill-advised  a  measure  could  have  suggested. 
After  a  tempestuous  passage,  the  Alliance  got  within  two  day's 
run  of  the  English  coast,  when  her  officers  and  passengers,  of  the 
latter  of  whom  there  were  many  besides  General  Lafayette  and  his  suite, 
received  the  startling  information  that  a  conspiracy  existed  among 
the  English  portion  of  the  crew,  some  seventy  or  eighty  men  in  all, 
to  kill  the  officers,  seize  the  vessel,  and  carry  the  frigate  into  Eng 
land.  With  a  view  to  encourage  such  acts  of  mutiny,  the  British 
Parliament  had  passed  a  law  to  reward  all  those  crews  that  should 
run  away  with  American  ships  ;  and  this  temptation  was  too  strong 
for  men  whose  service,  however  voluntary  it  might  be  in  appear 
ances,  was  probably  reluctant,  and  which  had  been  compelled  by 
circumstances,  if  not  by  direct  coercion. 

/  The  intentions  of  the  mutineers  appear  to  have  been  of  the  mest 
/•uthless  and  bloodthirsty  character.  By  the  original  plan,  the  cry  of 
"  Sail  ho  !"  was  to  be  raised  about  daylight  on  the  morning  of  the 
2d  of  February,  when,  as  it  was  known  that  the  officers  and  passen 
gers  would  immediately  appear  on  the  quarter-deck,  the  attempt  was 
to  commence  by  seizing Aem  in  a  body.  The  mutineers  were 
divided  into  four  parties,  or  which  one  was  to  get  possession  of  the 
magazine,  the  second  of  the  wardroom,  the  third  of  the  cabin,  and 
the  fourth  of  the  upper-deck  aft.  In  the  event  of  resistance  by  the 
officers  at  the  latter  point,  the  four  nine  pound  guns  on  the  forecastle 
were  to  be  pointed  aft,  and  to  sweep  the  quarter-deck.  With  this 
view,  a  gunner's  mate,  who  was  a  ringleader,  had  privately  put  into 
the  guns  charges  of  canister-shot.  Some  fire-arms  had  also  been 
secretly  obtained  by  a  sergeant  of  marines,  who  belonged  to  the 
mutiny. 

On  the  night  of  the  1st  of  February,  the  execution  of  this  plot 
was  postponed  until  four  o'clock  of  the  afternoon  of  the  2d,  instead 
of  taking  place  at  the  hour  of  daylight,  as  had  been  previously  ar 
ranged.  Captain  Landais,  who  was  exceedingly  offensive  to  the 
conspirators,  was  to  be  put  into  a  boat,  without  food,  water,  oars  or 
sails,  heavily  ironed,  and  to  be  turned  loose  on  the  ocean.  The  gun 
ner,  carpenter,  and  boatswain  were  to  have  been  killed  on  the  spot. 
The  marine  officer  and  surgeon  were  to  have  been  hanged,  quartered, 
and  their  bodies  cast  into  the  sea.  The  sailing-master  was  to  have 
been  seized  up  to  the  mizen-mast,  scarified,  cut  into  morsels  and 


96  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1779. 

thrown  overboard.  To  each  of  the  lieutenants  was  to  have  been 
offered  the  option  of  navigating  the  ship  into  the  nearest  British  port, 
or  of  walking  a  plank.  The  passengers  were  to  have  been  confined, 
and  given  up  as  prisoners,  in  England.  With  these  fell  intentions 
in  their  hearts,  the  conspirators  fortunately  decided  to  defer  the  exe 
cution  of  their  plot  until  the  hour  just  named. 

Among  the  crew  of  the  Alliance,  was  a  seaman  of  more  than  usual 
knowledge  of  his  calling,  and  of  great  decency  of  exterior.  By  his 
accent,  this  man,  though  regularly  entered  as  a  volunteer  and  an 
American,  was  supposed  to  be  an  Irishman,  and  the  mutineers  were 
desirous  of  obtaining  his  assistance,  under  the  impression  that  he 
might  direct  them,  and  take  sufficient  charge  of  the  ship  to  prevent 
the  lieutenants  from  deceiving  them  as  to  their  position,  should  the 
latter  consent  to  navigate  her  into  England.  To  this  person,  then, 
in  the  course  of  the  morning  of  the  very  day  set  for  the  execution 
of  their  murderous  plan,  the  mutineers  revealed  their  conspiracy, 
inviting  him  to  take  a  conspicuous  part  in  it.  The  seaman  was  in 
fact  an  American,  who  had  lived  a  long  time  in  Ireland,  where  he 
had  acquired  the  accent  of  the  nation,  but  where  he  had  lost  none 
of  the  feelings  of  country  and  kindred.  Affecting  to  listen  to  the 
proposition  with  favour,  he  got  most  of  their  secrets  out  of  the 
mutineers,  using  the  utmost  prudence  and  judgment  in  all  his  pro 
ceedings.  It  was  near  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  before  this 
new  ringleader  could  manage  to  get  into  the  cabin  unseen,  where  he 
made  Captain  Landais  and  General  Lafayette  acquainted  with  all  he 
knew.  Not  a  moment  was  to  be  lost.  The  officers  and  other  pas 
sengers  were  apprised  of  what  was  going  on,  such  men  as  could  cer-, 
tainly  be  relied  on  were  put  on  their  guard,  and  a  few  minutes  before 
the  time  set  for  the  signal  to  be  given,  the  gentlemen  rushed  in  a  body 
on  deck,  with  drawn  swords,  where  the  American  and  French  sea 
men  joined  them,  armed.  The  leadirAmutineers  were  instantly 
seized.  Between  thirty  and  forty  of  ther^nglish  were  put  in  irons, 
it  being  thought  impolitic  to  arrest  any  more,  for  at  this  inopportune 
moment  a  large  vessel  hove  in  sight,  and  was  soon  made  out  to  be 
an  enemy's  twenty  gun  ship. 

As  is  usual  in  such  cases,  some  of  the  ringleaders  betrayed  their 
companions,  on  a  promise  of  pardon,  when  all  the  previous  arrange 
ments  were  revealed.  Believing  the  moment  unfavourable  to  engage 
even  an  inferior  force,  Captain  Landais,  after  a  little  manoeuvring 
permitted  the  ship  in  sight  to  escajpe.  On  the  6th  of  February,  the 
Alliance  arrived  safely  at  Brest./ 

This  is  the  only  instance  that  has  ever  transpired,  of  a  plan  to 
make  a  serious  mutiny  under  the  flag  of  the  United  States  of  Amer 
ica.*  A  few  cases  of  momentary  revolts  have  occurred,  which 
principally  arose  from  a  defective  mode  of  enlistment,  and  in  all  of 
which  the  authority  of  the  officers  have  prevailed,  after  short  and 
insignificant  contests.  It  may  be  added,  as  a  just  source  of  national 
pride,  that,  in  nearly  every  emergency,  whether  on  board  ships  of 
war,  or  on  board  of  merchant  vessels,  the  native  American  has  been 

*  English  prisoners  who  had  enlisted  in  the  navy,  were  frequently  troublesome,  but 
no  other  direct  mutiny  was  plotted. 


///I 


1779.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  97 

found  true  to  the  obligations  of  society;  and  it  is  a  singular  proof 
of  his  disposition  to  submit  to  legal  authority,  however  oppressive  or 
unjust  may  be  its  operation  in  his  particular  case,  that  in  many  known 
instances  in  which  English  seamen  have  revolted  against  their  own 
officers,  and  in  their  own  navy,  the  impressed  and  injured  American 
has  preferred  order,  and  submission  to  even  the  implied  obligations 
of  a  compelled  service,  to  rushing  into  the  dangers  of  revolt  and  dis 
obedience.  In  opposition  to  this  respectable  characteristic,  may  be 
put  in  high  relief,  the  well  ascertained  fact,  that  when  left  in  captur 
ed  vessels,  or  placed  in  situations  where  the  usages  of  mankind  tol 
erate  resistance,  these  very  men  have  required  as  vigilant  watching 
as  any  others ;  it  being  probable  that  more  American  ships  have 
been  retaken  from  their  prize  crews  by  American  seamen  left  on 
board  them,  within  the  last  sixty  years,  than  have  been  retaken  by 
the  seamen  of  all  the  remaining  captured  vessels  in  Christendom. 
Quiet,  prudent,  observing,  hardy,  and  bold,  the  American  seaman  is 
usually  ready  to  listen  to  reason,  and  to  defer  to  the  right ;  traits  that 
make  him  perhaps  the  most  orderly  and  submissive  of  all  mariners, 
when  properly  and  legally  commanded,  and  the  most  dangerous 
when  an  occasion  arises  for  him  to  show  his  prompitude,  intelligence, 
ami  spirit. 

/(On  reaching  Brest,  the  mutineers  were  placed  in  a  French  gaol, 
and,  after  some  delay,  were  exchanged  as  prisoners  of  war,  without 
any  other  punishment ;  the  noble-minded  Lafayette,  in  particular, 
feeling  averse  to  treating  foreigners  as  it  \muld  have  been  a  duty  to 
treat  natives  under  similar  circumstances.^ 

We  shall  now  revert  to  the  more  regular  warfare  of  the  period  at 
which  we  have  arrived. 

One  of  the  first  nautical  engagements  of  the  year  1779,  occurred 
to  the  Hampden  22,  a  ship  that  sailed  out  of  Massachusetts,  though 
it  is  believed  on  private  account.  The  Hampden  was  cruising  in  the 
Atlantic,  lat.  47°,  long.  28°,  when  she  made  a  strange  sail  to  wind 
ward.  A  small  armed  schooner  was  in  company  with  the  Hampden, 
and  a  signal  was  made  by  the  latter,  for  the  former  to  join.  Night 
coming  on,  however,  the  two  vessels  separated,  when  the'Hampden 
stood  towards  the  stranger  alone.  At  daylight,  the  American  and  the 
Englishman  were  a  long  gun-shot  apart,  when  the  former  crowded 
sail,  and  at  seven  in  the  morning,  drawing  up  under  the  lee  quarter 
of  the  chase,  gave  him  a  broadside.  Until  this  moment,  the  stranger 
had  kept  all  his  guns  housed,  but  he  now  showed  thirteen  of  a  side, 
and  delivered  his  fire.  It  was  soon  perceived  on  board  the  Hamp 
den  that  they  were  engaged  with  a  ship  of  a  force  altogether  superior 
to  their  own.  Still,  hoping  that  she  might  be  badly  manned,  and 
receiving  no  material  damage  at  the  commencement  of  the  fight,  the 
commander  of  the  Hampden  determined  to  continue  the  action.  A 
hot  engagement  followed,  which  lasted  three  hours,  within  pistol-shot, 
when  the  Hampden  was  compelled  to  haul  off,  being  in  momentary 
danger  of  losing  her  masts.  The  American  lost  a  Captain  Pickering 
killed, — but  whether  he  was  a  marine  officer,  or  her  commander, 
does  not  appear, — and  had  twenty  men  killed  and  wounded.  The 

VOL.  i.  7 


98  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1779. 

enemy,  an  Indiuman  was  much  injured  also,  though  her  loss  was 
never  ascertained.  This  was  one  of  the  most  closely  contested  ac 
tions  of  the  war,  both  sides  appearing  to  have  fought  with  persever 
ance  and  gallantry. 

On  the  ISth  of  April,  the  U,  S.  ships  Warren  32,  Captain  J.  B. 
Hopkins,  Queen  of  France  28,  Captain  Olney,  and  Ranger  18,  Cap 
tain  Simpson,  sailed  from  Boston,  in  company,  on  a  cruise  ;  Captain 
Hopkins  being  the  senior  officer.  When  a  few  days  from  port,  these 
vessels  captured  a  British  privateer  of  14  guns,  from  the  people  of 
which  they  ascertained  that  a  small  fleet  of  armed  transports  and 
store-ships  had  just  sailed  from  New  York,  bound  to  Georgia,  with 
supplies  for  the  enemy's  forces  in  that  quarter.  The  three  cruisers 
crowded  sail  in  chase,  and  off  Cape  Henry,  late  in  the  day,  they  had 
the  good  fortune  to  come  up  with  nine  sail,  seven  of  which  they 
captured,  with  a  trifling  resistance.  Favoured  by  the  darkness,  the 
two  others  escaped.  The  vessels  taken  proved  to  be,  his  Britannic 
Majesty's  ship  Jason,  20,  with  a  crew  of  150  men  ;  the  Maria  armed 
ship,  of  16  guns,  and  84  men  ;  and  the  privateer  schooner  Hibernia, 
8,  with  a  crew  of  45  men.  The  Maria  had  a  full  cargo  of  flour. 
In  addition  to  these  vessels,  the  brigs  Patriot,  Prince  Frederick, 
Bachelor  John,  and  the  schooner  Chance,  all  laden  with  stores, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans.  Among  the  prisoners  were 
twenty-four  British  officers,  who  were  on  their  way  to  join  their  regi 
ments  at  the  south.* 

The  command  of  the  Queen  of  France  was  now  given  to  Captain 
Rathburne,  when  that  ship  sailed  on  another  cruise,  in  company  with 
the  Ranger,  and  the  Providence  28,  Captain  Whipple  ;  the  latter 
being  the  senior  officer.  In  July,  this  squadron  fell  in  with  a  large 
fleet  of  English  merchantmen,  that  was  convoyed  by  a  ship  of  the 
line,  and  some  smaller  cruisers,  and  succeeded  in  cutting  out  several 
valuable  prizes,  of  which  eight  arrived  at  Boston,  their  estimated 
value  exceeding  a  million  of  dollars.  In  the  way  of  pecuniary 
benefits,  this  was  the  most  successful  cruise  made  in  the  war. 

Owing  to  the  want  of  ships  in  the  navy,  Captain  Manly,  was  com 
pelled  to  seek  service  in  a  privateer  called  the  Cumberland. "  In  this 
vessel  he  was  captured  by  the  Pomona  frigate,  and,  obtaining  his 
exchange,  he  went  on  a  cruise  in  the  Jason  private  armed  ship,  in 
which  vessel,  in  July  of  the  present  year,  he  was  attacked  by  two  of 
the  enemy's  privateers,  one  of  18,  and  the  other  of  16  guns,  when 
running  boldly  between  them,  the  Jason  poured  in  her  fire,  larboard 
and  starboard,  with  so  much  effect,  that  both  surrendered. 

Quitting  the  American  seas,  we  will  once  more  return  to  the  other 
hemisphere. 

Paul  Jones  had  obtained  so  much  celebrity  for  his  cruise  in  the 
Ranger,  that  he  remained  in  France,  after  the  departure  of  his  ship 
for  America,  in  the  hope  of  receiving  a  more  important  command, 
the  inducement,  indeed,  which  had  originally  brought  him  to  Europe- 

*  A  Colonel  Campbell  was  the  highest  in  rank,  and  if  this  were  the  officer  of  the  same 
name  and  rank  taken  ott'  Boston,  in  1776,  he  was  twice  made  a  prisoner  on  board  trans 
ports,  during  this  war. 


1779.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  99 

Many  different  projects  to  this  effect  had  been  entertained  and  aban 
doned,  during  the  years  1778  and  1779,  by  one  of  which  a  descent 
was  to  have  been  made  on  Liverpool,  with  a  body  of  troops  com 
manded  by  Lafayette.  All  these  plans,  however,  produced  no 
results,  and  after  many  vexatious  repulses  in  his  applications  for 
service,  an  arrangement  was  finally  made  to  give  this  celebrated  offi 
cer  employment  that  was  as  singular  in  its  outlines,  as  it  proved  to 
be  inconvenient,  not  to  say  impracticable,  in  execution. 

By  a  letter  from  M.  de  Sartine,  the  minister  of  the  marine,  dated 
February  4th,  1779,  it  appears  that  the  King  of  France  had  con 
sented  to  purchase  and  put  at  the  disposition  of  Captain  Jones,  the 
Duras,  an  old  Indiaman  of  some  size,  then  lying  at  1'Orient.  To 
this  vessel  were  added  three  more  that  were  procured  by  means  of 
M.  le  Ray  de  Chaumont,  a  banker  of  eminence  connected  with  the 
court,  and  who  acted  on  the  occasion,  under  the  orders  of  the  French 
ministry.  Dr.  Franklin,  who,  as  minister  of  the  United  States,  was 
supposed,  in  a  legal  sense,  to  direct  the  whole  affair,  added  the  Alli 
ance,  3*2,  in  virtue  of  the  authority  that  he  held  from  Congress.  The 
vessels  that  were  thus  chosen,  formed  a  little  squadron,  composed  of 
the  Duras,  Alliance,  Pallas,  Cerf,  and  Vengeance.  The  Pallas  was 
a  merchantman  bought  for  the  occasion  ;  the  Vengeance  a  small 
brig  that  had  also  been  purchased  expressly  for  the  expedition ;  the 
Cerf  was  a  fine  large  cutter,  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  Alliance, 
the  only  vessel  of  the  squadron  fitted  for  war.  All  the  sjAisTmt  the 
Alliance  were  French  built,  and  they  were  placed  under phe  Ameri 
can  flag,  by  the  following  arrangement. 

The  officers  received  appointments,  which  were  to  remain  valid 
for  a  limited  period  only,  from  Dr.  Franklin,  who  had  held  blank 
commissions  to  be  filled  up  at  his  own  discretion,  ever  since  his  arri 
val  in  Europe,  while  the  vessels  were  to  show  the  American  ensign, 
and  no  other.  In  short,  the  French  ships  were  to  be  considered  as 
American  ships,  during  this  particular  service,  and  when  it  was 
terminated,  they  were  to  revert  to  their  former  owners.  The  laws 
and  provisions  of  the  American  navy  were  to  govern,  and  command 
was  to  be  exercised,  and  to  descend,  agreeably  to  its  usages.  Such 
officers  as  already  had  rank  in  the  American  service,  were  to  take 
precedence  of  course,  agreeably  to  the  dates  of  their  respective  com 
missions,  while  the  new  appointments  were  to  be  regulated  by  the 
new  dates.  By  an  especial  provision,  Captain  Jones  was  to  be  com- 
mander-in-chief,  a  post  he  would  have  been  entitled  to  fill  by  his 
original  commission,  however,  Captain  Landais  of  the  Alliance,  the 
only  other  regular  captain  in  the  squadron,  being  his  junior..  The 
joint  right  of  the  American  minister  and  of  the  French  government, 
to  instruct  the  commodore,  and  to  direct  the  movements  of  the  squad 
ron,  was  also  recognised. 

From  what  source  the  money  was  actually  obtained  by  which  this 
squadron  was  fitted  out,  is  not  exactly  known,  nor  is  it  now  probable 
that  it  will  ever  be  accurately  ascertained.  Although  the  name  of 
the  king  was  used,  it  is  not  impossible  that  private  adventure  was  at 
the  bottom  of  the  enterprise,  though  it  seems  certain  that  the  govern 
ment  was  so  far  concerned  as  to  procure  the  vessels,  and  to  a  certain 


100  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1779. 

extent  to  use  its  stores.  Dr.  Franklin  expressly  states,  that  he  made 
no  advances  for  any  of  the  ships  employed. 

As  every  thing  connected  with  this  remarkable  enterprise  has 
interest,  we  shall  endeavour  to  give  the  reader  a  better  idea  of  the 
materials,  physical  and  moral,  that  composed  the  force  of  Commo 
dore  Jones,  in  his  memorable  cruise. 

After  many  vexatious  delays,  the  Duras.  her  name  having  been 
changed  to  that  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  in  compliment  to  Dr. 
Franklin,  was  eventually  equipped  and  manned.  Directions  had 
been  given  to  cast  the  proper  number  of  eighteeri-pounders  for  her, 
but,  it  being  ascertained  that  there  would  not  be  time  to  complete 
this  order,  some  old  twelves  were  procured  in  their  places.  With 
this  material  change  in  the  armament,  the  Richard,  as  she  was 
familiarly  called  by  the  seamen,  got  ready  for  sea.  She  was,  prop 
erly,  a  single-decked  ship  ;  or  carried  her  armament  on  one  gun- 
deck,  with  the  usual  additions  on  the  quarter-deck  and  forecastle ; 
but  Commodore  Jones,  with  a  view  of  attacking  some  of  the  larger 
convoys  of  the  enemy,  caused  twelve  ports  to  be  cut  in  the  gun-room 
below,  where  six  old  eighteen-pounders  were  mounted,  it  being  the 
intention  to  fight  all  the  guns  on  one  side,  in  smooth  water.  The 
height  of  the  ship  admitted  of  this  arrangement,  though  it  was  fore 
seen  that  these  guns  could  not  be  of  much  use,  except  in  very  mod 
erate  weather,  or  when  engaging  to  leeward.  On  her  main,  or  prop 
er  gun-derk,  the  ship  had  twenty-eight  ports,  the  regular  construc 
tion  of  an  tnglish  38,  agreeably  to  the  old  mode  of  rating.  Here  the 
twelve-pounders  were  placed.  On  the  quarter-deck  and  forecastle, 
were  mounted  eight  nines,  making  in  all  a  mixed  and  rather  light 
armament  of  42  guns.  If  the  six  eighteens  were  taken  away,  the 
force  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  so  far  as  her  guns  were  con 
cerned,  would  have  been  about  equal  to  that  of  a  32  gun  frigate. 
The  vessel  was  clumsily  constructed,  having  been  built  many  years 
before,  and  had  one  of  those  high  old-fashioned  poops,  that  caused 
the  sterns  of  the  ships  launched  in  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth 
century  to  resemble  towers. 

To  manage  a  vessel  of  this  singular  armament  and  doubtful  con 
struction,  Commodore  Jones  was  compelled  to  receive  on  board  a 
crew  of  a  still  more  equivocal  composition.  A  few  Americans  were 
found  to  fill  the  stations  of  sea  officers,  on  the  quarter-deck  and 
forward,  but  the  remainder  of  the  people  were  a  mixture  of  English, 
Irish,  Scotch,  Portuguese,  Norwegians,  Germans,  Spaniards  Swedes, 
Italians  and  Malays,  with  occasionally  a  man  from  one  of  the  islands. 
To  keep  this  motley  crew  in  order,  one  hundred  and  thirty-five 
soldiers  were  put  on  board,  under  the  command  of  some  officers  of 
inferior  rank.  These  soldiers,  or  marines,  were  recruited  at  random, 
and  were  not  much  less  singularly  mixed,  as  to  countries,  than  the 
regular  crew. 

As  the  squadron  was  about  to  sail,  M.  Le  Ray  appeared  at 
1'Orient,  and  presented  an  agreement,  or  concordat  as  it  was  termed, 
for  the  signature  of  all  the  commanders.  To  this  singular  compact, 
which,  in  some  respects,  reduced  a  naval  expedition  to  the  level  of  a 


1779.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  101 

partnership,  Commodore  Jones  ascribed  much  of  the  disobedience 
among  his  captains,  of  which  he  subsequently  complained.  It  will 
be  found  in  the  appendix.* 

On  the  19th  of  June  1779,  the  ships  sailed  from  the  anchorage 
under  the  Isle  of  Groix,  off  1'Orient,  bound  to  the  southward,  with  a 
few  transports  and  coasters  under  their  convoy.  The  transports  and 
coasters  were  seen  into  their  several  places  of  destination,  in  the 
Garonne,  Loire,  and  other  ports,  but  not  without  the  commencement 
of  that  course  of  disobedience  of  orders,  unseamanlike  conduct,  and 
neglect,  which  so  signally  marked  the  whole  career  of  this  ill  as 
sorted  force.  While  lyin^  to,  off  the  coast,  the  Alliance,  by  palpable 
mismanagement,  got  foul  of  the  Richard,  and  lost  her  mizen  mast; 
carrying  away,  at  the  same  time,  the  head,  cut-water,  and  jib-boom 
of  the  latter.  It  now  became  necessary  to  return  to  port  to  refit. 

While  steering  northerly  again,  the  Cerf  cutter  was  sent  in  chase 
of  a  strange  sail,  and  parted  company.  The  next  morning  sheen- 
gaged  a  small  English  cruiser  of  14  guns,  and  after  a  sharp  conflict 
of  more  than  an  hour,  obliged  her  to  strike,  but  was  compelled  to 
abandon  her  prize  in  consequence  of  the  appearance  of  a  vessel  of 
superior  force.  The  Cerf,  with  a  loss  of  several  men  killed  and 
wounded,  made  the  best  of  her  way  to  1'Orient. 

On  the  22d,  three  enemy's  vessels  of  war  came  in  sight  of  the 
squadron,  and,  having  the  wind,  they  ran  down  in  a  line  abreast, 
when  most  probably  deceived  by  the  height  and  general  appearance 
of  the  Richard,  they  hauled  up,  and,  by  carrying  a  press  of  sail, 
escaped. 

On  the  26th,  the  Alliance  and  Pallas  parted  company  with  the 
Richard,  leaving  that  ship  with  no  other  consort  than  the  Vengeance 
brig.  On  reaching  the  Penmarks,  the  designated  rendezvous,  the 
missing  vessels  did  not  appear.  On  the  29th,  the  Vengeance  having 
made  the  best  of  her  way  for  the  roads  of  Groix  by  permission,  the 
Richard  fell  in  with  two  more  of  the  enemy's  cruisers,  which,  after 
some  indications  of  an  intention  to  come  down,  also  ran,  no  doubt 
under  the  impression  that  the  American  frigate  was  a  ship  of  two 
decks.  On  this  occasion  Commodore  Jones  expressed  himself  satis 
fied  with  the  spirit  of  his  crew,  the  people  manifesting  a  strong  wish 
to  engage.  On  the  last  of  the  month,  the  Richard  returned  to  the 
roads  from  which  she  had  sailed,  and  anchored.  The  Alliance  and 
Pallas  came  in  also. 

Another  delay  occurred.  A  court  was  convened  to  inquire  into 
the  conduct  of  Captain  Landais  of  the  Alliance,  and  of  other  officers, 
in  running  foul  of  the  Richard,  and  both  ships  underwent  repairs. 
Luckily  a  cartel  arrived  from  England,  at  this  moment,  bringing 
with  her  more  than  a  hundred  exchanged  American  seamen,  most 
of  whom  joined  the  squadron.  This  proved  to  be  a  great  and  im 
portant  accession  to  the  composition  of  the  crew  of  not  only  the 
Richard,  but  to  that  of  the  Alliance,  the  latter  ship  having  been  but 
little  better  off  than  the  former  in  this  particular.  Among  those  who 
came  from  the  English  prisons,  was  Mr.  Richard  Dale,  who  had  been 

*  See  note  A,  end  of  volume. 


102  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1779. 

taken  as  a  master's  mate,  in  the  Lexington  14.  This  young  officer 
did  not  reach  France  in  the  cartel,  however,  but  had  previously 
escaped  from  Mill  prison  and  joined  the  Richard.  Commodore 
Jones  had  now  become  sensible  of  his  merit,  and  in  reorganising  his 
crew,  he  had  him  promoted,  and  rated  him  as  his  first  lieutenant. 
The  Richard  had  now  nearly  a  hundred  Americans  in  her,  and,  with 
the  exception  of  the  commodore  himself  and  one  midshipman,  all 
her  quarter-deck  sea-officers  were  of  the  number.  Many  of  the  petty 
officers  too,  were  of  this  class.  In  a  letter  written  August  the  llth, 
Commodore  Jones  states  that  the  crew  of  the  Richard  consisted  of 
380  souls,  including  137  marines,  or  soldiers. 

On  the  14th  of  August,  1779,  the  squadron  sailed  a  second  time 
from  the  roads  of  Groix,  having  the  French  privateers  Monsieur  and 
Granville  in  company,  and  under  the  orders  of  Commodore  Jones. 
On  the  18th  a  valuable  prize  was  taken,  and  some  difficulties  arising 
with  the  commander  of  the  Monsieur  in  consequence,  the  latter  partod 
company  in  the  night  of  the  19th.  This  was  a  serious  loss  in  the  way 
of  force,  that  ship  having  mounted  no  less  than  forty  guns.  A  prize 
was  also  taken  on  the  21st.  On  the  23d,  the  ships  were  off  Cape 
Clear,  and,  while  towing  the  Richard's  head  round  in  a  calm,  the 
crew  of  a  boat  manned  by  Englishmen,  cut  the  tow-line,  and  escaped. 
Mr.  Cutting  Lunt,  the  sailing-master  of  the  ship,  manned  another 
boat,  and  taking  with  him  four  soldiers,  he  pursued  tne  fugitives. 
A  fog  conrlng  on,  the  latter  boat  was  not  able  to  find  the  ships  again, 
and  her  people  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Through  this 
desertion  and  its  immediate  consequences,  the  Richard  lost  twenty 
of  her  best  men. 

The  day  after  the  escape  of  the  boat,  the  Cerf  was  sent  close  in  t< 
reconnoitre,  and  to  look  for  the  missing  people,  and  owing  to  some 
circumstance  that  has  never  been  explained,  but  which  does  not  ap 
pear  to  have  left  any  reproach  upon  her  commander,  this  vessel  nevei 
rejoined  the  squadron. 

A  gale  of  wind  followed,  during  which  the  Alliance  and  Pallas 
separated,  and  the  Granville  parted  company  with  a  prize,  according 
to  orders.  Tke  separation  of  the  Pallas  is  explained  by  the  fact  that 
she  had  broken  her  tiller;  but  that  of  the  Alliance  can  only  be  im- 
pvilfed  t<*  the  unofficerlike,  as  well  as  unseamanlike,  conduct  of  her 
commander.  On  the  morning  of  the  27th,  the  bri^  Vengeance  war 
the  only  vessel  in  company  with  the  commodore.^ 

On  the  morning  of  the  31st  of  August,  the  Bon  /Homme  Richard, 
being  off  Cape  Wratli,  captured  a  large  letter  of  marque  bound  from 
London  to  Quebec,  a  circumstance  that  proves  the  expedients  to 
which  the  English  ship-masters  were  then  driven  to  avoid  capture, 
this  vessel  having  actually  gone  north-about  to  escape  the  cruisers 
on  the  ordinary  track.  While  in  chase  of  the  letter  of  marque,  the 
Alliance  hove  in  sight,  having  another  London  ship,  a  Jamaica-man, 
in  company  as  a  prize. 

Captain  Landais,  of  the  Alliance,  an  officer,  who,  as  it  has  since 
been  ascertained,  had  been  obliged  to  quit  the  French  navy  on  ac 
count  of  a  singularly  unfortunate  temper,  now  began  to  exhibit  > 


1779.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  103 

disorganising  and  mutinous  spirit,  pretending,  as  his  ship  was  the 
only  real  American  vessel  in  the  squadron,  that  he  was  superior  to 
the  orders  of  the  commodore,  and  that  he  would  do  as  he  pleased  with 
that  frigate. 

In  the  afternoon  a  strange  sail  was  made,  and  the  Richard  showed 
the  Alliance's  number,  with  an  order  to  chase.  Instead  of  obeying 
this  signal,  Captain  Landais  wore  and  laid  the  head  of  his  ship  in  a 
direction  opposite  to  that  necessary  to  execute  the  order!  Several 
other  signals  were  disobeyed  in  an  equally  contemptuous  manner, 
and  the  control  of  Commodore  Jones  over  the  movements  of  this  ship, 
which,  on  the  whole,  ought  to  have  been  the  most  efficient  in  the 
squadron,  may  be  said  to  have  ceased. 

Commodore  Jones  now  shaped  his  course  for  the  second  rendez 
vous  he  had  appointed,  in  the  hope  of  meeting  the  missing  ships.  On 
the  2d  of  September,  the  Pallas  rejoined,  having  captured  nothing. 
Between  this  date  and  the  13th  of  September,  the  squadron  continued 
its  course  round  Scotland,  the  ships  separating  and  rejoining  con 
stantly,  and  Captain  Landais  assuming  powers  over  the  prizes,  as 
well  as  over  his  own  vessel,  that  were  altogether  opposed  to  disci 
pline,  and  to  the  usages  of  every  regular  marine.  On  the  last  day 
named,  the  Cheviot  Hills  were  visible. 

Understanding  that  a  twenty  gun  ship  with  two  or  three  man-of- 
war  cutters  were  lying  at  anchor  off  Leith,  in  the  Frith  of  Forth, 
Commodore  Jones  now  planned  a  descent  on  that  tow n.  At  this 
time  the  Alliance  was  absent,  and  the  Pallas  and  Vengeance  having 
chased  to  the  southward,  the  necessity  of  communicating  with  those 
vessels  produced  a  delay  fatal  to  a  project  which  had  been  admirably 
conceived,  and  which  there  is  reason  to  think  might  have  succeeded. 
After  joining  his  two  subordinates,  and  giving  his  orders,  Com 
modore  Jones  beat  into  the  Frith,  and  continued  working  up  towards 
Leith,  until  the  17th,  when,  being  just  out  of  gun-shot  of  the  town, 
the  boats  were  got  out  and  manned.  The  troops  to  be  landed  were 
commanded  by  M.  de  Chamilliard,  wrhile  Mr.  Dale,  of  the  Richard, 
was  put  at  the  head  of  the  seamen.  The  latter  had  received  his 
orders,  and  was  just  about  to  go  into  his  boat,  when  a  squall  struck 
the  ships,  and  was  near  dismasting  the  commodore.  Finding  him 
self  obliged  to  fill  his  sails,  Commodore  Jones  endeavoured  t^kqjlfp 
the  ground  he  had  gained,  but  the  weight  of  the  wind  finally  com 
pelled  all  the  vessels  to  bear  up,  and  a  severe  gale  succeeding,  they 
were  driven  into  the  North  sea,  where  one  of  the  prizes  foundered. 

It  is  not  easy  to  say  what  would  have  been  the  result  of  this  dash 
ing  enterprise,  had  the  weather  permitted  the  attempt.  The  audacity 
of  the  measure  might  have  insured  a  victory;  and  in  the  whole 
design  we  discover  the  decision,  high  moral  courage,  and  deep 
enthusiasm  of  the  officer  who  conceived  it.  It  was  the  opinion  of 
Mr.  Dale,  a  man  of  singular  modesty,  great  simplicity  of  character, 
and  pruden^  ?,  that  success  would  have  rewarded  the  effort. 

Abandoning  this  bold  project  with  reluctance,  Commodore  Jones 
appeared  to  have  meditated  another  still  more  daring;  but  his  col 
leagues,  as  he  bitterly  styles  his  captains  in  one  of  his  letters,  refused 


104  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1779. 

to  join  in  it.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  when  Commodore  Jones 
laid  this  second  scheme,  which  has  never  been  explained,  before  the 
young  sea-officers  of  his  own  ship,  they  announced  their  readiness  as 
one  man  to  second  him,  heart  and  hand.  The  enterprise  was 
dropped,  however,  in  consequence  of  the  objections  of  Captain  Cot- 
tineau,  of  the  Pallas,  in  particular,  an  officer  for  whose  judgment  the 
commodore  appears  to  have  entertained  much  respect. 

The  Pallas  and  Vengeance  even  left  the  Richard,  probably  with 
a  view  to  prevent  the  attempt  to  execute  this  nameless  scheme,  and 
the  commodore  was  compelled  to  follow  his  captains  to  the  south 
ward,  or  to  lose  them  altogether.  Off  Whitby  the  ships  last  named 
joined  again,  and  on  the  21st  the  Richard  chased  a  collier  ashore 
between  Flamborough  Head  and  the  Spurn.  The  next  day  the 
Richard  appeared  in  the  mouth  of  the  Humber,  with  the  Vengeance 
in  company,  and  several  vessels  were  taken  or  destroyed.  Pilots 
were  enticed  on  board,  and  a  knowledge  of  the  state  of  things  in-shore 
was  obtained.  It  appeared  that  the  whole  coast  was  alarmed,  and 
that  many  persons  were  actually  burying  their  plate.  Some  twelve 
or  thirteen  vessels  in  all  had  now  been  taken  by  the  squadron,  and 
quite  as  many  more  destroyed;  and  coupling  these  facts  with  the 
appearance  of  the  ships  on  the  coast  and  in  the  Frith,  rumour  had 
swelled  the  whole  into  one  of  its  usual  terrific  tales.  Perhaps  no 
vessels  of  war  had  ever  before  excited  so  much  local  alarm  on  the 
coast  of  Great  Britain. 

Under  the  circumstances,  Commodore  Jones  did  not  think  it 
prudent  to  remain  so  close  in  with  the  land,  and  he  stood  out  towards 
Flamborough  Head.  Here  two  large  sails  were  made,  which  next 
day  proved  to  be  the  Alliance  and  the  Pallas.  This  was  on  the  23d 
of  September,  and  brings  us  down  to  the  most  memorable  event  in 
this  extraordinary  cruise. 

The  wind  was  light  at  the  southward,  the  weather  smooth,  and 
many  vessels  were  in  sight  steering  in  different  directions.  About 
noon,  his  original  squadron,  with  the  exception  of  the  Cerf  and  the 
two  privateers,  being  all  in  company,  Commodore  Jones  manned  one 
of  the  pilot  boats  he  had  detained,  and  sent  her  in  chase  of  a  brig 
that  was  lying  to,  to  windward.  On  board  this  little  vessel  were  put 
Mr.  Henry  Lunt,  the  second  lieutenant,  arid  fifteen  men,  all  of  whom 
were  out  of  the  ship  for  the  rest  of  the  day.  In  consequence  of  the 
loss  of  the  two  boats  off  Cape  Clear,  the  absence  of  this  party  in  the 
pilot  boat,  and  the  number  of  men  that  had  been  put  in  prizes,  the 
Richard  was  now  left  with  only  one  sea-lieutenant,  and  with  but  little 
more  than  three  hundred  souls  on  board,  exclusively  of  the  prisoners. 
Of  the  latter,  there  were  between  one  and  two  hundred  in  the  ship. 

The  pilot  boat  had  hardly  left  the  Bon  Ilornme  Richard,  when  the 
leading  ships  of  a  fleet  of  more  than  forty  sail  were  seen  stretching 
out  on  a  bowline,  from  behind  Flamborough  Head,  turning  down 
towards  the  Straits  of  Dover.  From  previous  intelligence  this  fleet 
was  immediately  known  to  contain  the  Baltic  ships,  under  the  con 
voy  of  the  Serapis  44,  Captain  Richard  Pearson,  and  a  hired  ship 
that  had  been  put  into  the  King's  service,  called  the  Countess  of 


1779.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  105 

Scarborough.  The  latter  was  commanded  by  Captain  Piercy,  and 
mounted  22  guns.  As  the  interest  of  the  succeeding  details  will 
chiefly  centre  in  the  Serapis  and  the  Richard,  it  may  be  well  to  give 
a  more  minute  account  of  the  actual  force  of  the  former. 

At  the  period  of  which  we  are  now  writing,  forty-fours  were  usually 
built  on  two  decks.  Such,  then,  was  the  construction  of  this  ship, 
which  was  new,  and  had  the  reputation  of  being  a  fast  vessel.  On 
her  lower  gun-deck  she  mounted  20  eighteen-pound  guns :  on  her 
upper  gun-deck,  20  nine-pound  guns;  and  on  her  quarter-deck  and 
forecastle,  10  six-pound  guns  ;  making  an  armament  of  50  guns  in 
the  whole.  She  had  a  regularly  trained  man-of-war's  crew  of  320 
souls,  15  of  whom,  however,  were  said  to  have  been  Lascars. 

When  the  squadron  made  this  convoy,  the  men-of-war  were  in 
shore  astern,  and  to  leeward,  probably  with  a  view  to  keep  the  mer 
chantmen  together.  The  bailiffs  of  Scarborough,  perceiving  the 
danger  into  which  this  little  fleet  was  running,  had  sent  a  boat  off 
to  the  Serapis  to  apprise  her  of  the  presence  of  a  hostile  force,  and 
Captain  Pearson  fired  two  guns,  signalling  the  leading  vessels  to 
come  under  his  lee.  These  orders  were  disregarded,  however, 
the  headmost  ships  standing  out  until  they  were  about  a  league  from 
the  land. 

Commodore  Jones  having  ascertained  the  character  of  the  fleet  in 
sight,  showed  a  signal  for  a  general  chase,  another  to  recall  the 
lieutenant  in  the  pilot  boat,  and  crossed  royal  yards  on  board  the 
Richard.  These  signs  of  hostility  alarmed  the  nearest  English  ships, 
which  hurriedly  tacked  together,  fired  alarm  guns,  let  fly  their  top 
gallant  sheets,  and  made  other  signals  of  the  danger  they  were  in, 
while  they  now  gladly  availed  themselves  of  the  presence  of  the 
vessels  of  war,  to  run  to  leeward,  or  sought  shelter  closer  in  with  the 
land.  The  Serapis,  on  the  contrary,  signalled  the  Scarborough  to 
follow,  and  hauled  boldly  out  to  sea,  until  she  had  got  far  enough 
to  windward,  when  she  tacked  and  stood  in-shore  again,  to  cover 
her  convoy. 

The  Alliance  being  much  the  fastest  vessel  of  the  American  squad 
ron,  took  the  lead  in  the  chase,  speaking  the  Pallas  as  she  passed. 
It  has  been  proved  that  Captain  Landais  told  the  commander  of  the 
latter  vessel  on  this  occasion,  that  if  the  stranger  proved  to  be  a  fifty, 
they  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  endeavour  to  escape.  His  subsequent 
conduct  fully  confirmed  this  opinion,  for  no  sooner  had  he  run  down 
near  enough  to  the  two  English  vessels  of  war,  to  ascertain  their 
force,  than  he  hauled  up,  and  stood  off  from  the  land  ac;ain.  All 
this  was  not  only  contrary  to  the  regular  order  of  battle,  but  contrary 
to  the  positive  command  of  Commodore  Jones,  who  had  kept  the 
signal  to  form  a  line  abroad,  which  should  have  brought  the  Alliance 
astern  of  the  Richard,  and  the  Pallas  in  the  van.  Just  at  this  time, 
the  Pallas  spoke  the  Richard  and  inquired  what  station  she  should 
take,  and  was  also  directed  to  form  the  line.  But  the  extraordinary 
movements  of  Captain  Landais  appear  to  have  produced  some  inde 
cision  in  the  commander  of  the  Pallas,  as  he  too,  soon  after  tacked 
and  stood  off  from  the  land.  Captain  Cottineau,  however,  was  a 


106  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1779. 

brave  man,  and  subsequently  did  his  duty  in  the  action,  and  this 
manoeuvre  has  been  explained  by  the  Richard's  hauling  up  suddenly 
for  the  land,  which  induced  him  to  think  that  her  crew  had  mutinied 
and  were  running  away  with  the  ship.  Such  was  the  want  of  con 
fidence  that  prevailed  in  a  force  so  singularly  composed,  and  such 
were  the  disadvantages  under  which  this  celebrated  combat  was 
fought ! 

So  far,  however,  from  meditating  retreat  or  mutiny,  the  people  of 
the  Bon  Homme  Richard  had  gone  cheerfully  to  their  quarters,  al 
though  every  man  on  board  was  conscious  of  the  superiority  of  the 
force  with  which  they  were  about  to  contend  ;  and  the  high  uncon 
querable  spirit  of  the  commander  appears  to  have  communicated 
itself  to  the  crew. 

It  was  now  quite  dark,  and  Commodore  Jones  was  compelled  to 
follow  the  movements  of  the  enemy  by  the  aid  of  a  night-glass.  It 
is  probable  that  the  obscurity  which  prevailed  added  to  the  indecision 
of  the  commander  of  the  Pallas,  for  from  this  time  until  the  moon 
rose,  objects  at  a  distance  were  distinguished  with  difficulty,  and  even 
after  the  moon  appeared,  with  uncertainty.  The  Richard,  however, 
stood  steadily  on,  and  about  half  past  seven,  she  came  up  with  the 
Serapis,  the  Scarborough  being  a  short  distance  to  leeward.  The 
American  ship  was  to  windward,  and  as  she  drew  slowly  near,  Cap 
tain  Pearson  hailed.  The  answer  was  equivocal,  and  both  ships  de 
livered  their  entire  broadsides  nearly  simultaneously.  The  water 
being  quite  smooth,  Commodore  Jones  had  relied  materially  on  the 
eighteens  that  were  in  the  gun-room  ;  but  at  this  discharge  two  of 
the  six  that  were  fired  bursted,  blowing  up  the  deck  above,  and  kill 
ing  or  wounding  a  large  proportion  of  the  people  that  were  stationed 
below.  This  disaster  caused  all  the  heavy  guns  to  be  instantly  de 
serted,  for  the  men  had  no  longer  confidence  in  their  metal.  It  at 
once,  reduced  the  broadside  of  the  Richard  to  about  a  third  less  than 
that  of  her  opponent,  not  to  include  the  disadvantage  of  the  manner 
in  which  the  force  that  remained  was  distributed  among  light  guns. 
In  short,  the  combat  was  now  between  a  twelve-pounder  and  an 
eighteen  -pounder  frigate  ;  a  species  of  contest  in  which,  it  has  been 
said,  we  know  not  with  what  truth,  the  former  has  never  been  known 
to  prevail.  Commodore  Jones  informs  us  himself,  that  all  his  hopes, 
after  this  accident,  rested  on  the  twelve-pounders  that  were  under  the 
command  of  his  first  lieutenant. 

The  Richard,  having  backed  her  topsails,  exchanged  several 
broadsides,  when  she  filled  again  and  shot  ahead  of  the  Serapis, 
which  ship  luffed  across  her  stern  and  came  up  on  the  weather  quar 
ter  of  her  antagonist,  taking  the  wind  out  of  her  sails,  and,  in  her 
turn,  passing  ahead.  All  this  time,  which  consumed  half  an  hour, 
the  cannonading  was  close  and  furious.  The  Scarborough  now 
drew  near,  but  it  is  uncertain  whether  she  fired  or  not.  On  the  side 
of  the  Americans  it  is  affirmed  that  she  raked  the  Richard  at  least 
once  ;  but,  by  the  report  of  her  own  commander,  it  would  appear 
that,  on  account  of  the  obscurity  and  the  smoke,  he  was  afraid  to 
discharge  his  guns,  not  knowing  which  ship  might  be  the  friend  or 


1779.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  107 

which  the  foe.  Unwilling  to  lie  by,  and  to  be  exposed  to  shot  use 
lessly,  Captain  Piercy  edged  away  from  the  combatants,  exchanging 
a  broadside  or  two,  at  a  great  distance,  with  the  Alliance,  and  shortly 
afterwards  was  engaged  at  close  quarters  by  the  Pallas,  which  ship 
compelled  him  to  strike,  after  a  creditable  resistance  of  about  an  hour. 
Having  disposed  of  the  inferior  ships,  we  can  confine  ourselves*to 
the  principal  combatants.  As  the  Serapis  kept  her  luff,  sailing  and 
working  better  than  the  Richard,  it  was  the  intention  of  Captain 
Pearson  to  pay  broad  off  across  the  latter's  fore-foot,  as  soon  as  he 
had  got  far  enough  ahead  ;  but  making  the  attempt,  and  finding  he 
had  not  room,  he  put  his  helm  hard  down  to  keep  clear  of  his  ad 
versary,  when  the  double  movement  brought  the  two  ships  nearly  in 
a  line,  the  Serapis  leading.  By  these  uncertain  evolutions,  the  Eng 
lish  ship  lost  some  of  her  way,  while  the  American,  having  kept  her 
sails  trimmed,  not  only  closed,  but  actually  ran  aboard  of  her  antag 
onist,  bows  on,  a  little  on  her  weather  quarter.  The  wind  being 
light,  much  time  was  consumed  in  these  different  manoeuvres,  and 
near  an  hour  had  elapsed  between  the  firing  of  the  first  guns,  and  the 
moment  when  the  vessels  got  foul  of  each  other  in  the  manner  just 
described. 

•  The  English  now  thought  that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  Ameri 
cans  to  board  them,  and  a  few  minutes  passed  in  the  uncertainty 
which  such  an  expectation  would  create ;  but  the  positions  of  the 
vessels  were  not  favourable  for  either  party  to  puss  into  the  opposing 
ship.  There  being  at  this  moment  a  perfect  cessation  of  the  firing, 
Captain  Pearson  demanded,  "  Have  you  struck  your  colours  T" 
"I  have  not  yet  begun  to  fight,"  was  the  answer. 

The  yards  of  the  Richard  were  braced  aback,  and,  the  sails  of  the 
Serapis  being  full,  the  ships  separated.  As  soon  as  far  enough 
asunder,  the  Serapis  put  her  helm  hard  down,  laid  all  aback  forward, 
shivered  her  after-sails,  and  wore  short  round  on  her  heel,  or  was 
box-hauled,  with  a  view,  most  probably,  of  luffing  up  athwart  the 
bow  of  her  enemy,  in  order  to  again  rake  her.  In  this  position 
the  Richard  would  have  been  fighting  her  starboard,  and  the 
Serapis  her  larboard  guns  ;  but  Commodore  Jones,  by  this  time,  was 
conscious  of  the  hopelessness  of  success  against  so  much  heavier 
metal,  and  after  having  backed  astern  some  distance,  he  filled  on  the 
other  tack,  luffing  up  with  the  intention  of  meeting  the  enemy  as  he 
came  to  the  wind,  and  of  laying  him  athwart  hawse.  In  the  smoke, 
one  party  or  the  other  miscalculated  the  distance,  for  the  two  vessels 
came  foul  again,  the  bowsprit  of  the  English  ship  passing  over  the 
poop  of  the  American.  As  neither  had  much  way,  the  collision  did 
but  little  injury,  and  Commodore  Jones,  with  his  own  hands,  imme 
diately  lashed  the  enemy's  head-gear  to  his  mizen-mast.  The  pres 
sure  on  the  after  sails  of  the  Serapis,  which  vessel  was  nearly  before 
the  wind  at  the  time,  brought  her  hull  round,  and  the  two  ships 
gradually  fell  close  alongside  of  each  other,  head  and  stern,  the  jib- 
boom  of  the  Serapis  giving  way  with  the  strain.  A  spare  anchor 
of  the  English  ship  now  hooked  in  the  quarter  of  the  American,  and 


108  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1779. 

additional  lashings  were  got  out  «n  board  the  latter  to  secure  her  in 
this  position. 

Captain  Pearson,  who  was  as  much  aware  of  his  advantage  in  a 
regular  combat  as  his  opponent  could  be  of  his  own  inferiority,  no 
sooner  pereceived  that  the  vessels  were  foul,  than  he  dropped  an  an 
chor,  in  the  hope  that  the  Richard  would  drift  clear  of  him.  But 
such  an  expectation  was  perfectly  futile,  as  the  yards  were  interlock 
ed,  the  hulls  were  pressed  close  against  each  other,  there  were  lash 
ings  fore  and  aft,  and  even  the  ornamental  work  aided  in  holding  the 
ships  together.  When  the  cable  of  the  Serapis  took  the  strain,  the 
vessels  slowly  tended,  with  the  bows  of  the  Serapis  and  the  stern  of 
the  Richard  to  the  tide.  At  this  instant  the  English  made  an  attempt 
to  board,  but  were  repulsed  with  trifling  loss. 

All  this  time  the  battle  raged.  The  lower  ports  of  the  Serapis 
having  been  closed,  as  the  vessel  swung,  to  prevent  boarding,  they 
were  now  blown  off,  in  order  to  allow  the  guns  to  be  run  out ;  and 
cases  actually  occurred  in  which  the  rammers  had  to  be  thrust  into 
the  ports  of  the  opposite  ship  in  order  to  be  entered  into  the  muzzles 
of  their  proper  guns.  It  is  evident  that  such  a  conflict  must  have 
been  of  short  duration.  In  effect,  the  heavy  metal  of  the  Serapis,  in 
one  or  two  discharges,  cleared  all  before  it,  and  the  main-deck  guns 
of  the  Richard  were  in  a  great  measure  abandoned.  Most  of  the 
people  went  on  the  upper-deck,  and  a  great  number  collected  on  the 
forecastle,  where  they  were  safe  from  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  continu 
ing  to  fight  by  throwing  grenades  and  using  muskets. 

In  this  stage  of  the  combat,  the  Serapis  was  tearing  her  antago 
nist  to  pieces  below,  almost  without  resistance  from  her  enemy's 
batteries,  only  two  guns  on  the  quarter-deck,  and  three  or  four  of 
the  twelves,  being  worked  at  all.  To  the  former,  by  shifting  a  gun 
from  the  larboard  side,  Commodore  Jones  succeeded  in  adding  a 
third,  all  of  which  were  used  with  effect,  under  his  immediate  inspec 
tion,  to  the  close  of  the  action.  He  could  not  muster  force  enough 
to  get  over  a  second  gun.  But  the  combat  would  now  have  soon 
terminated,  had  it  not  been  for  the  courage  and  activity  of  the  people 
aloft.  Strong  parties  had  been  placed  in  the  tops,  and,  at  the  end  of 
a  short  contest,  the  Americans  had  driven  every  man  belonging  to  the 
enemy  below  ;  after  which  they  kept  up  so  animated  a  fire,  on  the 
quarter-deck  of  the  Serapis  in  particular,  as  to  drive  nearly  every 
man  off  it,  that  was  not  shot  down. 

Thus,  while  the  English  had  the  battle  nearly  to  themselves  be 
low,  their  enemies  had  the  control  above  the  upper-deck.  Having 
cleared  the  tops  of  the  Serapis,  some  American  seamen  lay  out  on 
the  Richard's  main-yard,  and  began  to  throw  hand-grenades  upon 
the  two  upper  decks  of  the  English  ship ;  the  men  of  the  forecastle 
of  their  own  vessel  seconding  these  efforts,  by  casting  the  same  com 
bustibles  through  the  ports  of  the  Serapis.  At  length  one  man,  in 
particular,  became  so  hardy  as  to  take  his  post  on  the  extreme  end 
of  the  yard,  whence,  provided  with  a  bucket  filled  with  combustibles, 
and  a  match,  he  dropped  the  grenades  with  so  much  precision  that 
one  passed  through  the  main-hatchway.  The  powder-boys  of  the 


1779.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  109 

Serapis  had  got  more  cartridges  up  than  were  wanted,  and,  in  their 
hurry,  they  had  carelessly  laid  a  row  of  them  on  the  main-deck,  in 
aline  with  the  guns.  The  grenade  just  mentioned  set  fire  to  some 
loose  powder  that  was  lying  near,  and  the  flash  passed  from  cartridge 
to  cartridge,  beginning  abreast  of  the  main-mast,  and  running 
quite  aft. 

The  effect  of  this  explosion  was  awful.  More  than  twenty  men 
were  instantly  killed,  many  of  them  being  left  with  nothing  on  them 
but  the  collars  and  wristbands  of  their  shirts,  and  the  waistbands  of 
their  duck  trowsers  ;  while  the  official  returns  of  the  ship,  a  week 
after  the  action,  show  that  there  were  no  less  than  thirty-eight 
wounded  on  board,  still  alive,  who  had  been  injured  in  this  manner, 
and  of  whom  thirty  were  then  said  to  be  in  great  danger.  Captain 
Pearson  described  this  explosion  as  having  destroyed  nearly  all  the 
men  at  the  five  or  six  aftermost  guns.  On  the  whole,  near  sixty  of 
the  Serapis'  people  must  have  been  instantly  disabled  by  this  sudden 
blow. 

The  advantage  thus  obtained,  by  the  coolness  and  intrepidity  of 
'he  topman,  in  a  great  measure  restored  the  chances  of  the  combat, 
and,  by  lessening  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  enabled  Commodore  Jones 
to  increase  his.  In  the  same  degree  that  it  encouraged  the  crew  of  the 
Richard,  it  diminished  the  hopes  of  the  people  of  the  Serapis.  One 
of  the  guns  under  the^tn mediate  inspection  of  Commodore  Jones 
had  been  pointed  sometime  against  the  main-mast  of  his  enemy, 
while  the  two  others  had  seconded  the  fire  of  the  tops,  with  grape  and 
canister.  Kept  below  decks  by  this  double  attack,  where  a  scene  of 
frightful  horror  was  present  in  the  agonies  of  the  wounded,  and  the 
effects  of  the  explosion,  the  spirits  of  the  English  began  to  droop,  and 
there  was  a  moment  when  a  trifle  would  have  induced  them  to  sub 
mit.  From  this  despondency  they  were  temporarily  raised,  by  one 
of  those  unlocked  for  events  that  characterise  the  vicisitudes  of  battle. 
After  exchanging  the  ineffective  and  distant  broadsides,  already 
mentioned,  with  the  Scarborough,  the  Alliance  had  kept  standing 
off  and  on,  to  leeward  of  the  two  principal  ships,  out  of  the  direction 
of  their  shot,  when,  about  half  past  eight  she  appeared  crossing  the 
stern  of  the  Serapis  and  the  bow  of  the  Richard,  firing  at  such  a  dis 
tance  as  to  render  it  impossible  to  say  which  vessel  would  suffer  the 
most.  As  soon  as  she  had  drawn  out  of  the  range  of  her  own  guns, 
her  helm  was  put  up,  and  she  ran  down  near  a  mile  to  leeward, 
hovering  about,  until  the  firing  had  ceased  between  the  Pallas  and 
the  Scarborough,  when  she  came  within  hail  and  spoke  both  of  these 
vessels.  Captain  Cottineau  of  the  Pallas  earnestly  entreated  Cap 
tain  Landais  to  take  possession  of  his  prize,  and  allow  him  to  go  to 
the  assistance  of  the  Richard,  or  to  stretch  up  to  windward  in  the 
Alliance  himself,  and  succour  the  commodore. 

After  some  delay,  Captain  Landais  took  the  important  duty  of 
assisting  his  consort,  into  his  own  hands,  and  making  two  long 
stretches,  under  his  topsails,  he  appeared,  about  the  time  at  which 
we  have  arrived  in  the  narration  of  the  combat,  directly  to  windward 
of  the  two  ships,  with  the  head  of  the  Alliance  to  the  westward 


110  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1779. 

Here  the  latter  ship  once  more  opened  her  fire,  doing  equal  damage, 
at  least,  to  friend  and  foe.  Keeping  away  a  little,  and  still  continu 
ing  her  fire,  the  Alliance  was  soon  on  the  larboard  quarter  of  the 
Richard,  and,  it  is  even  affirmed,  that  her  guns  were  discharged  until 
she  had  got  nearly  abeam. 

Fifty  voices  now  hailed  to  tell  the  people  of  the  Alliance  that  they 
were  firing  into  the  wrong  ship,  and  three  lanterns  were  shown,  in  a 
line,  on  the  off  side  of  the  Richard,  which  was  the  regular  signal  of 
recognition  for  a  night  action.  An  officer  was  directed  to  hail,  and 
to  command  Captain  Landais  to  lay  the  enemy  aboard,  and  the  ques 
tion  beinjj  put  whether  the  order  was  comprehended,  an  answer  was 
given  in  the  affirmative. 

As  the  moon  had  been  up  some  time,  it  was  impossible  not  to  dis 
tinguish  between  the  vessels,  the  Richard  being  all  black,  while  the 
Serapis  had  yellow  sides,  and  the  impression  seems  to  have  been 
general  in  the  former  vessel,  that  she  had  been  attacked  intentionally. 
At  the  discharge  of  the  first  guns  of  the  Alliance,  the  people  left  one 
or  two  of  the  twelves  on  board  the  Richard,  which  they  had  begun  to 
fight  again,  saying  that  the  Englishmen  in  the  Alliance  had  got 
possession  of  the  ship,  and  were  helping  the  enemy.  It  appears  that 
this  discharge  dismounted  a  gun  or  two,  extinguished*  several  lan 
terns  on  the  main  deck,  and  did  a  great  deal  of  damage  aloft. 

The  Alliance  hauled  off  to  some  distanc^keeping  always  on  the 
off  side  of  the  Richard,  and  soon  after  she  reappeared  edging  down 
on  the  larboard  beam  of  her  consort,  hauling  up  athwart  the  bows 
of  that  ship  and  the  stern  of  her  antagonist.  On  this  occasion,  it  is 
affirmed  that  her  fire  recommenced,  when,  by  possibility,  the  shot 
could  only  reach  the  Serapis  through  the  Richard.  Ten  or  twelve 
men  appear  to  have  been  killed  and  wounded  on  the  forecastle  of  the 
latter  ship,  which  was  crowded  at  the  time,  and  among  them  was  an 
officer  of  the  name  of  Caswell,  who,  with  his  dying  breath,  maintain 
ed  that  he  had  received  his  wound  by  the  fire  of  the  friendly  vessel. 

After  crossing  the  bows  of  the  Richard,  and  the  stern  of  the  Ser 
apis,  delivering  grape  as  she  passed,  the  Alliance  ran  off  to  leeward, 
again  standing  off  and  on,  doing  nothing,  for  the  remainder  of  the 
combat. 

The  fire  of  the  Alliance  added  greatly  to  the  leaks  of  the  Richard, 
which  ship,  by  this  time,  had  received  so  much  water  through  the 
.shot-holes,  as  to  begin  to  settle.  It  is  even  affirmed  by  many  wit 
nesses,  that  the  most  dangerous  shot-holes  on  board  the  Richard, 
were  under  her  larboard  bow,  and  larboard  counter,  in  places  where 
they  could  not  have  been  received  from  the  fire  of  the  Serapis.  This 
evidence,  however,  is  not  unanswerable,  as  it  has  been  seen  that  the 
Serapis  luffed  up  on  the  larboard-quarter  of  the  Richard  in  the  com 
menced  of  the  action,  and,  forging  ahead,  was  subsequently  on  her 
larboard  bow,  endeavouring  to  cross  her  fore-foot.  It  is  certainly  pos 
sible  that  shot  may  have  struck  the  Richard  in  the  places  mentioned, 
on  these  occasions,  and  that,  as  the  ship  settled  in  the  water,  from 
other  leaks,  the  holes  then  made  may  have  suddenly  increased  the 
danger.  On  the  other  hand,  if  the  Alliance  did  actually  fire  while 


1779.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  Ill 

on  the  bow  and  quarter  of  the  Richard,  as  appears  by  a  mass  of  un- 
contradicted  testimony,  the  dangerous  shot-holes  may  very  well  have 
come  from  that  ship. 

Let  t,he  injuries  have  been  received  from  what  quarter  they  might, 
soon  after  the  Alliance  had  run  to  leeward,  an  alarm  was  spread  in 
the  Richard  that  the  ship  was  sinking.  Both  vessels  had  been  on 
fire  several  times,  and  some  difficulty  had  been  experienced  in  ex 
tinguishing  the  flames,  but  here  was  a  new  enemy  to  contend  with, 
and,  as  the  information  came  from  the  carpenter,  whose  duty  it  was 
to  sound  the  pump-wells,  it  produced  a  good  deal  of  consternation. 
The  Richard  had  more  than  a  hundred  English  prisoners  on  board, 
and  the  master-at-arms,  in  the  hurry  of  the  moment,  let  them  all  up 
from  below,  in  order  to  save  their  lives.  In  the  confusion  of  such  a 
scene  at  night,  the  master  of  the  letter  of  marque,  that  had  been  taken 
off  the  north  of  Scotland,  passed  through  a  port  of  the  Richard  into 
one  of  the  Serapis,  when  he  reported  to  Captain  Pearson,  that  a  few 
minutes  would  probably  decide  the  battle  in  his  favour,  or  carry  his 
enemy  down,  he  himself  having  been  liberated  in  order  to  save  his 
life.  Just  at  this  instant  the  gunner,  who  had  little  to  occupy  him  at 
his  quarters,  came  on  deck,  and  not  perceiving  Commodore  Jones, 
or  Mr.  Dale,  both  of  whom  were  occupied  with  the  liberated  prison 
ers,  and  believing  the  master,  the  only  other  superior  he  had  in  the 
ship,  to  be  dead,  he  rarHup  on  the  poop  to  haul  down  the  colours. 
Fortunately  the  flag-staff  had  been  shot  away,  and,  the  ensign  already 
hanging  in  the  water,  he  had  no  other  means  of  letting  his  intention 
to  submit  be  known,  than  by  calling  out  for  quarter.  Captain  Pear 
son  now  hailed  to  inquire  if  the  Richard  demanded  quarter,  and  was 
answered  by  Commodore  Jones  himself,  in  the  negative.  It  is  proba 
ble  that  the  reply  was  not  heard,  or,  if  heard,  supposed  to  come  from 
an  unauthorised  source,  for  encouraged  by  what  he  had  learned  from 
the  escaped  prisoner,  by  the  cry,  and  by  the  confusion  that  prevailed 
in  the  Richard,  the  English  captain  directed  his  boarders  to  be  called 
away,  and,  as  soon  as  mustered,  they  were  ordered  to  take  possession 
of  the  prize.  Some  of  the  men  actually  got  on  the  gunwale  of  the 
latter  ship,  but  finding  boarders  ready  to  repel  boarders,  they  made  a 
precipitate  retreat.  All  this  time,  the  top-men  were  not  idle,  and 
the  enemy  were  soon  driven  below  again  with  loss. 

In  the  mean  while,  Mr.  Dale,  who  no  longer  had  a  gun  that  could 
be  fought,  mustered  the  prisoners  at  the  pumps,  turning  their  con 
sternation  to  account,  and  probably  keeping  the  Richard  afloat  by 
the  very  blunder  that  had  come  so  near  losing  her.  The  ships  were 
now  on  fire  again,  and  both  parties,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  guns 
on  each  side,  ceased  fighting,  in  order  to  subdue  this  common  enemy. 
In  the  course  of  the  combat,  the  Serapis  is  said  to  have  been  set  on 
fire  no  less  than  twelve  times,  while,  towards  its  close,  as  will  be  seen 
in  the  sequel,  the  Richard  was  burning  all  the  while. 

As  soon  as  order  was  restored  in  the  Richard,  after  the  call  for 
quarter,  her  chances  of  success  began  to  increase,  while  the  English, 
driven  under  cover,  almost  to  a  man,  appear  to  have  lost,  in  a  great 
degree,  the  hope  of  victory.  Their  fire  materially  slackened,  while 


11.2  NAVAL  HISTORY. 


the  Richard  again  brought  a  few  more  guns  to  bear;  the  main-mast 
of  the  Serapis  began  to  totter,  and  her  resistance,  in  general,  to  lessen. 
About  an  hour  after  the  explosion,  or  between  three  hours  and  three 
hours  and  a  half  after  the  first  gun  was  fired,  and  between  two  hours 
and  two  hours  and  a  half  after  the  ships  were  lashed  together,  Captain 
Pearson  hauled  down  the  colours  of  the  Serapis  with  his  own  hands, 
the  men  refusing  to  expose  themselves  to  the  fire  of  the  Richard's  tops. 

As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  the  colours  of  the  English  had  been 
lowered,  Mr.  Dale  got  upon  the  gunwale  of  the  Richard,  and  laying 
hold  of  her  main  brace  pendant,  he  swung  himself  on  board  the  Ser 
apis.  On  the  quarter-deck  of  the  latter  he  found  Captain  Pearson, 
almost  alone,  that  gallant  officer  having  maintained  his  post,  through 
out  the  whole  of  this  close  and  murderous  conflict.  Just  as  Mr.  Dale 
addressed  the  English  captain,  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  Serapis 
came  up  from  below  to  inquire  if  the  Richard  had  struck,  her  fire 
having  entirely  ceased.  Mr.  Dale  now  gave  the  English  officer  to 
understand  that  he  was  mistaken  in  the  position  of  things,  the  Ser 
apis  having  struck  to  the  Richard,  and  not  the  Richard  to  the  Sera- 
pis.  Captain  Pearson  confirming  this  account,  his  subordinate 
acquiesced,  oifering  to  go  below  and  silence  the  guns  that  were  still 
playing  upon  the  American  ship.  To  this  Mr.  Dale  would  not  con 
sent,  but  both  the  English  officers  were  immediately  passed  on  board 
the  Richard.  The  firing  was  then  stopped  below.  Mr.  Dale  had 
been  closely  followed  to  the  quarter-deck  of  the  Serapis,  by  Mr. 
May  rant,  a  midshipman,  and  a  party  of  boarders,  and  as  the  former 
struck  the  quarter-deck  of  the  prize,  he  was  run  through  the  thigh, 
by  a  boarding-pike,  in  the  hands  of  a  man  in  the  waist,  who  was 
ignorant  of  the  surrender.  Thus  did  the  close  of  this  remarkable 
combat,  resemble  its  other  features  in  singularity,  blood  being  shed 
and  shot  fired,  while  the  boarding  officer  was  in  amicable  discourse 
with  his  prisoners  ! 

As  soon  as  Captain  Pearson  was  on  board  the  Richard,  and  Mr. 
Dale  had  received  a  proper  number  of  hands  in  the  prize,  Com 
modore  Jones  ordered  the  lashings  to  be  cut,  and  the  vessels  to  be 
separated,  hailing  the  Serapis,  as  the  Richard  drifted  from  alongside 
of  her,  and  ordering  her  to  follow  his  own  ship.  Mr.  Dale  now  had 
the  head  sails  of  the  Serapis  braced  sharp  aback,  and  the  wheel  put 
down,  but  the  vessel  refused  both  her  helm  and  her  canvass.  Sur 
prised  and  excited  at  this  circumstance,  the  gallant  lieutenant  sprang 
from  the  binnacle  on  which  he  had  seated  himself,  and  fell  at  his 
length  on  the  deck.  He  had  been  severely  wounded  in  the  leg,  by  a 
splinter,  and  until  this  moment  was  ignorant  of  the  injury  !  He  was 
replaced  on  the  binnacle,  when  the  master  of  the  Serapis  came  up 
and  acquainted  him  with  the  fact  that  the  ship  was  anchored. 

By  this  time,  Mr.  Lunt,  the  second  lieutenant,  who  had  been  absent 
in  the  pilot  boat,  had  got  alongside,  and  was  on  board  the  prize. 
To  this  officer  Mr.  Dale  now  consigned  the  charge  of  the  Serapis, 
the  cable  was  cut,  and  the  ship  followed  the  Richard,  as  ordered. 

Although  this  protracted  and  bloody  combat  had  now  ended, 
neither  the  danger  nor  the  labours  of  the  victors  were  over.  The 


1779.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  113 

Richard  was  both  sinking  and  on  fire.  The  flames  had  got  within 
the  ceiling,  and  extended  so  far  that  they  menaced  the  magazine, 
while  all  the  pumps,  in  constant  use,  could  barely  keep  the  water  at 
the  same  level.  Had  it  depended  on  the  exhausted  people  of  the  two 
combatants,  the  ship  must  have  soon  sunk,  but  the  other  vessels  of 
the  squadron  sent  hands  on  board  the  Richard,  to  assist  at  the  pumps. 
So  imminent  did  the  danger  from  the  fire  become,  that  all  the  powder 
was  got  on  deck,  to  prevent  an  explosion.  In  this  manner  did  the 
night  of  the  battle  pass,  with  one  gang  always  at  the  pumps,  and 
another  contending  with  the  flames,  until  about  ten  o'clock  in  the 
forenoon  of  the  24th,  when  the  latter  were  got  under.  After  the 
action,  eight  or  ten  Englishmen  in  the  Richard,  stole  a  boat  from  the 
Serapis,  and  ran  away  with  it,  landing  at  Scarborough.  Several  of 
the  men  were  so  alarmed  with  the  condition  of  their  ship,  as  to  jump 
overboard  and  swim  to  the  other  vessels. 

When  the  day  dawned,  an  examination  was  made  into  the  situa- 
tion  of  the  Richard.  Abaft,  on  a  line  with  those  guns  of  the7  Serapis 
that  had  not.  been  disabled  by  the  explosion,  the  timbers  were  found 
to  be  nearly  all  beaten  in,  or  beaten  out,  for  in  this  respect  there  was 
little  difference  between  the  two  sides  of  the  ship;  and  it  was  said 
that  her  poop  and  upper  decks  would  have  fallen  into  the  gun-room, 
but  for  a  few  futtocks  that  had  been  missed.  Indeed,  so  large  was 
the  vacuum,  that  most  of  {he  shot  fired  from  this  part  of  the  Serapis, 
at  the  close  of  the  action,  must  have  gone  through  the  Richard  with 
out  touching  any  thing.  The  rudder  was  cut  from  the  sternpost, 
and  the  transoms  were  nearly  driven  out  of  her.  All  the  after  part 
of  the  ship,  in  particular,  that  was  below  the  quarter-deck,  was  torn 
to  pieces,  and  nothing  had  saved  those  stationed  on  the  quarter 
deck,  but  the  impossibility  of  sufficiently  elevating  guns  that  almost 
touched  their  object. 

The  result  of  this  examination  was  to  convince  every  one  of  the 
impossibility  of  carrying  the  Richard  into  port,  in  the  event  of  its 
coming  on  to  blow.  Commodore  Jones  was  advised  to  remove  his 
wounded  while  the  weather  continued  moderate,  and  he  reluctantly 
gave  the  order  to  commence.  The  following  night  and  the  morning 
of  the  succeeding  day  were  employed  in  executing  this  imperious 
duty,  and  about  nine  o'clock,  the  officer  of  the  Pallas,  who  was  in 
charge  of  the  ship,  with  a  party  at  the  pt  mps,  finding  that  the  water 
had  reached  the  lower  deck,  reluctantly  abandoned  her.  About  ten, 
the  Bon  Homme  Richard  wallowed  heavily,  gave  a  roll,  and  settled 
slowly  into  the  sea,  bows  foremost. 

The  Serapis  suffered  much  less  than  the  Richard,  the  guns  of  the 
latter  having  been  so  light,  and  so  soon  silenced;  but  no  sooner  were 
the  ships  separated,  than  her  main-mast  fell,  bringing  down  with  it 
the  mizen-top-mast.  Though  jury-masts  were  erected,  the  ship 
drove  about,  nearly  helpless,  in  the  North  Sea,  until  the  6th  of  Oc 
tober,  when  the  remains  of  the  squadron,  with  the  two  prizes,  got 
into  the  Texel,  the  prfrt  to  which  they  had  been  ordered  to  repair. 

In  the  combat  between  the  Richard  and  the  Serapis,  an  unusual 
number  of  lives  was  lost,  though  no  regular  authentic  report  appears 

VOL.   i.  8 


114  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1779. 

to  have  been  given  by  either  side.  Captain  Pearson  states  the  loss 
of  the  Richard  at  about  300  in  killed  and  wounded ;  a  total  that  would 
have  included  very  nearly  all  hands,  and  which  was  certainly  a  great 
exaggeration,  or  at  least  a  great  mistake.  According  to  a  muster-roll 
of  the  officers  and  people  of  the  Richard,  excluding  the  marines, 
which  is  still  in  existence,  42  men  were  killed,  or  died  of  their  wounds 
shortly  after  the  battle,  and  41  were  wounded.  This  would  make  a 
total  of  83,  for  this  portion  of  the  crew,  which,  on  the  roll  amounted 
to  227  souls.  But  many  of  the  persons  named  on  this  list  are  known 
not  to  have  been  in  the  action  at  all;  such  as  neither  of  the  junior 
lieutenants,  and  some  thirty  men  that  were  with  them,  besides  those 
absent  in  prizes.  As  there  were  a  few  volunteers  on  board,  however, 
who  were  not  mustered,  if  we  set  down  200  as  the  number  of  the 
portion  of  the  regular  crew  that  was  in  the  action,  we  shall  probably 
not  be  far  from  the  truth.  By  estimating  the  soldiers  that  remained 
'  •  on  board  at  120,  and  observing  the  same  proportion  for  their  casual 
ties,  we  shall  get  49  for  the  result,  which  will  make  a  total  of  132, 
as  the  entire  loss  of  the  Richard.  It  is  known,  however,  that,  in  the 
commencement  of  the  action,  the  soldiers,  or  marines,  suffered  out 
of  proportion  to  the  rest  of  the  crew,  and  general  report  having  made 
the  gross  loss  of  the  Richard  150  men,  we  are  disposed  to  believe  that 
it  was  not  far  from  the  fact. 

Captain  Pearson  reported  apart  of  his  loss  at  117  men,  admitting, 
at  the  same  time,  that  there  were  many  killed  and  wounded  whose 
names  he  could  not  discover.  It  is  probable  that  the  loss  of  men,  in 
the  two  ships,  was  about  equal,  and  that  nearly,  or  quite  half  of  all 
those  who  were  engaged,  were  either  killed  or  wounded.  Commo 
dore  Jones,  in  a  private  letter,  written  some  time  after  the  occurrence, 
gives  an  opinion,  however,  that  the  loss  of  the  Richard  was  less  than 
that  of  the  Serapis.  That  two  vessels  of  so  much  force  should  lie 
lashed  together  more  than  two  hours,  making  use  of  artillery,  mus 
ketry,  and  all  the  other  means  of  annoyance  known  to  the  warfare 
of  the  day,  and  not  do  even  greater  injury  to  the  crews,  strikes  us  with 
astonishment;  but  the  fact  must  be  ascribed  to  the  peculiarities  of" 
the  combat,  which,  by  driving  most  of  the  English  under  cover  so 
early  in  the  battle,  and  by  keeping  the  Americans  above  the  line  of 
fire  of  their  enemies,  in  a  measure  protected  each  party  from  the 
missiles  of  the  other.  As  it  was,  it  proved  a  murderous  and  san 
guinary  conflict,  though  its  duration  would  probably  have  been  much 
shorter,  and  its  character  still  more  bloody,  but  for  these  unusual 
circumstances.* 

*  The  writer  has  given  the  particulars  of  this  celebrated  sea-fight  in  detail  on  account 
of  the  great  interest  that  has  always  been  attached  to  the  suhject,  no  less  than  from  a  desire 
to  correct  many  of  the  popular  errors  that  have  so  long  existed  in  connexion  with  its 
incidents.  In  framing  his  own  account,  he  has  followed  what  to  him  have  appeared  to 
be  the  best  authorities.  Scarcely  any  two  of  the  eye-witnesses  agree  in  all  their  facts, 
but  by  dint  of  examination,  the  writer  has  been  enabled  to  discover,  as  he  believes 
where  the  weight  of  credible  testimony  and  probability  lies,  and  has  used  it  accordingly. 
Commodore  Dale,  a  witness  every  way  entitled  to  respect,  so  far  as  his  position  enabled 
him  to  note  occurrences,  was  kind  enough  while  living  to  describe  to  the  writer  the 
manoeuvres  of  the  ships,  -which  it  is  hoped  have  now  been  given  in  a  -way  that  will  render 
them  intelligible  to  seamen.  There  are  but  two  leading  circumstances  of  this  sort  that, 
to  the  writer,  appear  doubtful.  The  Alliance  thrice  approached,  each  time  firing  into 


1779.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  115 


CHAPTER  X. 

Arrival  of  the  Serapis  in  Holland — Paul  Jones  takes  command  of  the  Alliance,  and  is 
forced  to  put  to  sea — Capt.  Landais  is  discharged  the  navy — Commodore  Jones  in 
the  Ariel,  returns  to  America — Sketch  of  his  life — Vote  of  thanks  by  Congress — Re 
ceives  command  of  the  America — Several  captures  by  the  Deane,  Capt.  Samuel 
Nicholson — Capture  of  the  Active — Action  with  the  Duff — Expedition  against  the 
British  post  on  the  Penobscot- — Loss  of  all  the  vessels  engaged  therein. 

THE  arrival  of  Paul  Jones,  with  his  prizes,  in  Holland,  excited  a 
great  deal  of  interest  in  the  diplomatic  world.  The  English  de 
manded  that  the  prisoners  should  be  released,  and  that  Jones  himself 
should  be  given  up  as  a  pirate.  The  Dutch  government,  though 
well  disposed  to  favour  the  Americans,  was  not  prepared  for  war, 
and  it  was  induced  to  temporise.  A  long  correspondence  followed, 
which  terminated  in  one  of  those  political  expedients  that  are  so 
common,  and  in  which  the  pains  and  penalties  of  avowing  the  truth, 
are  avoided  by  means  of  a  mystification.  The  Serapis,  which  had 
been  re-masted  and  equipped,  was  transferred  to  France,  as  was 
the  Scarborough,  while  Commodore  Jones  took  command  of  the 
Alliance,  Captain  Landais  having  been  suspended,  and  was  ordered 
to  quit  the  country. 

It  would  seem  that  there  were  two  parties  in  Holland:  that  of  the 
prince  and  that  of  the  people.  With  the  latter  the  American  cause 
was  popular;  but  the  former  employed  an  admiral  at  the  Texel, 
who,  after  a  vexatious  course,  finally  succeeded  in  forcing  the  Al 
liance  to  put  to  sea,  in  the  face  of  a  fleet  of  enemies,  which  was 
anxiously  awaiting  her  appearance.  The  Alliance  went  to  sea  on  the 
27th  of  December,  1779,  and  reached  the  roads  of  Groix  again  in 
safety,  on  the  10th  of  February,  1780.  She  passed  down  the  Chan- 

both  the  combatants :  but  the  accounts,  or  rather  testimony,- — for  there  are  many  certifi 
cates  given  by  the  officers  not  only  of  the  Richard,  but  of  the  Alliance  herself,  Pallas,  &c, — 
is  so  obscure  and  confused,  that  it  is  difficult  to  get  at  the  truth  of  the  manner,  order,  and 
exact  time  in  which  these  attacks  were  made.  With  the  view  to  give  no  opinion  as  to 
the  precise  time  of  the  last  firms  of  the  Alliance,  the  writer  has  condensed  the  account 
of  all  her  proceedings  into  one,  though  he  inclines  to  think  that  the  second  attack  of  this 
ship  may  have  occurred  a  little  later  in  the  contest  than  would  appear  from  the  manner 
in  which  it  is  told  in  the  narrative.  The  word  may  is  used  from  uncertainty,  most  of  the 
testimony,  perhaps,  placing  the  occurrence  in  the  order  of  time  given  in  the  text.  Cap 
tain  Pearson  says,  or  is  made  to  say,  in  his  official  report,  that  the  Alliance  "kept  sailing 
round  us  the  whole  action,  and  raking  us  fore  and  aft,"  £c.  This  statement  is  contra 
dicted  by  the  formal  certificates  of  nearly  every  officer  in  the  Richard,  by  persons  on 
board  the  Alliance,  by  spectators  in  boats,  as  we'll  as  by  officers  of  the  other  vessels  near. 
The  first  lieutenant  and  master  of  the  Alliance  herself  admit  that  they  were  never  on  the 
off  side  of  the  Serapis  at  all,  and  of  course  their  ship  never  could  have  gone  round  her. 
They  also  say  that  they  engaged  the  Scarborough,  at  very  long  shot,  for"  a  short  time ;  a 
fact  that  Captain  Piercy  of  the  Scarborough,  corroborates.  "They  add,  moreover,  that 
their  ship  was  a  long  time  aloof  from  the  combat,  and  that  she  only  fired  three  broadsides, 
or  parts  of  broadsides,  at  the  Richard  and  Serapis.  From  the  testimony,  there  is  little 
doubt  that  the  Alliance  did  materially  more  injury  to  the  Richard  than  'to  the  Serapis ; 
thon.sh,  as  Captain  Pearson  could  not  have  known  this  fact  at  the  time,  it  is  highly 

Erobable  that  her  proximity  may  have  influenced  that  officer  in  inducing  him  to  lower 
is  flag. 

The  second  point  is  the  fact  whether  the  Scarborough  raked  the  Richard  before  she 
was  herself  engaged  with  the  other  ships.  The  writer  is  of  opinion  that  she  did,  while 
he  admits  that  the  matter  is  involved  in  doubt. 


116  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1780. 

nel,  was  near  enough  to  the  squadron  in  the  Downs  to  examine  its 
force,  was  several  times  chased,  and  made  a  short  cruise  in  the  Bay 
of  Biscay,  after  having  touched  in  Spain.  Captain  Conyngham, 
who  had  been  captured  in  a  privateer  and  escaped,  joined  the  Al 
liance,  and  went  round  to  I'Orient  in  the  ship. 

Although  it  will  be  anticipating  the  events  of  another  year,  we 
shall  finish  the  history  of  this  vessel,  so  far  as  she  was  connected 
with  the  officer  who  first  commanded  her,  Captain  Landais.  This 
gentleman  had  been  sent  for  to  Paris,  to  account  for  his  conduct  to 
the  American  minister,  and  subsequently  his  claim  to  command  the 
Alliance  was  referred  to  Mr.  Arthur  Lee,  who  was  on  the  spot,  and 
who  had  loiiij  been  in  Europe,  as  a  conspicuous  agent  of  the  govern 
ment.  The  decision  of  this  commissioner  restored  the  Alliance  to 
Captain  Landais,  on  the  ground  that  his  command  having  been 
given  to  him  by  the  highest  authority  of  the  country,  a  vote  of  Con 
gress,  he  could  not  legally  be  deprived  of  it  by  any  subordinate 
authority.  In  June,  Captain  Landais  sailed  in  the  ship  for  America, 
where  she  was  given  to  an  officer  better  fitted  to  show  her  excellent 
qualities,  and  who,  in  the  end,  succeeded  in  redeeming  her  character. 
During  the  passage  home,  Captain  Landais  was  deposed  from  the 
command,  under  the  idea  that  he  was  insane,  and  soon  after  he  was 
discharged  from  the  navy.  It  is  thought  that  the  absence  of  Com 
modore  Jones,  alone,  prevented  his  receiving  severe  punishment. 

Commodore  Jones,  anxious  to  get  back  to  America,  took  command 
of  the  Ariel  20,  a  little  ship  that  the  king  of  France  lent  to  his  allies, 
to  aid  in  transporting  military  supplies;  and  in  this  vessel,  with  a 
portion  of  the  officers  and  men  who  had  belonged  to  the  Richard,  he 
sailed  from  under  Groix  on  the  7th  of  September.  When  a  day  or 
two  out,  the  Ariel  encountered  a  severe  gale,  in  which  she  came  near 
being  lost.  The  ship  was  so  pressed  upon  by  the  wind,  that  her 
lower  yard-arms  frequently  dipped,  and  though  an  anchor  was  let 
go,  she  refused  to  tend  to  it.  In  order  to  keep  her  from  foundering, 
the  fore-mast  was  cut  away,  and  the  heel  of  the  main-mast  having 
worked  out  of  the  step,  that  spar  followed,  bringing  down  with  it  the 
mizen-mast. 

Returning  to  I'Orient  to  refit,  the  Ariel  sailed  a  second  time  for 
America,  on  the  18th  of  December.  During  the  passage,  she  fell  in 
with  an  enemy  of  about  her  own  size,  in  the  night,  and  after  much 
conversation,  a  short  combat  followed,  when  the  English  ship  inti 
mated  that  she  had  struck,  but  taking  advantage  of  her  position,  she 
made  sail  and  escaped.  Some  unaccountable  mistake  was  made 
by,  or  an  extraordinary  hallucination  appears  to  have  come  over, 
Commodore  Jones,- in  reference  to  this  affair,  for,  in  his  journal,  he 
speaks  of  his  enemy  as  having  been  an  English  twenty-gun  ship 
called  the  Triumph,  and  the  result  as  a  victory.  The  Triumph,  if 
such  was  truly  the  name  of  the  English  ship,  was  probably  a  letter 
of  marque,  unable  to  resist  a  vessel  of  war  of  any  force,  and  though 
not  free  from  the  imputation  of  treachery,  she  escaped  by  out-ma 
noeuvring  the  Ariel.*  On  the  18th  of  February,  1781,  after  an 

*  Private  communication  of  the  late  Commodore  Dale,  to  the  writer. 


1779.] 


NAVAL  HISTORY.  117 


absence  of  moie  than  three  years,  Paul  Jones  reached  Philadelphia 
in  safety.* 

Before  we  return  to  the  American  seas,  and  to  the  more  regular 
incidents  of  the  year  1779,  we  will  add  that,  after  an  inquiry  into 
the  conduct  of  Captain  Jones,  as  it  was  connected  with  all  his  pro 
ceedings  in  Europe,  Congress  gave  him  a  vote  of  thanks,  and,  by  a 

*  John  Paul  was  born  on  the  6th  of  July,  1747,  at  Arbigland,  on  the  Frith  of  Sol  way, 
in  the  kingdom  of  Scotland.  His  father  was  the  gardener  of  Mr.  Craik,  a  gentleman  of 
that  vicinity.  At  the  age  of  twelve,  the  boy  was  apprenticed  to  a  ship -master  in  the  Vir 
ginia  trade,  and  he  made  his  appearance  in  America,  in  consequence,  when  in  his  thir 
teenth  year.  An  elder  brother  had  married  and  settled  in  Virginia,  and  from  this  time 
young  Paul  appears  to  have  had  views  of  the  same  sort.  The  failure  of  his  master  in 
duced  him  to  give  up  the  indentures  of  the  apprentice,  and  we  soon  find  the  latter  on 
board  a  slaver.  The  master  and  mate  of  the  vessel  he  was  in,  dying,  Paul  took  charge 
of  her,  and  brought  her  into  port ;  and  from  that  time  he  appears  to  have  sailed  in  com 
mand.  About  the  year  1770,  he  caused  a  man  named  Mango  Maxwell  to  be  flogged  for 
misconduct,  and  the  culprit  made  a  complaint  of  ill-treatment,  menacing  a  prosecution. 
The  complaint  was  rejected  by  the  local  authorities  (West  Indies)  as  frivolous;  but,  not 
long  after,  Maxwell  went  to  sea  in  another  ship,  and  died  rather  suddenly.  When  the 
fact  became  known,  the  enemies  of  Paul  circulated  a  report  that  the  death  of  this  man 
was  owing  to  the  ill-treatment  he  had  received  when  punished  by  his  former  commander. 
Although  this  rumour  was  completely  disproved  in  the  end,  it  raised  a  prejudice  against 
the  young  seaman,  and,  at  a  later  day,  when  he  became  conspicuous,  it  was  used  against 
him*  for  political  effect,  by  those  who  ought  to  have  been  superior  to  injustice  of  so  low 
a  character. 

Mr.  Paul  was  sonred  at  this  ill-treatment,  and,  in  a  manner  abandoned  his  native  coun 
try.  In  1773,  his  brother  died,  and  he  went  to  Virginia  to  settle,  with  the  intention  of 
quitting  the  seas.  Here,  for  some  reason  that  is  unknown,  he  added  the  name  of  Jones 
to  his  two  others.  The  hostilities  of  1775,  however,  brought  him  forward  again,  and  he 
was  the  senior  lieutenant  ever  commissioned  regularly,  in  the  service  of  Congress.  As 
this  was  before  the  declaration  of  independence,  the  relative  rank  was  not  established ; 
but  in  October,  1776,  his  name  appears  on  the  list  as  the  eighteenth  captain. 

His  first  cruise  was  in  the  Alfred  24,  Captain  Saltonstall,  the  ship  that  bore  the  broad 
pennant  of  Commodore  Hopkins,  and  his  first  engagement  was  that  with  the  Glasgow. 
From  the  Alfred,  he  was  transferred  to  the  sloop  Providence  12,  as  her  captain.  He'Len 
commanded  the  Alfred  24.  In  1777  he  was  appointed  to  the  Ranger  18,  a  crank,  clumsy 
ship,  with  a  gun-deck,  but  no  armament  above,  and  a  dull  sailer.  In  1778,  after  the  cruise 
in  the  Irish  Channel,  in  which  he  took  the  Drake,  he  gave  up  the  command  of  the  Ranger, 
and  in  1779,  obtained  that  of  the  squadron,  under  the  celebrated  concordat.  His  subse 
quent  momements  are  to  be  traced  in  the  text. 

In  1782,  Captain  Jones  was  launched  in  the  America  74.  and  the  same  day  delivered 
her  up  to  the  Chevalier  de  Martigne,  the  late  commander  of  the  Magnifique,  the  ship  she 
was  now  to  replace.  After  this  he  made  a  cruise  in  the  French  fleet,  as  a  volunteer,  in 
which  situation  he  was  found  by  the  peace.  In  November,  1783,  he  sailed  for  France 
with  a  commission  to  negotiate  for  the  recovery  of  prize-money  in  different  parts  of  Eu 
rope.  In  1787  he  came  to  America  on  business,  but  returned  to  Europe  in  the  course 
of  the  same  season.  He  now  went  to  the  north  on  business  connected  with  his  prizes. 
About  this  time  he  received  some  proposals  to  enter  the  Russian  navy,  and  in  the  spring 
of  1788  he  obtained  the  rank  of  rear-admiral  accordingly.  Shortly  after  he  was  placed 
in  an  important  command  against  the  Turks,  in  which  situation  he  is  said  to  have  render 
ed  material  services.  But  personal  hostility  drove  him  from  Russia  in  1789.  He  returned 
to  Paris,  retaining  his  rank,  and  pensioned.  From  this  time  he  remained  in  France  and 
the  adjacent  countries  of  Europe,  until  his  death,  which  occurred  at  Paris,  on  the  18th  of 
July,  1792.  A  commission  appointing  him  the  agent  of  the  American  government  to 
treat  with  Algiers,  arrived  after  he  was  dead. 

That  Paul  Jones  was  a  remarkable  man,  cannot  be  justly  questioned.  He  had  a  re 
spectable  English  education,  and,  after  his  ambition  had  been  awakened  by  success,  he 
appears  to  have  paid  attention  to  the  intellectual  parts  of  his  profession.  In  his  enter 
prises  are  to  be  discovered  much  of  that  boldness  of  conception  that  marks  a  great  naval 
captain,  though  his  most  celebrated  battle  is  probably  the  one  in  which  he  evinced  no 
other  ^ery  high  quality  than  that  of  an  invincible  resolution  to  conquer.  Most  of  the  mis 
fortunes  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  however,  may  be  very  fairly  attributed  to  the  in 
subordination  of  his  captains,  and  to  the  bad  equipment  of  his  own  vessel.  The  expedi 
ent  of  running  the  Serapis  aboard  was  one  like  himself,  and  it  was  the  only  chance  of 
victory  that  was  left. 

Paul  Jones  was  a  man  rather  under  than  above  the  mid-die  size,  and  his  countenance 
has  been  described  as  possessing  much  of  that  sedateness  which  marks  deep  enthusiasm. 


118  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1779. 

formal  resolution,  bestowed  on  him  the  command  of  the  America  74, 
the  only  one  of  the  six  ships  of  that  class  that  was  ever  laid  down 
under  the  law  of  1776.  In  order  to  dispose  of  this  branch  of  the 
subject  at  once,  it  may  be  well  to  say  here,  that  the  America  never 
got  to  sea  under  the  national  colours,  Congress  presenting  the  ship 
to  their  ally,  Louis  XVI.,  to  replace  the  Magnifique  74,  which  had 
been  lost  in  the  port  of  Boston.  This  friendly  offering  was  made 
by  resolution,  September  the  3d,  1782,  and  it  being  now  near  the 
end  of  the  war,  Paul  Jones  never  got  to  sea  again  in  the  service.  In 
consequence  of  the  America's  having  been  presented  to  France, 
while  still  on  the  stocks,  the  United  States  properly  possessed  no 
two-decked  ship  during  the  war  of  the  Revolution. 

To  return  to  the  more  regular  order  of  events. 

During  the  summer  of  1779,  the  Deane  32,  Captain  Samuel  Nich 
olson,  and  the  Boston  24,  Captain  Tucker,  made  a  cruise  in  com 
pany.  In  August  of  that  year,  these  two  ships  took  many  prizes, 
though  no  action  of  moment  occurred.  Among  those  were  the  Sand 
wich,  (a  packet,)  16,  two  privateers,  with  the  Glencairn  20,  and  the 
Thorn  18.  The  two  last  vessels  were  letters  of  marque. 

In  the  spring  of  this  year,  the  Providence  12,  Captain  Hacker, 
took  a  vessel  of  equal  force,  called  the  Diligent,  after  a  sharp  action. 
The  particulars  of  this  engagement  are  lost,  though  they  are  known 
to  have  been  highly  creditable  to  the  American  officer.  The  Dili 
gent  appears  to  have  been  taken  into  the  service. 

A  bloody  action  also  occurred,  about  the  same  time,  between  the 
Massachusetts  state  cruiser  Hazard  14,  Captain  John  Foster  Wil 
liams,  and  the  Active  18,  a  vessel  that  is  supposed  to  have  belonged 
to  the  king.  '  The  combat  lasted  half  an  hour,  and  was  determined 
in  favour  of  the  Hazard.  The  Active  is  said  to  have  had  33  killed 
and  wounded,  and  the  Hazard  8.  Shortly  after  this  handsome 
affair,  Captain  Williams  was  appointed  to  the  ship  Protector  20, 
belonging  to  the  same  state,  and  in  June  he  had  a  severe  action  with 
one  of  those  heavy  letters  of  marque,  it.  was  so  much  the  custom  to 

There  is  no  doubt  that  his  eminence  arose  from  the  force  of  his  convictions,  rather  than 
from  his  power  of  combining,  though  his  reasoning  faculties  were  respectable.  His  as 
sociations  in  Paris  appear  to  have  awakened  a  taste  which,  whenever  it  comes  late  in 
life,  is  almost  certain  to  come  attended  with  exaggeration.  Personally  he  would  seem  to 
have  been  vain  ;  a  very  excusable  foible  in  one  of  his  education  and  previous  habits,  that 
•was  suddenly  exposed  to  the  flattery  and  seductions  of  Parisian  society.  He  nevermar- 
ried,  though  he  was  not  averse  to  the  sex,  as  appears  from  his  letters,  poetic  effusions,  and 
gallantries.  An  affectation  of  a  literary  taste,  that  expended  itself  principally  in  homage 
to  those  he  admired,  formed  indeed  one  of  his  principal  weaknesses. 

In  battle,  Paul  Jones  was  brave ;  in  enterprise,  hardy  and  original;  in  victory,  mild 
and  generous  ;  in  moti ves,  much  disposed  todisinterestedness,though  ambitious  of  renown 
and  covetous  of  distinction  ;  in  his  pecuniary  relations,  liberal ;  in  his  affections,  natural 
and  sincere  ;  and  in  his  temper,  except  in  those  cases  which  assailed  his  reputation,  just 
and  forgiving.  He  wanted  the  quiet  self- respect  of  a  man  capable  of  meeting  acts  of  in 
justice  with  composure  and  dignity;  and  his  complaints  of  ill-treatment  and  neglect,  for 
which  there  was  sufficient  foundation,  probably  lost  him  favour  both  in  France  and 
America.  Had  circumstances  put  him  in  a  situation  of  high  command,  there  i*  little 
doubt  that  he  would  have  left  a  name  unsurpassed  by  that  of  any  naval  captain,  or  have 
perished  in  endeavouring  to  obtain  it. 

From  the  American  government,  Paul  Jones  received  many  proofs  of  commendation. 
Louis  XVI.  created  him  a  knight  of  the  order  of  Merit,  and  Catharine  of  Russia  con 
ferred  on  him  the  riband  of  St.  Anne.  He  also  received  other  marks  of  distinction,  with 
a  pension  from  Denmark. 


1779.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  119 

send  to  sea,  at  the  period  of  which  we  are  writing,  called  the  Duff; 
a  ship  said  to  have  been  quite  equal  in  force  to  the  Protector.  After 
a  sharp  contest  of  more  than  an  hour,  the  Duff  blew  up.  The  Pro 
tector  succeeded  in  saving  55  of  her  crew,  having  had  6  of  her  own 
people  killed  and  wounded  in  the  battle.  Taking  and  manning 
many  prizes,  the  Protector  had  a  narrow  escape  from  capture,  by 
falling  in  with  the  enemy's  frigate  Thames  32,  from  which  ship, 
however,  she  escaped,  after  a  sharp  running  fight,  in  which  the 
Thames  was  much  crippled  aloft.  On  returning  to  port,  Captain 
Williams,  who  bore  a  high  reputation  as  an  officer  and  a  seaman, 
was  immediately  engaged  in  the  expedition  that  it  is  our  duty  to 
record  next,  and  which  proved  to  be  much  the  most  disastrous  affair 

/which  American  seamen  were  ever  engaged. 
The  enemy  having  established  a  post  on  the  Penobscot,  and  placed 
a  strong  garrison  in  it,  the  State  of  Massachusetts  determined  to 
drive  them  from  its  territory,  without  calling  upon  Congress  for  as 
sistance.  As  the  country  was  then  nearly  a  wilderness,  it  is  probable 
a  feeling  of  pride  induced  this  step,  it  being  worthy  of  remark,  that 
after  General  Gage  was  expelled  from  Boston,  the  enemy  had,  in 
no  instance,  attempted  to  maintain  any  other  post  than  this,  which 
lay  on  a  remote  and  uninhabited  frontier,  within  the  territories  of 
New  England.  For  this  purpose,  Massachusetts  made  a  draft  of 
1500  of  her  own  militia,  and  got  an  order  for  the  U.  S.  ship  Warren 
32,  Captain  Saltonstall,  the  Diligent  14,  Captain  Brown,  and  the 
Providence  12,  Captain  Hacker,  to  join  the  expedition;  these  being 
the  only  regular  cruisers  employed  on  the  occasion.  Three  vessels 
belonging  to  Massachusetts  were  also  put  under  the  orders  of  Cap 
tain  Saltonstall,  and  a  force  consisting  of  thirteen  privateers  was 
added.  In  addition  there  were  many  transports  and  store-vessels. 
General  Lovel  commanded  the  brigade. 

This  armament  made  its  appearance  off  the  Penobscot  on  the 
25th  of  July.  While  the  militia  were  making  their  descent,  the 
Warren,  and  another  vessel  of  some  force,  engaged  the  enemy's 
works.  The  cannonading  was  severe,  and  the  Warren  is  said  to 
have  had  30  men  killed  and  wounded,  in  the  action  with  the  bat 
teries,  and  in  landing  the  troops.  The  latter  duty,  however,  was 
successfully  performed  by  General  Love],  with  a  loss  of  about  a 
hundred  men,  including  all  arms.  Finding  it  impossible  to  carry 
the  place  with  his  present  force,  the  commanding  officer  now  sent 
for  reinforcements.  On  the  13th  of  August,  while  waiting  for  a  re 
turn  of  the  messenger,  information  was  received  from  the  Tyranni 
cide,  the  look-out  vessel,  that  Sir  George  Collier,  in  the  Rainbow  44, 
accompanied  by  four  other  vessels  of  war,  was  entering  the  bay. 
The  troops  immediately  re-embarked,  and  a  general,  hurried  and 
confused  flight  ensued.  The  British  squadron,  consisting  of  five 
vessels  of  war,  quickly  appeared,  and  a  pursuit  up  the  river  was 
commenced,  and  continued  for  a  long  distance.  The  enemy  soon 
got  near  enough  to  use  their  chase  guns,  and  the  fire  was  returned 
by  the  Americans.  It  was  undoubtedly  the  wish  of  Captain  Salton 
stall,  to  reach  the  shallow  water  before  he  was  overtaken,  but  find- 


120  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1779. 


ing  this  impracticable,  he  run  his  ship  ashore,  and  set  her  on  fire. 
Others  followed  this  example,  and  most  of  the  vessels  were  destroyed, 
though  three  or  four  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

Captain  Saltonstall  was  much,  and,  in  some  respects,  perhaps, 
justly  censured,  for  this  disaster,  though  it  is  to  be  feared  that  it 
arose  more  from  that  habit  of  publicity,  which  is  peculiar  to  all  coun 
tries  much  influenced  by  popular  feeling,  than  from  any  other  cause. 
Had  a  due  regard  been  paid  to  secrecy,  time  might  have  been  gained 
in  that  remote  region,  to  effect  the  object,  before  a  sufficient  force 
could  be  collected  to  go  against  the  assailants.  In  a  military  sense, 
the  principal  faults  appeared  to  have  been  a  miscalculation  of  means, 
at  the  commencement,  and  a  neglect  to  raise  such  batteries,  as 
might  have  protected  the  shipping  against  the  heavy  vessels  of  the 
enemy.  It  could  not  surely  have  been  thought  that  privateers, 
armed  with  light  guns,  were  able  to  resist  two-deckers,  and  the  fact, 
that  the  English  had  a  fleet  of  such  vessels  on  the  coast  was  gener 
ally  known.  The  Warren,  the  largest  vessel  among  the  Americans, 
was  a  common  frigate  of  thirty-  two  guns,  and  had  a  main-deck  bat 
tery  of  twelve-pounders.  Whatever  might  have  been  attempted  by 
a  regular  force,  was  put  out  of  the  question  by  the  insubordination 
of  the  privateers-men,  each  vessel  seeking  her  own  safety,  as  her 
captain  saw  best. 

The  troops  and  seamen  that  landed,  found  themselves  in  the  centre 
of  a  wilderness,  and  taking  different  directions,  their  sufferings,  be 
fore  they  reached  their  settlements,  were  of  the  severest  kind.  It  is 
a  fact,  worthy  of  being  recorded,  that,  on  this  occasion,  the  Warren 
being  short  of  men  at  the  commencement  of  the  expedition,  and  rind 
ing  it  difficult  to  obtain  them  by  enlistment,  in  consequence  of  the 
sudden  demand  for  seamen,  Captain  Saltonstall  made  up  the  defi 
ciency  by  impressment. 

The  disastrous  result  of  this  expedition  inflicted  a  severe  blow  on 
American  nautical  enterprises.  Many  privateers  and  state  vessels, 
that  had  been  successful  against  the  enemy's  commerce,  were  either 
captured  or  destroyed.  Among  the  vessels  blown  up,  was  the  Prov 
idence  12,  one  of  the  first  cruisers  ever  sent  to  sea  by  the  United 
States,  and  which  had  become  noted  for  exploits  greatly  exceeding 
her  force.  As  far  as  can  now  be  ascertained,  we  find  reason  to  be 
lieve,  that  this  little  cruiser  was  both  sloop-rigg-ed  and  brig-rigged,  in 
the  course  of  her  service.  She  had  been  a  privateer  out  of  Rhode 
Island,  at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  and  was  bought  of  her 
original  commander,  Captain  Whipple,*  who  was  himself  admitted 
into  the  service,  as  the  first  commander  of  the  Columbus  20,  and 
who  subsequently  was  numbered  as  the  twelfth  captain,  on  the  regu 
lated  list  of  1776. 

*  This  officer  is  supposed  to  have  commanded  at  the  burning  of  the  Gaspein  1772. 


1780.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  121 


CHAPTER  XL 

Attack  on  and  reduction  of  Charleston — Capture  of  the  Boston — the  Providence — the 
the  Queen  of  France — and  the  Ranger-— Action  between  the  Trumbull  and  the  letter 
of  marque  Watt — The  Saratoga,  Capt.  Young,  captures  the  Charming  Molly  and  two 
brigs — they  are  retaken  by  the  Intrepid — the  Saratoga  founders  at  sea — The  Alliance, 
Capt.  John  Barry,  captures  the  Alert,  Mars,  and  Minerva— her  action  with  and  capture 
of  the  Atalanta  'and  Trepassy — action  off  Havauna — The  Confederacy  captured  by 
the  British — Action  with  the  Iris  and  loss  of  the  Trumbull — Sketch  of  Capt.  James 
Nicholson — Capture  of  the  Savage  by  the  Congress,  Capt.  Geddes — Three  sloops  of 
war  and  several  cruisers,  captured  by  the  Deane,  Capt.  Nicholson. 

AT  the  commencement  of  the  year  1780,  the  French  fleet  under 
Comte  d'Estaing  retired  to  the  West  Indies,  leaving  the  entire 
American  coast,  for  a  time,  at  the  command  of  the  British.  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  profited  by  the  opportunity  to  sail  against  Charles 
ton,  with  a  strong  force  in  ships  and  troops,  which  town  he  reduced 
after  a  short  but  vigorous  siege.  Several  American  ships  of  war 
were  in  the  harbour  at  the  time,  under  the  command  of  Captain 
Whipple,  and  finding  escape  impossible,  this  officer  carried  his 
squadron  into  the  Cooper,  sunk  several  vessels  at  its  mouth,  and 
landed  all  the  guns  and  crews,  for  the  defence  of  the  town,  with 
the  exception  of  those  of  one  ship.  The  Providence  28,  Captain 
Whipple,  the  Queen  of  France  28,*  Captain  Rathburne,  the  Boston 
24,  Captain  Tucker,  the  Ranger  18,  Captain  Simpson,  and  several 
smaller  vessels,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

The  English  government,  by  this  time,  found  the  system  of  pri 
vateering  so  destructive  to  their  navigation,  that  it  had  come  to  the 
determination  of  refusing  to  exchange  any  more  of  the  seamen  that 
fell  into  their  power.  By  acting  on  this  policy,  they  collected  a 
large  body  of  prisoners,  sending  them  to  England  in  their  return 
ships,  and  sensibly  affected  the  nautical  enterprises  of  the  Ameri 
cans,  who,  of  course,  had  but  a  limited  number  of  officers  and  men 
fit  to  act  on  the  ocean. 

By  the  fall  of  Charleston,  too,  the  force  of  the  regular  American 
marine,  small  as  it  had  always  been,  was  still  more  reduced.  Of  the 
frigates,  the  Alliance  32,  the  Hague  (late  Deane)  32,  Confederacy 
32,  Trumbull  28,  and  a  ship  or  two  bought  or  borrowed  in  Europe, 
appear  to  be  all  that  were  left,  while  the  smaller  cruisers,  like  the 
pitcher  that  is  broken  by  going  too  oftento  the  well,  had  not  fared 
much  better. 

In  consequence  of  all  these  losses,  the  advanced  state  of  the  war, 
and  the  French  alliance,  which  had  brought  the  fleets  of  France 
upon  the  American  coast,  Congress  appears  to  have  thought  any 
great  efforts  for  increasing  the  marine  unnecessary  at  the  moment. 
The  privateers  and  state  cruisers  were  out  and  active  as  usual, 
though  much  reduced  in  numbers,  and  consequently  in  general  effi 
ciency.  In  contrast  to  these  diminished  efforts  we  find  the  British 

*  This  ship  is  supposed  to  have  been  a  small  frigate  built  at  Nantes,  by  the  American 
commissioners  in  France. 


122  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1781. 

Parliament  authorising  the  ministry  to  keep  no  less  than  85,000  men 
employed  in  the  English  navy,  including  the  marines. 
/*  The  first  action  of  moment  that  occurred  this  year  between  any 
^United  States'  vessel  and  the  enemy,  notwithstanding,  has  the  rep 
utation  of  having  been  one  of  the  most  hotly  and  obstinately  con 
tested  combats  of  the  war.  June  2d,  1780,  the  Trumbull  28,  then 
under  the  command  of  Captain  James  Nicholson,  the  senior  officer 
of 'the  navy,  while  cruising  in  lat.  35°  54',  long.  66°  W.,  made  a 
strange  sail  to  windward  from  the  mast-heads.  The  Trumbull  im 
mediately  furled  all  her  canvass,  in  the  hope  of  drawing  the  stranger 
down  upon  her  before  she  should  be  seen.  At  eleven,  the  stranger 
was  made  out  to  be  a  large  ship,  steering  for  the  TrumbulPs  quarter  ; 
but  soon  hauling  more  astern,  sail  was  got  on  the  American  ship  to 
close.  After  some  manoeuvring,  in  order  to  try  the  rate  of  sailing 
and  to  get  a  view  of  the  stranger's  broadside,  the  Trumbull  took  in 
her  light  sails,  hauled  up  her  courses,  the  chase  all  this  time  betray 
ing  no  desire  to  avoid  an  action,  but  standing  directly  for  her  adver 
sary.  When  near  enough,  the  Trumbull  filled,  and  outsailing  the 
stranger,  she  easily  fetched  to  windward  of  her.  The  chase  now 
fired  three  guns,  showed  English  colours,  and  edged  away,  under 
short  sail,  evidently  with  an  intention  to  pursue  her  course. 

Captain  Nicholson  harangued  his  men,  and  then  made  sail  to 
bring  his  ship  up  with  the  enemy.  When  about  a  hundred  yards 
distant,  the  English  ship  fired  a  broadside,  and  the  action  began  in 
good  earnest.  For  two  hours  and  a  half  the  vessels  lay  nearly 
abeam  of  each  other,  giving  and  receiving  broadsides  without  inter 
mission.  At  no  time  were  they  half  a  cable's  length  asunder,  and 
more  than  once  the  yards  nearly  interlocked.  Twice  was  the 
Trumbull  set  on  fire  by  the  wads  of  her  enemy,  and  once  the  enemy 
suffered  in  the  same  way.  At  last  the  fire  of  the  Englishman  slack 
ened  sensibly,  until  it  nearly  ceased. 

Captain  Nicholson  now  felt  satisfied  that  he  should  make  a  prize 
of  his  antagonist,  and  was  encouraging  his  people  with  that  hope, 
when  a  report  was  brought  to  him,  that  the  main-mast  was  totter 
ing,  and  that  if  it  went  while  near  the  enemy,  his  ship  would  probably 
be  the  sacrifice.  Anxious  to  secure  the  spar,  sail  was  made,  and  the 
Trumbull  shot  ahead  again,  her  superiority  of  sailing  being  very 
decided.  She  was  soon  clear  of  her  adversary,  who  made  no  effort  to 
molest  her.  The  vessels,  however,  were  scarcely  musket-shot  apart, 
when  the  main  and  mizen  top-masts  of  the  Trumbull  went  over  the 
side,  and,  in  spite  of  every  effort  to  secure  them,  spar  after  spar  came 
down,  until  nothing  was  left  but  the  fore-mast.  Under  such  cir 
cumstances,  the  enemy,  who  manifested  no  desire  to  profit  by  her 
advantage,  went  off  on  her  proper  course.  Before  she  went  out  of 
sight,  her  main  top-mast  also,  was  seen  to  fall. 

It  was  afterwards  ascertained  that  the  ship  engaged  by  the  Trum 
bull  was  a  letter  of  marque  called  the  Watt,  Captain  Coulthard,  a 
vessel. of  size,  that  had  been  expressly  equipped  to  fight  her  way. 
Her  force  is  not  mentioned  in  the  English  accounts,  but  her  com 
mander,  in  his  narrative  of  the  affair,  in  which  he  claims  the  victory, 


1780.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  123 

admits  his  loss  to  have  been  92  men,  in  killed  and  wounded.  Cap 
tain  Nicholson  estimated  her  force  at  34  or  36  guns,  mostly  twelve- 
pounders  ;  and  he  states  that  of  the  Trumbull  to  have  been  24  twelve- 
pounders  and  6  sixes,  with  199  souls  on  board  when  the  action 
commenced.  The  Trumbull  lost  39,  in  killed  and  wounded, 
among-  the  former  of  whom  were  two  of  her  lieutenants. 

In  the  way  of  a  regular  cannonade,  this  combat  is  generally 
thought  to  have  been  the  severest  that  was  fought  in  the  war  of  the 
Revolution.  There  is  no  question  of  the  superiority  of  the  Watt  in 
every  thing  but  sailing,  she  having  been  essentially  the  largest  and 
strongest  ship,  besides  carrying  more  guns  and  men  than  her  oppo 
nent.  Owing  to  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  seamen,  which  has  been 
so  often  mentioned,  the  TrumbulFs  crew  was  composed,  in  a  great 
degree,  of  raw  hands,  and  Captain  Nicholson  states  particularly  that 
many  of  his  people  yrere  suffering  under  sea-sickness  when  they 
went  to  their  guns. 

This  action  way  not  followed  by  another,  of  any  importance,  in 
which  a  government  cruiser  was  concerned,  until  the  month  of  Oc 
tober,  when  the  U.  S.  sloop  of  war  Saratoga  16,  Captain  Young, 
fell  in  with,  and  captured  a  ship  and  two  brigs,  the  former,  and  one 
of  the  latter  of  which,  were  well  armed.  The  conflict  with  the 
ship,  which  was  called  the  Charming  Molly,  was  conducted  with  a 
spirit  and  promptitude  that  are  deserving  of  notice.  Running  along 
side,  Captain  Young  delivered  his  fire,  and  threw  fifty  men  on  the 
enemy's  decks,  when  a  fierce  but  short  struggle  ensued,  that  ended 
in  the  capture  of  the  British  ship.  Lieutenant  Barney,  afterwards  so 
distinguished  in  the  service,  led  the  boarders  on  this  occasion  ;  and 
the  crew  that  he  overcame  is  said  to  have  been  nearly  double  in 
numbers  to  his  own  party. 

After  making  these  and  other  captures,  the  Saratoga  made  sail 
for  the  Capes  of  the  Delaware,  with  the  intention  of  conveying  her 
prize  into  port.  The  following  day,  however,  the  convoy  was  chased 
by  the  Intrepid  74,  Captain  Molloy,  which  ship  retook  all  the  prizes, 
but  was  unable  to  get  the  Saratoga  under  her  guns.  It  is  said,  and 
we  find  no  evidence  to  contradict  it,  that  the  Saratoga  never  returned 
to  port,  the  vessel  foundering,  and  her  crew  perishing  at  sea,  un 
heard  of. 

The  brevity  of  the  regular  naval  annals  of  the  three  last  years  of 
the  war,  compels  us  to  compress  their  incidents  into  a  single  chapter, 
as  it  is  our  aim,  except  in  extraordinary  instances,  not  to  blend  the 
exploits  of  the  private  armed  ships  with  those  of  the  public  cruisers. 
(^It  has  been  stated  already  that  Captain  Landais  was  dismissed 
from  the  service  soon  after  his  return  home,  when  the  command  of 
the  Alliance  32  was  given  to  Captain  John  Barry,  the  officer  who 
had  made  so  gallant  a  resistance  in  the  Raleigh,  not  long  previously. 
In  February,  1781,  Captain  Barry  sailed  from  Boston  for  France,  in 
command  of  this  favourite  ship,  with  Colonel  Laurenson  board,  which 
well  known  and  much  regretted  young  officer  was  charged  with  an 
important  mission  to  the  French  court.  The  crew  of  the  frigate  was 
so  indifferent,  however,  that  Barry  thought  he  risked  his  reputation 


124  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1781. 


by  putting  to  sea  with  it.  On  the  outward  passage,  the  Alliance 
captured  a  small  privateer  called  the  Alert,  but  no  event  of  any  mo 
ment  occurred.  After  landing  Mr.  Laurens,  the  frigate  sailed  from 
POrient  on  a  cruise,  with  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette  40,  bound  to 
America  with  stores,  in  company.  Three  days  afterwards,  or  on  the 
2d  of  April,  1781,  they  fell  in  with  and  captured  two  Guernsey 
privateers,  one  of  which,  the  Mars,  is  said  to  have  been  a  heavy 
vessel  of  26  guns  and  112  men,  and  the  other,  the  Minerva,  to  have 
had  an  armament  of  10  guns,  and  a  crew  of  55  souls.  Neither  of 
these  cruisers  appears  to  have  made  any  resistance. 

After  this  success,  the  Alliance  parted  company  with  her  consort, 
and  the  prizes,  and  continued  to  cruise  until  the  28th  of  May,  when 
she  made  two  sail,  that  were  standing  directly  for  her.  It  was  late 
in  the  day,  and  the  strangers,  when  near  enough  to  remain  in  sight 
during  the  darkness,  hauled  up  on  the  same  course  with  the  Alliance, 
evidently  with  a  view  to  defer  the  action  until  morning.  At  daylight 
on  the  succeeding  day,  it  was  nearly  a  dead  calm,  and  when  the 
mist  cleared  away,  the  two  strangers  were  seen  at  no  great  distance, 
with  English  colours  flying.  They  were  now  distinctly  made  out  to 
be  a  sloop  of  war  that  rated  16  guns,  and  a  brig  of  14.  The  sea  was 
perfectly  smooth,  and  there  being  no  wind,  the  two  light  cruisers  were 
enabled  to  sweep  up,  and  to  select  their  positions,  while  the  Alliance 
lay  almost  a  log  on  the  water,  without  steerage  way.  Owing  to  these 
circumstances,  it  was  noon  before  the  vessels  were  near  enough  to 
hail,  when  the  action  commenced.  For  more  than  an  hour  the  Al 
liance  fought  to  great  disadvantage,  the  enemy  having  got  on  her 
quarters,  where  only  a  few  of  the  aftermost  guns  would  bear  on  them. 
The  advantage  possessed  by  the  English  vessels,  in  consequence  of 
the  calm,  at  one  time,  indeed  gave  their  people  the  greatest  hopes  of 
success,  for  they  had  the  fight  principally  to  themselves.  While 
things  were  in  this  unfortunate  state,  Captain  Barry  received  a  grape- 
shot  through  his  shoulder,  and  was  carried  below.  This  additional 
and  disheartening  calamity  added  to  the  disadvantages  of  the  Ameri 
cans,  who  were  suffering  under  the  close  fire  of  two  spirited  and 
persevering  antagonists.  Indeed,  so  confident  of  success  did  the 
enemy  now  appear  to  be,  that  when  the  ensign  of  the  Alliance  was 
shot  away,  this  fact,  coupled  with  the  necessary  slackness  of  her  fire, 
induced  their  people  to  quit  their  guns,  and  give  three  cheers  for 
victory.  This  occurred  at  a  moment  when  a  light  breeze  struck  the 
Alliance's  sails,  and  she  came  fairly  under  steerage  way.  A  single 
broadside  from  a  manageable  ship  changed  the  entire  state  of  the 
combat,  and  sent  the  enemy  to  their  guns,  again,  with  a  conviction 
that  their  work  yet  remained  to  be  done.  After  a  manly  resistance, 
both  the  English  vessels,  in  the  end,  were  compelled  to  haul  down 
their  colours. 

The  prizes  proved  to  be  the  Atalanta  16,  Captain  Edwards,  with 
a  crew  of  130  men,  and  the  Trepassy  14,  Captain  Smith,  with  a  crew 
of  80  men.  Both  vessels  were  much  cut  up,  and  they  sustained  a 
joint  loss  of  41  men  in  killed  and  wounded.  The  Alliance  did  not 
escape  with  impunity,  having  had  11  killed  and  21  wounded,  prin- 


1781.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  125 

cipally  by  the  fire  of  her  enemies,  while  they  lay  on  her  quarter  and 
across  her  stern.  Captain  Barry  made  a  cartel  of  the  Trepassy,  arid 
sent  her  into  an  English  port  with  the  prisoners,  but  the  Atalanta 
was  retaken  by  the  enemy's  squadron  that  was  cruising  off  Boston, 
while  attempting  to  enter  that  harbour. 

Fortune  now  became  capricious,  and  we  are  compelled  to  present 
the  other  side  of  the  picture.  Among  the  ships  built  late  in  the  war, 
was  the  Confederacy  32.  This  vessel  had  been  launched  in  1778, 
at,  or  near  Norwich,  in  Connecticut,  and  the  command  of  her  was 
given  to  Captain  Seth  Harding,  the  officer  who  was  in  the  Defence 
14,  in  the  action  in  Nantasket  Roads  with  the  two  transports  captured 
in  1776.  Captain  Harding  had  been  commissioned  in  the  navy,  in 
which  his  first  command  appears  to  have  been  this  ship.  The  Con 
federacy  sailed  for  Europe  in  1779,  with  Mr.  Jay,  the  minister  to 
Spain,  on  board,  and  was  suddenly  dismasted,  a  little  to  the  eastward 
of  Bermuda.  Spar  followed  spar,  in  this  calamity,  until  the  ship 
lay  a  log  on  the  water,  with  even  her  bowsprit  gone.  This  mis 
fortune  must  probably  be  attributed,  like  so  many  similar,  that  have 
succeeded  it,  to  the  rigging's  having  slackened,  after  having  been 
set  up  in  cold  weather  at  home,  when  the  ship  got  into  a  warm 
latitude. 

After  several  anxious  weeks,  the  Confederacy  got  into  Martinique, 
where  Mr.  Jay  obtained  a  passage  in  the  French  frigate  PAurore, 
and  the  American  vessel  remained  to  refit.  From  that  time  to  the 
commencement  of  the  present  year,  the  Confederacy  was  employed, 
like  most  of  the  large  vessels  of  the  service,  in  that  stage  of  the  war, 
in  keeping  open  the  communications  between  the  country  and  the 
different  ports  where  supplies  were  obtained,  and  in  transporting 
stores.  Early  in  1781,  she  went  to  Cape  Francois,  and,  on  the  22d 
of  June,  while  on  her  return,  with  clothing  arid  other  supplies  on 
board,  and  with  a  convoy  in  charge,  she  was  chased  by  a  large  ship, 
which  succeeded  in  getting  alongside  of  her.  Captain  Harding  had 
gone  to  quarters,  and  was  about  to  open  his  fire,  when  the  enemy  ran. 
out  a  lower  tier  of  guns,  and  a  frigate  being  in  company  a  short  dis 
tance  astern,  she  struck.  Several  of  the  convoy  were  also  taken. 

The  British  stated  the  armament  of  the  Confederacy  to  have  been, 
when  taken,  28  twelves,  and  8  sixes,  or  36  guns.  Quitting  this  un 
lucky  vessel,  we  shall  now  return  to  the  only  other  frigate  that  was 
biiilt  in  Connecticut,  during  the  war. 

//Captain  Nicholson  continued  in  command  of  the  Trumbull,  after 
his  severe  conflict  with  the  Watt,  and  we  find  him  at  sea  again  in 
that  ship,  in  the  summer  of  1781.  She  left  the  Delaware  on  the  8th 
of  August,  with  a  crew  short  of  200  men,  of  which  near  50  were  of 
the  questionable  materials  to  be  found  among  the  prisoners  of  war. 
She  had  a  convoy  of  twenty-eight  sail,  and  a  heavy  privateer  was  in 
company..  Off  the  Capes,  the  Trumbull  made  three  British  cruisers 
astern.  Two  of  the  enemy,  one  of  which  was  a  frigate,  stood  for  the 
Trumbull,  which  ship,  by  hauling  up,  was  enabled  to  gain  the  wind 
of  them.  Night  was  near,  and  it  blew  heavily.  The  merchantmen 
began  to  diverge  from  the  course,  though,  by  carrying  easy  soil,  the 


126  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1781. 

Trumbull  was  enabled  to  keep  most  of  them  ahead,  and  in  their  sta 
tions.  While  standing  on  in  this  manner,  hoping  every  thing  from 
the  darkness,  a  squall  carried  away  the  Trtimbull's  fore-top-mast, 
which,  in  falling  brought  down  with  it  the  main-top-gallant  mast. 
As  the  weather  was  thick  and  squally,  the  vessels  in  company  of  the 
Trumbull  took  advantage  of  the  obscurity  and  scattered,  each  making 
the  best  of  her  way,  according  to  her  particular  rate  of  sailing.  The 
Trumbull  herself  was  compelled  to  bear  up,  in  order  to  carry  the 
canvass  necessary  to  escape,  but  with  the  wreck  over  her  bows,  and 
a  crew  that  was  not  only  deficient  in  numbers,  but  which  was  raw, 
and  in  part  disaffected,  her  situation  became  in  the  last  degree  em- 
barrasing.  Indeed,  her  condition  has  been  described  as  being  so 
peculiarly  distressing,  as  almost  to  form  an  instance  of  its  own,  of  the 
difficulties  that  sometimes  accompany  naval  warfare. 

About  10  o'clock  at  night,  the  British  frigate  Iris*  32,  one  of  the 
vessels  in  chase,  closed  with  the  Trumbull,  which  ship,  on  account 
of  the  heaviness  of  the  weather,  had  not  yet  been  able  to  clear  the 
wreck.  In  the  midst  of  rain  and  squalls,  in  a  tempestuous  night, 
with  most  of  the  forward  hamper  of  the  ship  over  her  bows,  or  lying 
on  the  forecastle,  with  one  of  the  arms  of  the  fore-topsail  yard  run 
through  her  fore-sail,  and  the  other  jammed  on  deck,  and  with  a 
disorganised  crew,  Captain  Nicholson  found  himself  compelled  to  go 
to  quarters,  or  to  strike  without  resistance.  He  preferred  thev^rst, 
but  the  English  volunteers,  instead  of  obeying  order,  went  below, 
extinguished  the  lights,  and  secreted  themselves.  Near  half  of  the 
remainder  of  the  people  imitated  this  example,  and  Captain  Nichol 
son  could  not  muster  fifty  of  even  the  diminished  crew  he  had,  at 
the  guns.  The  battle  that  followed,  might  almost  be  said  to  have 
been  fought  by  the  officers.  These  brave  men,  sustained  by  a  party 
of  the  petty  officers  and  seamen,  managed  a  few  of  the  guns,  for 
more  than  an  hour,  when  the  General  Monk  18,  comib^  up,  and 
joining  in  the  fire  of  the  Iris,  the  Trumbull  submitted.  Vj 

In  this  singular  combat,  it  has  even  been  asserted  tJi^  at  no  time 
were  40  of  the  TrumbulPs  people  at  their  quarters.  It  was  probably 
owing  to  this  circumstance  that  her  loss  was  so  small,  for  the  ship 
herself  is  said  to  have  been  extensively  cut  up.  She  had  five  men 
killed  and  eleven  wounded.  Among  the  latter  were  two  of  the  lieu 
tenants,  and  Mr.  Alexander  Murray,  a  gentleman  of  Maryland,  who 
had  been  educated  to  the  seas,  and  had  been  in  the  action  with  the 
Watt,  but  who  was  then  serving  as  a  volunteer,  and  who,  after  com 
manding  several  private  cruisers,  entered  the  navy,  and  subsequently 
died  at  the  head  of  the  service  in  1821.  Mr.  Murray  was  particularly 
distinguished  in  this  affair,  and  the  conduct  of  Captain  Nicholson! 

*  The  Iris  had  been  the  United  States' ship  Hancock  32,  Captain  Manly,  and  was 
captured  by  the  Rainbow  44,  sir  George  Collier,  with  the  Victor  16,  in  sight,  and  Flora 
32,  in  chase  of  her  prize,  the  Fox.  The  Hancock,  or  Iris,  proved  to  be  one  of  the  fastest 
ships  on  the  American  station,  and  made  the  fortunes  of  all  who  commanded  her.  Cap 
tain  Manly  is  thought  to  have  lost  her,  in  consequence  of  having  put  her  out  of  trim,  by 
starting  her  water,  while  chased.  The  ship  in  the  end,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  French 
in  the  West  Indies. 

t  As  the  family  of  Captain  Nicholson  may  be  said  to  be  naval,  it  is  due  to  our  subject 
to  give  some  account  of  it.  The  ancestor  of  this  officer  emigrated  from  Berwick-upou- 


1781.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  127 

met  with  much  applause.  The  Iris  suffered  more  than  could  have 
been  expected  under  auch  circumstances,  and  reported  seven  men 
killed  and  woundedyy 

As  affording  sonre  relief  to  the  loss  of  the  Trumbull,  we  now 
come  to  a  handsome  exploit  that  occurred  soon  after,  which  ought, 
perhaps,  properly,  to  take  its  place  among  the  deeds  of  the  private 
cruisers,  but  which  is  of  sufficient  importance  to  be  mentioned  here, 
and  this  so  much  the  more,  as  a  portion  of  those  engaged  belonged 
to  the  regular  service  of  the  country.  A  private  cruiser  called  the 
Congress  had  been  fitted  out  in  Philadelphia,  in  the  course  of  the 
summer,  and  in  September  she  was  cruising  on  the  coast  of  the 
Carolinas  and  Georgia.  The  Congress  had  an  armament  of  20 
guns,  according  to  the  American  accounts,  and  of  24  according  to 
the  English,  and  she  was  commanded  by  Captain  Geddes.  Few  of 
her  people  were  seamen,  of  which  there  was  now  a  great  scarcity  in 
the  country,  but  her  complement  was,  in  a  great  degree,  made  up 
of  landsmen. 

On  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  September,  cruising  to  the  eastward 
of  Charleston,  the  Congress  made  a  sail,  to  which  she  gave  chase. 
The  stranger  was  soon  discovered  to  be  a  cruiser,  and  at  first,  showed 

Tweed,  at  the  commencement  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  established  himself  in 
Maryland,  where  he  obtained  a  grant  called  Nicholson's  Manor,  near  the  passage  through 
the  Blue  Ridge  which  is  still  known  as  Nicholson's  Gap.  This  property  •was  subse 
quently  sold,  and  an  estate  was  purchased  on  the  Eastern  Shore,  where  James  Nicholson 
was  born  in  1737. 

James  Nicholson  was  the  second  son  of  a  numerous  family,  and  he  was  sent  to  England 
for  his  education.  He  returned  home  young,  however,  and  chose  the  sea  as  a  profession. 
In  1762,  in  common  with  many  Americans,  he  assisted  at  the  siege  of  the  Havana.  In 
1763,  he  married. 

"When  the  war  broke  out,  in  1775,  Mr.  Nicholson  was  residing  on  the  Eastern  Shore, 
and  he  was  immediately  appointed  to  the  command  of  a  vessel  called  the  Defence,  that 
was  equipped  by  the  Colony  of  Maryland,  and  in  which  cruiser  he  was  active  and  useful. 
His  appointment  as  captain  of  the  Virginia  28,  took  place  June  6th,  1776.  and  when  the 
rank  was  arranged  on  the  10th  of  October,  of  the  same  year,  he  was  put  at  the  head  of  the 
list  of  captains.  At  this  time  Commodore  Hopkins  was  commander-in-chief,  but  when 
he  was  dismissed,  Captain  Nicholson  became  the  senior  officer  of  the  navy;  a  station 
that  he  held  to  its  dissolution. 

The  Virginia  being  blockaded,  Captain  Nicholson  and  his  crew  joined  the  army  under 
Washington,  and  were  present,  in  the  darkest  moment  of  the  war,  at  the  battle  of  Tren 
ton.  The  manner  in  which  the  Virginia  was  lost  has  been  related. 

The  two  battles  fought  by  Commodore  Nicholson  while  in  command  of  the  Trumbull 
28,  were  sanguinary  and  hotly  contested.  In  both  cases  the  crews  were,  in  a  great  degree, 
composed  of  landsmen  ;  and  in  the  last  action,  none  but  a  man  of  the  highest  notions  of 
military  honour  would  have  thought  resistance  necessary.  To  say  nothing  of  the  con 
dition  of  his  ship,  the  Iris  (Hancock)  was  one  of  the  largest' frigates  built  by  the  Americana 
in  the  Revolution,  and  the  Trumbull  was  one  of  the  smallest.  The-  Monk  was  a  heavy 
sloop  of  war,  for  that  day,  as  is  known  from  her  subsequently  falling  into  the  hands  of 
the  Americans. 

Commodore  Nicholson  was  not  exchanged  until  near  the  close  of  the  war,  and  there 
being  no  ship  for  him,  he  never  went  to  sea  again  in  service.  He  subsequently  settled 
in  New  York,  where  he  held  a  respectable  civil  appointment  under  the  general  govern 
ment.  He  died  September  2d,  1804,  leaving  a  son  and  three  daughters,  one  of  the  latter 
of  whom  married  Albert  Gallatin,  ex-secretary  of  the  treasury.  &c.  &c.  &c. 

Samuel  and  John,  the  brothers  of  James  Nicholson,  were  both  captains  in  the  Navy 
of  the  Revolution,  and  the  former  died  at  the  head  of  the  service,  in  1811.  Commodore 
8.  Nicholson  had  four  sons  in  the  navy,  and  his  brother  John,  three  Indeed,  the  third 
generation  of  this  family,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Perrys,  are  now  in  the  service.  In  the 
whole,  fifteen  gentlemen  of  this  name  and  family  have  served  since  1775.  of  whom  two 
have  actually  worn  broad  pennants,  and  a  third  died  just  as  he  was  about  to  be  appointed 
to  one.  In  addition,  several  officers  of  distinction  were  near  relatives,  Commodore  Mur 
ray  having  been  a  cousin-german  of  Commodore  Nicholson,  and  Captain  Gordon  his 
nephew. 


128  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1781. 

a  disposition  to  engage,  but,  after  some  manoeuvring  he  stood  off. 
At  half  past  ten  the  Congress  began  to  fire  her  bow  guns,  and  at 
eleven  being  close  up  on  the  enemy's  quarter,  she  opened  a  heavy  fire 
of  musketry,  which  did  a  good  deal  of  execution.  Drawing  ahead, 
the  Congress  now  delivered  her  broadside,  and  it  was  returned  with 
spirit.  At  first  the  enemy  got  a  cross  fire  upon  the  Congress,  and  the 
latter  ship  meeting  with  an  accident,  fell  astern  to  refit.  But  soon 
closing  again,  the  combat  was  renewed  with  fresh  vigour,  arid  the 
Congress  having  got  her  enemy  fairly  under  her  guns,  in  less  than  an 
hour  she  left  her  a  nearly  unmanageable  wreck  on  the  water.  Not 
withstanding  his  condition,  the  Englishman  showed  no  disposition  to 
submit,  and  the  Congress  ran  so  close  alongside,  that  the  men  were 
said  to  be  reciprocally  burned  by  the  discharges  of  the  guns.  The 
quarter-deck  and  forecastle  of  the  enemy  had  scarcely  a  man  left  on 
it,  and  his  fire  began  to  slacken  in  consequence  of  several  of  his  guns 
having  been  dismounted.  In  this  stage  of  the  engagement  shot  were 
even  thrown  by  hand  and  did  execution.  At  length  the  mizen-mast 
of  the  English  ship  fell,  and  the  main-mast  threatening  to  follow  it, 
her  boatswain  appeared  on  the  forecastle,  with  his  hat  in  his  hand, 
and  called  out  that  his  commander  had  struck.  The  prize  proved  to 
be  the  British  sloop  of  war  Savage  16,  Captain  Sterling. 

The  accounts  of  the  respective  force  of  the  vessels  engaged  in  this 
warm  contest,  differ  essentially  ;  and,  as  is  usual  in  such  matters,  it 
is  probable  that  the  truth  lies  between  them.  There  is  little  question 
of  the  superiority  of  the  Congress  in  guns,  metal,  and  men  ;  but  when 
it  is  remembered  that  the  conqueror  was  a  private  armed  ship,  with 
a  raw  crew,  and  that  the  captured  vessel  was  a  regular  cruiser  that 
had  been  long  actively  employed,  it  would  not  be  just  to  withhold 
from  Captain  Geddes  and  his  people,  the  credit  of  having  performed 
a  handsome  naval  exploit.  As  in  other  things,  there  is  a  discrepancy 
also  in  the  account  of  the  losses  of  the  two  ships.  The  Congress  is 
said,  by  Captain  Sterling,  to  have  had  about  fifty  men  killed  and 
wounded  ;  and  by  the  American  accounts,  to  have  lost  only  thirty. 
The  former  makes  the  loss  of  the  Savage  eight  kiJ.led,  and  twenty- 
four  wounded  ;  while  the  Americans  raise  it  as  high  as  a  total  of 
fifty-four.  There  is  a  reason  to  question  the  accuracy  of  the  pub 
lished  English  account  of  this  affair,  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  Cap 
tain  Sterling,  while  he  does  not  state  that  he  was  short-handed,  tells 
us  that  he  had  but  forty  men  left  at  their  quarters  when  he  struck. 
By  adding  this  number  to  the  thirty-two  killed,  or  disabled  by  wounds, 
we  get  a  total  of  but  seventy -two  for  the  crew  of  a  frigate-built  sloop 
of  war,  a  fact  that  requires  explanation  to  receive  credit,  and  which, 
if  true,  would  have  so  fairly  entered  into  the  relation  of  the  defeat, 
as  an  extenuating  circumstance.  Official  accounts  of  defeats  so  often 
undergo  changes  and  mutilations  between  the  hands  of  the  writer  arid 
their  publication,  that  we  are  not  necessarily  to  attribute  wilful  mis 
representation  to  a  gallant  but  unfortunate  officer,  because  the  docu 
ments  laid  before  the  world  do  not  always  rigidly  coincide  with  prob 
ability,  or  the  truth  as  it  has  been  derived  from  other  sources.  The 
Savage  was  re-captured  by  a  British  frigate,  and  taken  into  Charles- 


1782.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  120 

ton.     Captain  Geddes  got  much  credit  for  this  affair  ;  and,  at  a  later 
day,  we  find  his  name  among  those  of  the  captains  of  the  navy. 

We  have  now  reached  the  year  1782,  which  was  virtually  the  last 
of  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  though  some  events  will  remain  to  be 
recorded  in  the  early  part  of  the  year  1783.  In  the  comencement 
of  this  year,  the  Deane  32,  made  a  successful  cruise,  in  which  she 
took  several  private  armed  vessels  of  the  enemy.  By  some  accounts, 
three  of  her  prizes  were  sloops  of  war,  viz.  the  Regulator  18,  the 
Swallow  16,  and  the  Jackall  14  ;  but  we  think  it  probable,  that  there 
may  have  been  some  mistake  as  to  their  characters.  On  this  occa 
sion,  the  Deane  was  commanded  by  Captain  Samuel  Nicholson. 

The  favourite  ship,  the  Alliance*  32,  Captain  Barry,  was  much 
employed  this  year,  her  superior  sailing  making  her  a  vessel  in  con 
stant  demand.  Among  other  services  that  she  performed,  this  ship 
was  sent  to  the  Havana  for  specie,  whence  she  sailed,  in  company 
with  the  Louzun,  a  ship  loaded  with  supplies.  Shortly  after  quitting 
port,  some  enemy's  vessels  fell  in  with  them,  and  gave  chase.  While 
running  from  this  force,  a  large  sail  was  seen  on  the  Alliance's 
weather  bow,  which  was  soon  made  out  to  be  a  French  50,  of  two 
decks.  Exchanging  signals,  and  supposing  that  the  French  frigate 
would  sustain  him,  Captain  Barry  immediately  wore  round  and 
brought  the  leading  vessel  of  the  enemy  to  action  ;  the  others  ma 
noeuvring  in  a  way  to  engage  the  attention  of  the  fifty.  The  latter, 
however,  kept  her  wind  ;  and  after  a  sharp  fight  of  more  than  half 
an  hour,  the  English  ship  engaged  with  the  Alliance,  finding  herself 
hard  pushed,  made  signals  to  her  consorts  to  join,  when  Captain 
Barry  hauled  off.  The  Alliance  now  stood  for  the  French  ship,  and 
speaking  her,  it  was  determined  to  bring  the  enemy  to  action  again, . 
in  company.  On  making  sail  in  chase,  however,  it  was  soon  found! 
that  the  fifty  was  too  dull  a  sailer  to  giverfhe  least  hope  of  overtaking- 
the  enemy,  and  the  attempt  was  abandoned. 

In  this  action,  the  Alliance  had  3  killed  and  11  wounded  ;  while 
it  is  said  that  the  loss  of  the  enemy  was  very  heavy.  Some  state 
ments  place  the  latter  as  high  as  87  men  ;  but  no  accounts  can  be 
discovered,  that  give  A  very  clear  history  of  this  affair.  The  English 
vessel  engaged  was  the  Sibyl,  rating  20,  and  mounting  30  guns. 
She  is  said  to  have  had  37  killed  and  more  than  50  men  wounded. 
The  other  vessels  in  company  were  frigates.  One  of  the  enemy,  by 
some  of  the  accounts,  was  said  to  be  a  ship  of  the  line,  and  the  vessel 
engaged  by  the  Alliance,  a  heavy  sloop  of  war. 

The  command  of  the  Hague,  one  of  the  two  frigates  now  left  in 
the  American  marine,  was  given  to  Captain  Manly,  after  her  return 
from  the  cruise  under  Captain  Nicholson  ;  and  this  officer  who  had 
virtually  begun  the  maritime  war,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States, 
in  a  manner  closed  it,  by  an  arduous  and  brilliant  chase,  in  which  he 
escaped  from  several  of  the  enemy's  ships  in  the  West  Indies,  after 
being  for  a  considerable  time  under  the  guns  of  a  vastly  superior 

*  One  of  the  traditions  of  the  service  states  that  the  Alliance  was  chased  this  year,  by 
an  enemy's  two-docker  and  that  she  ran  fifteen  knots  by  the  log,  with  the  wind  abeam, 
in.  making  her  escape  ! 

vot,.   i.  9 


130  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1782 

force.  This  occurrence  may  be  said  to  have  brought  the  regular 
naval  warfare  of  the  United  States  to  an  end,  so  far  as  the  govern 
ment  cruisers  were  concerned,  peace  havingbeen  made  early  in  1 783 


CHAPTER  XII. 

The  Hyder  Ally,  Capt.  Joshua  Barney,  sails  with  convoy  down  the  Delaware — action 
•with,  and  capture  of  the  General  Monk — he  commands  the  Washington — Commodore 
Gillon  goes  to  Europe  to  purchase  vessels — agrees  for  the  Indien — makes  a  cruise  and 
captures  ten  sail — Capture  of  the  Indien — One  of  the  most  desperate  defences  on 
record,  by  Capt.  Murray — Close  of  naval  events  connected  with  the  Revolution. 

ALTHOUGH  we  have  introduced  a  few  of  the  prominent  actions  in 
which  the  privateers  were  concerned  in  this  war,  it  has  been  as  excep 
tions.  Most  of  the  accounts  of  such  conflicts  are  of  a  questionable 
nature,  depending  principally  on  the  rumours  of  the  day,  as  they 
were  written  out  for  the  newspapers,  though  it  is  known  that  many 
of  the  exploits  of  this  description  of  vessels  were  of  a  brilliant  kind, 
and  every  way  entitled  to  respect.  Indeed,  the  private  cruisers  of 
America  have  always  had  a  character  superior  to  those  of  other  coun 
tries  ;  a  fact  that  is  owing  to  the  greater  degree  of  relative  respecta 
bility  that  is  attached  to  the  profession  of  a  seaman  in  this  country, 
than  it  is  usual  to  find  elsewhere,  and  to  the  circumstance  that  the 
public  marine  has  never  been  sufficiently  large  to  receive  all  of  those 
who  would  willingly  take  service  in  it,  when  the  nation  has  been  en 
gaged  in  war. 

Privateering,  in  the  abstract,  is  a  profession  of  which  reason  and 
good  morals  can  scarcely  approve  ;  for  whatever  may  be  its  legality, 
its  aim  is  to  turn  the  waste  and  destruction  of  war,  to  the  benefit  of 
avarice.*  But  circumstances  may,  an  din  two  contests  that  have  taken 
place  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  these  circum 
stances  did  offer  so  many  apologies  for  engaging  in  the  pursuit,  as 
almost  to  raise  it  to  the  dignity  of  a  more  approved  warfare.  With 
out  regular  fleets,  borne  upon  by  a  powerful  nation  that  claimed  to 
command  the  ocean,  and  unable  to  assail  thei-  enemy  in  any  other 
manner,  most  of  the  American  seamen  have  found  themselves  re 
duced  to  the  necessity  of  choosing  between  idleness,  during  struggles 
that  involved  the  dearest  rights  of  the  country,  or  of  engaging  in  this 
mode  of  endeavouring  to  bring  their  enemies  to  terms.  It  is  due  to 
these  brave  men  to  say,  that,  as  a  rule,  their  conduct  while  afloat,  has 
generally  coincided  with  the  sentiments  here  attributed  to  them  ; 
American  privateering  having  in  all  ages,  been  very  little  stigmatised 
by  acts  of  oppression  and  rapine. 

In  many  instances,  during  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  the  private 

*  Itis  due  to  the  American  government  to  say,  that  it  has  unsuccessfully  attempted  to 
put  a  stop  to  this  species  of  war,  by  means  of  negotiations 


1782.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  131 

armed  cruisers  displayed  an  honourable  chivalry,  by  engaging  vessels 
of  war,  that  sufficiently  showed  tire  spirit  of  their  commanders  ;  and 
we  find  them  nearly  always  ready,  when  occasions  have  offered,  to 
quit  the  more  peculiar  occupation  of  assailing  the  enemy's  commerce, 
in  order  to  lend  their  aid  in  any  of  the  regular  military  expeditions 
of  the  country.  In  short,  in  this  war,  the  officer  and  the  common 
man,  appear  equally  to  have  passed  from  the  deck  of  the  public,  to 
that  of  the  private  cruiser,  knowing  little  difference  between  ships 
that  carried  the  ensign  of  the  republic,  and  which,  in  their  eyes,  were 
engaged  in  the  same  sacred  cause. 

As  respects  the  service  of  the  colonial  or  state  cruisers,  there  would 
be  less  reason  to  regard  the  accounts  with  distrust,  but  their  records 
are  scattered  in  so  many  different  offices,  and  the  marines  themselves 
were  so  irregular,  that  it  is  almost  impossible  to  obtain  authentic 
details,  at  this  distant  day.  In  many  instances,  these  vessels  did 
excellent  service  ;  and,  in  addition  to  a  few  that  have  already  been 
incorporated  in  this  work,  among  the  more  regular  incidents  of  the 
war,  we  shall  add  the  accounts  of  one  or  two  of  their  actions,  as  they 
have  been  obtained  from  the  best  authorities  that  now  offer,  consid 
ering  them  entitled  to  precedence,  before  we  give  an  outline  of  the 
service  performed  by  the  private  armed  cruisers. 

In  March,  1782,  the  Delaware  was  much  infested  by  barges  and 
small  cruisers  of  the  enemy,  which  not  unfrequently  made  prizes  of 
vessels  belonging  to  the  Americans,  as  well  as  molesting  the  people 
who  dwelt  near  the  water.  With  a  view  to  keep  the  navigation  open 
against  these  marauders,  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  determined  to  fit 
out  a  few  cruisers  at  its  own  expense,  and  with  such  materials  as 
could  be  hastily  collected.  With  this  object,  a  small  ship  called  the 
Hyder  Ally  was  purchased.  So  suddenly  did  the  local  government 
come  to  its  resolution,  that  the  vessel  just  named,  when  bought,  had 
actually  dropped  down  the  river, on  an  outward  bound  voyage,  loaded 
with  flour.  She  was  brought  back,  her  cargo  was  discharged,  and 
an  armament  of  16  six-pounders  was  put  on  her.  So  little,  however, 
was  this  ship  ready  for  war,  that  she  had  to  be  pierced  in  order  to 
receive  her  guns.  Indeed,  so  pressing  was  the  emergency,  that  the 
merchants  of  Philadelphia  anticipated  the  passage  of  the  law  to  au 
thorise  the  purchase  and  equipment  of  this  ship,  by  advancing  funds 
for  that  purpose  ;  and  the  act  had  not  actually  gone  through  all  its 
legal  forms,  until  after  the  exploit  we  are  about  to  record  had  been 
performed  !  The  commissioners  entrusted  with  the  duty  of  prepar 
ing  the  ship,  selected  Lieutenant  Joshua  Barney,  of  the  United  States 
navy,  as  her  commander,  a  young  officer  of  great  decision  of  charac 
ter  and  personal  bravery,  who  had  already  distinguished  himself  in 
subordinate  stations,  on  board  of  different  cruisers  of  the  general  gov 
ernment,  but  who,  like  so  many  more  of  the  profession,  was  obliged 
frequently  to  choose  between  idleness  and  a  service  less  regular  than 
that  to  which  he  properly  belonged. 

A  crew  of  110  men  was  put  on  board  the  Hyder  Ally  ;  and  within 
a  fortnight  after  he  was  appointed  to  command  her,  Captain  Bar 
ney  sailed.  It  was  not  the  intention  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania, 


132  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1782. 

that  this  ship  should  go  to  sea,  but  merely  that  she  should  keep  the 
navigation  of  the  river  and  bay  open,  and  drive  oft*  privateers,  and 
other  small  cruisers.  On  the  8th  of  April,  the  Hyder  Ally  got  into 
the  bay  with  a  considerable  convoy  of  outward  bound  merchantmen. 
The  whole  fleet  had  anchored  in  the  roads  off  Cape  May,  in  wait 
ing  for  a  wind  to  get  to  sea,  when  two  ships  and  a  brig,  one  of  the 
former  a  frigate,  were  seen  rounding  the  Cape,  with  a  view  to  attack 
them.  Captain  Barney  immediately  run  up  a  signal  for  the  convoy 
to  trip,  and  to  stand  up  the  bay  again,  the  wind  being  to  the  south 
ward.  This  order  was  promptly  obeyed,  and  in  a  few  minutes,  the 
merchant  vessels,  with  one  exception,  were  running  off  before  the 
wind,  with  every  thing  set  that  would  draw,  the  Hyder  Ally  cover 
ing  their  retreat,  under  easy  sail.  The  vessel  that  remained,  en 
deavoured  to  get  to  sea,  by  hauling  close  round  the  Cape,  but 
grounded  and  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Another  vessel  got 
on  the  shoals,  and  was  taken  by  a  boat  from  the  nearest  of  the  Eng 
lish  cruisers. 

An  extensive  shoal,  called  the  "  Over  Falls,"  forms  two  channels, 
in  the  lower  part  of  Delaware  Bay,  and  while  the  convoy  passed  up 
the  easternmost  of  these  channels,  or  that  which  is  known  as  the 
"  Cape  May  Channel,"  the  frigate  stood  towards  the  western,  which 
offered  a  better  chance  to  head  the  fugitive  at  the  point  where  the 
two  united,  and  which  had  the  most  water.  The  remaining  ship 
and  the  brig,  stood  on  in  the  direction  of  the  Hyder  Ally. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  brig,  which  proved  to  be  a  British  pri 
vateer  out  of  New  York,  called  the  Fair  American,  came  up  with 
the  Hyder  Ally,  when  the  latter  offered  her  battle.  But  firing  a 
broadside,  the  privateer  kept  aloof,  and  continued  up  the  bay.  Cap 
tain  Barney  declined  to  return  this  fire,  holding  himself  in  reserve 
for  the  ship  astern,  a  large  sloop  of  war,  which  was  fast  coming  up. 
When  the  latter  got  quite  near,  the  Hyder  Ally,  which  had  kept 
close  to  the  shoal,  luffed,  threw  in  her  broadside,  and  immediately 
righting  her  helm,  kept  away  again.  The  enemy  stood  boldly  on, 
and  just  as  his  forward  guns  were  beginning  to  bear,  the  two  vessels 
being  within  pistol-shot,  the  Hyder  Ally  attempted  to  luff  athwart 
his  hawse,  when  the  jib-boom  of  the  English  ship  ran  into  her  fore- 
rigging,  and  the  two  vessels  got  foul.  It  is  said  that  Captain  Bar 
ney  obtained  this  advantage  by  deceiving  his  enemy,  having  given 
an  order  to  port  the  helm,  in  a  loud  voice,  when  secret  instructions 
had  been  given  to  the  quarter-master  at  the  wheel,  to  put  his  helm 
hard  a-starboard.  The  Hyder  Ally  now  opened  a  severe  raking 
fire,  and  in  less  than  half  an  hour  from  the  commencement  of  the 
action,  the  stranger  struck,  the  ships  remaining  foul  of  each  other. 
The  frigate,  which  had  not  actually  got  into  the  western  channel, 
perceiving.the  state  of  things,  changed  her  course,  with  the  view  to 
get  round  to  the  combatants,  and  Captain  Barney  had  no  time  to 
lose.  Throwing  his  first  lieutenant,  with  a  party,  on  board  the  prize, 
he  ordered  her  to  continue  up  the  bay,  while  he  covered  the  retreat 
with  his  own  ship.  In  the  mean  while,  the  brig  had  run  aground 
above,  in  chase  of  the  convoy.  There  is  some  reason  to  suppose 


1782.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  133 

that  the  commander  of  the  frigate  did  not  know  the  result  of  the  ac 
tion,  for  he  made  signals  to  the  prize,  and  anchored  about  sunset, 
leaving  the  Hyder  Ally,  which  had  been  kept  a  long  distance  astern 
of  the  other  vessels,  with  a  view  to  divert  his  attention,  to  proceed  to 
Philadelphia  without  further  molestation. 

Up  to  this  moment,  Captain  Barney  did  not  even  know  the  name 
of  his  prize.  He  now  made  sail,  however,  and  running  alongside 
of  her,  for  the  first  time  he  learned  he  had  captured  his  Britannic 
Majesty's  ship  General  Monk  18,  Captain  Rodgers.  This  vessel 
had  formerly  been  the  American  privateer,  General  Washington, 
and  having  fallen  into  the  power  of  Admiral  Arbuthnot,  he  had  ta 
ken  her  into  the  king's  service,  given  her  a  new  name,  and  promo 
ted  a  favourite  officer  to  her  command.  The  Monk  mounted  twenty 
nines,  and  is  said  to  have  had  a  crew  of  136  men.  Captain  Rodg 
ers  reported  his  loss  at  six  killed,  and  twenty-nine  wounded  ;  but 
Captain  Barney  stated  it  at  twenty  killed,  and  thirty-six  wounded. 
It  is  probable  that  the  latter  account  is  nearest  the  truth,  as  the 
commander  of  a  captured  vessel  has  not  always  as  good  an  oppor 
tunity  as  his  captor,  to  ascertain  his  own  loss.  The  Hyder  Ally  had 
four  killed,  and  eleven  wounded. 

This  action  has  been  justly  deemed  one  of  the  most  brilliant  that 
ever  occurred  under  the  American  flag.  It  was  fought  in  the  pres 
ence  of  a  vastly  superior  force  that  was  not  engaged  ;  and  the  ship 
taken,  was  in  every  essential  respect,  superior  to  her  conqueror. 
The  disproportion  in  metal,  between  a  six-pounder  and  a  nine- 
pounder,  is  one  half;  and  the  Monk,  besides  being  a  heavier  and  a 
Larger  ship,  had  the  most  men.  Both  vessels  appeared  before 
Philadelphia,  a  few  hours  after  the  action,  bringing  with  them  even 
their  dead  ;  and  most  of  the  leading  facts  were  known  to  the  entire 
community  of  that  place.* 

The  steadiness  with  which  Captain  Barney  protected  his  convoy, 
the  gallantry  and  conduct  with  which  he  engaged,  and  the  perse 
verance  with  which  he  covered  the  retreat  of  his  prize,  are  all  de 
serving  of  high  praise.  Throughout  the  whole  affair,  this  officer 

*  A  biography  of  the  life  of  Captain  Rodgers  has  appeared  ;  and,  in  this  work  it  is 
asserted  that  the  armament  of  the  General  Monk  was  of  nine-pound  carronades,  and  that 
the  guns  \vere  so  light,  that  they  were  dismounted  by  the  recoils.  The  defeat  is  imputed 
to  this  cause.  In  the  subsequent  action,  mentioned  in  the  text,  the  Monk,  then  the  Gen 
eral  Washington,  is  said  to  have  suffered  a  disadvantage,  in  consequence  of  her  nines 
being  sixes  bored  out  to  the  former  caliber,  the  guns  not  having  weight  enough  to  bear 
the  recoil.  This  is  a  professional  fact,  that  might  well  enough  occur.  It  is,  therefore, 
probable  that,  when  taken,  the  Monkhad  these  same  nines,  and  that  some  may  have  been 
dismounted  by  the  recoils.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Monk  could  have  lost  near  half 
her  guns  in  this  way,  and  still  have  been  equal  to  the  Hyder  Ally  ;  and  the  fact  appears 
to  be  certain,  that  the  combat  was  settled  by  the  bold  manoeuvre  of  Captain  Barney.  It 
is  mentioned,  moreover,  in  this  same  biography,  that  Captain  Rodgers  had  been  two 
years  very  actively  employed  in  the  Monk,  when  she  was  taken  ;  and  it  will  be  admit 
ted  as  singular,  that  he  did  not  understand  the  power  of  his  guns  by  that  time.  Re 
duced  charges,  moreover,  would  have  obviated  the  difficulty  in  a  combat  in  which  the 
ships  touched  each  other.  Carronadeswere  scarcely  known  in  1782,  and  the  Monk,  re 
ceived  her  outfit  in  1779.  Besides,  she  would  have  carried  much  heavier  carronades. 
had  she  carried  any,  the  weight  of  an  eighteen-pound  carronade  being  about  the  same 
as  that  of  a  six-pounder.  The  biographer  has,  no  doubt,  confounded  the  light  nines  with 
earronades  of  that  caliber,  the  latter  gun  being  much  in  use  when  he  wrote. 


134  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1782. 

discovered  the  qualities  of  a  great  naval  captain  ;  failing  in  no  es 
sential  of  that  distinguished  character. 

The  Monk,  her  old  name  having  been  restored,  was  taken  into 
the  service  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,*  and  was  shortly  after 
sent  on  duty  in  behalf  of  the  United  States,  to  the  West  Indies. 
During  this  cruise,  Captain  Barney  had  a  warm  engagement  with 
an  English  armed  brig,  supposed  to  have  been  a  privateer,  of  about 
an  equal  force,  but  she  escaped  from  him,  the  meeting  occurring  in 
the  night,  and  the  enemy  mano3uvring  and  sailing  particularly  well. 
The  name  of  his  antagonist  is  not  known.  In  this  affair,  the  Wash 
ington  received  some  damage  in  her  spars,  but  met  with  no  serious 
loss. 

Massachusetts  and  South  Carolina  were  the  two  states  that  most 
exerted  themselves,  in  order  to  equip  cruisers  of  their  own.  As 
early  as  September,  1776,  one  of  the  vessels  of  the  former  is  said  to 
have  captured  an  English  sloop  of  war,  after  a  sharp  action  ;  but 
we  can  discover  no  more  than  general  and  vague  accounts  of  the 
affair. 

Among  the  vessels  of  Massachusetts  was  one  named  after  the 
State  itself,  and  a  brig  called  the  Tyrannicide.  The  latter  was  a 
successful  cruiser,  and  made  many  captures,  but  she  was  lost  in  the 
unfortunate  affair  in  the  Penobscot.  It  is  believed  that  the  Tyran 
nicide  was  built  expressly  for  a  cruiser.  But  the  favourite  officer  of 
this  service  appears  to  have  been  Captain  John  Foster  Williams, 
who  commanded  a  brig  called  the  Hazard,  in  1779.  In  this  vessel, 
in  addition  to  the  action  already  related  with  the  Active,  Captain 
Williams  performed  many  handsome  exploits,  proving  himself,  on 
all  occasions,  an  officer  of  merit. 

After  quitting  the  Hazard,  Captain  Williams  was  transferred  to 
the  Protector  20,  equally  a  state  ship.  In  this  vessel  he  had  the  two 
actions  mentioned  in  another  chapter, — that  with  the  Duff,  and  that 

*  The  biographer  of  Commodore  Barney  lias  assumed  that,  as  the  General  "Washing 
ton  was  employed  on  duty  in  behalf  of  the  United  States,  Mr.  Barney  was  made  a  cap 
tain  in  the  navy.  By  the*  instructions  published  in  this  biography,  it  appears  that  the 
commissioners  of  Pennsj'lvania  put  the  ship  at  the  disposition  of  Mr.  Robert  Morris,  in 
order  to  transport  specie  from  the  Havana  to  this  country.  This  fact  alone  would  not 
have  made  Mr.  Barney  a  captain  in  the  navy  ;  or  the  master  of  every  merchantman  who 
is  employed  by  government  might  claim  that  rank.  It  does  not  make  a  man  a  captain  in 
the  navy,  to  command  a  frigate  even,  ns  that  duty  may  he  performed,  at  need,  by  a  gnn- 
iier.  The  commission  is  necessary-  to  make  a  captain;  and  this,  Mr.  Barney,  however 
deserving  of  it,  does  not  appear  to  have  possessed  until  it  was  given  to  him  in  1794, 
although  he  remained  a  lieutenant  in  the  service  to  the  close  of  the  war.  The  General 
Washington  was  employed  by  the  United  States  down  to  the  peace,  it  is  true  ;  but  this 
no  more  puts  a  ship  on  the  list,  than  an  officer  of  a  merchantman  is  put  on  the  list  by  his 
vessel's  being  hired  as  a  transport.  Government  may  put  its  officers  in  merchant-ships, 
and  they  will  remain  its  officers ;  or  it  may  put  its  ships  temporarily  under  the  charge  of 
merchant-officers,  and  the  latter  will  not  be  in  the  navy.  It  may  hire,  borrow,  or  forci 
bly  employ  vessels,  without  necessarily  placing  either  the  ships  or  their  officers  on  its 
rciruhir  lists.  It  does  appear,  however,  that  "the  United  States  in  the  end  owned  the 
Washington  ;  probably  through  some  subsequent  arrangement  with  Pennsylvania  ;  sho 
having  been  sold  on  public  account. 

There  is  no  question  that  Captain  Barney  onght  to  have  been  presented  with  the 
commission  of  a  captain  in  the  American  navy,  for  the  capture  of  the  Monk ;  and  it  is 
probably  owing  to  the  state  of  the  war,  then  known  to  be  so  near  a  close,  and  to  the  gen 
eral  irregularities  of  the  service,  that  he  was  not ;  but  we  can  find  no  evidence  that 
Congress  ever  acquitted  itself  of  this  duty. 


1781.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  135 


with  the  Thames, — in  both  of  which  this  gallant  officer  greatly  dis 
tinguished  himself.  Soon  after  this  brilliant  cruise  he  resumed  the 
command  of  the  Hazard,  which  was  also  lost  to  the  state  in  the  un 
fortunate  expedition  against  the  British  in  the  Penobscot.  It  would 
probably  have  been  better  for  Massachusetts  had  it  named  this  meri 
torious  officer  to  the  command  of  the  naval  armament  on  that  occa 
sion.  This  unhappy  affair  appears,  in  a  great  degree,  to  have  put 
an  end  to  the  maritime  efforts  of  Massachusetts,  a  state,  however, 
that  was  foremost  to  the  last,  in  aiding  the  general  cause. 

Of  the  vessels  of  Carolina  mention  has  already  been  made.  In 
the  early  part  of  the  war  several  light  cruisers  were  employed,  but 
as  the  contest  advanced,  this  Stafe  entertained  a  plan  of  obtaining 
a  few  vessels  of  force,  with  an  intention  of  striking  a  blow  heavier 
than  common  against  the  enemy.  With  this  view  Commodore  Gil- 
Ion,  the  officer  who  was  at  the  head  of  its  little  marine,  went  to  Eu 
rope,  and  large  amounts  of  colonial  produce  were  transmitted  to  him, 
in  order  to  raise  the  necesssary  funds.  In  his  correspondence,  this 
officer  complains  of  the  difficulty  of  procuring  the  right  sort  of  ships, 
and  much  time  was  lost  in  fruitless  negotiations  for  that  purpose,  in 
both  France  and  Holland.  At  lengfh  an  arrangement  was  entered 
into,  for  one  vessel,  that  is  so  singular  as  to  require  particular  notice. 
This  vessel  was  the  Indien,  which  had  been  laid  down  by  the  Amer 
ican  commissioners,  at  Amsterdam,  and  subsequently  presented  to 
France.  She  had  the  dimensions  of  a  small  74,  but  was  a  frigate  in 
construction,  carrying,  however,  an  armament  that  consisted  of  28 
Swedish  thirty-sixes  on  her  gun-deck,  and  of  12  Swedish  twelves 
on  her  quarter-deck  and  forecastle,  or  40  guns  in  the  whole.  This 
ship,  though  strictly  the  property  of  France,  had  been  lent  by  Louis 
XVI.  to  the  Chevalier  de  Luxembourg,  who  hired  her  to  the  State  of 
South  Carolina  for  three  years,  on  condition  that  the  State  would  in 
sure  her,  sail  her  at  its  own  expense,  and  render  to  her  owner  one- 
fourth  of  the  proceeds  of  her  prizes.  Under  this  singular  compact,* 
the  ship,  which  was  named  the  South  Carolina  for  the  occasion,  got 
out  in  1781,  and  made  a  successful  cruise  in  the  Narrow  Seas,  send 
ing  her  prizes  into  Spain.  Afterwards  she  proceeded  to  America, 
capturing  ten  sail,  with  which  she  went  into  the  Havana.  Here 
Commodore  Gillon  with  a  view  to  distress  the  enemy,  accepted  the 
command  of  the  nautical  part  of  an  expedition  against  the  Bahamas, 
that  had  been  set  on  foot  by  the  Spaniards,  and  in  which  other 
American  cruisers  joined.  The  expedition  was  successful,  and  the 
ship  proceeded  to  Philadelphia.  Commodore  Gillon  now  left  her, 
and  after  some  delay,  the  South  Carolina  went  to  sea,  in  December, 
1782,  under  the  orders  of  Captain  Joyner,  an  officer  who  had  pre 
viously  served  on  board  her  as  second  in  command.  It  is  probable 
that  the  movements  of  so  important  a  vessel  were  watched,  for  she 
had  scarcely  cleared  the  capes,  when,  after  a  short  running  fight, 

*  Chevalier  de  Luxembourg,  was  a  French  nobleman  of  the  well-known  family  of 
Montmorency.  Could  the  truth  be  come  at,  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  whole  affair 
would  be  discovered  to  have  been  an  indirect  species  of  princely  privateering. 


136  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1782. 

she  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  British  ship  Diomede  44,  having  the 
Astrea  32,  and  the  Quebec  32,  in  company. 

The  South  Carolina  was  much  the  heaviest  ship  that  ever  sailed 
under  the  American  flag,  until  the  new  frigates  were  constructed 
during  the  war  of  1812,  and  she  is  described  as  having  been  a  par 
ticularly  fast  vessel;,  but  her  service  appears  to  have  been  greatly 
disproportioned  to  her  means.  She  cost  the  state  a  large  sum  of 
money,  and  is  believed  to  have  returned  literally  nothing  to  its 
treasury.  Her  loss  excited  much  comment. 

Admiral  Arbuthnot  reports  among  the  "rebel  ships  of  war"  taken 
or  sunk  at  the  capture  of  Charleston,  "  the  Bricole,  pierced  for  60, 
mounting  44  guns,  twenty-four  and  eighteen-pounders,"  &c.  As 
there  never  was  a  vessel  of  this  name  in  the  navy  of  the  United 
States,  it  is  probable  that  this  ship  was  another  heavy  frigate  obtained 
by  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  in  Europe.  Although  this  state  had 
the  pecuniary  means  to  equip  a  better  marine  than  common,  it  had 
neither  vessels,  building  yards,  nor  seamen.  Most  of  its  vessels 
were  purchased,  and  its  seamen  were  principally  obtained  from 
places  out  of  its  limits,  Commodore  Gillon  and  Captain  Joyner  being 
both  natives  of  Holland. 

We  shall  now  briefly  allude  to  a  few  private  armed  cruisers,  and 
close  the  narrative  of  the  naval  events  connected  with  the  Revolution. 
Of  the  general  history  of  this  part  of  the  warfare  of  the  period,  the 
reader  will  have  obtained  some  idea  from  our  previous  accounts;  but 
it  may  be  well  here  to  give  a  short  but  more  connected  summary  of 
its  outlines. 

The  first  proceedings  of  Congress  in  reference  to  assailing  the 
British  commerce,  as  has  been  seen,  were  reserved  and  cautious. 
War  not  being  regularly  declared,  and  an  accommodation  far  from 
hopeless,  the  year  1775  was  suffered  to  pass  away  without  granting 
letters  of  marque  and  reprisal;  for  it  was  the  interest  of  the  nation 
to  preserve  as  many  friends  in  England  as  possible.  As  the  breach 
widened,  this  forbearing  policy  was  abandoned,  and  the  summer  of 
1776  let  loose  the  nautical  enterprise  of  the  country  upon  the  British 
commerce.  The  effect  at  first  was  astounding.  Never  before  had 
England  found  an  enemy  so  destructive  to  her  trade,  and  during  the 
two  first  years  of  the  privateering  that  followed,  something  like  eight 
hundred  sail  of  merchantmen  were  captured.  After  this  period,  the 
effort  of  the  Americans  necessarily  lessened,  while  the  precautions 
of  the  enemy  increased.  Still,  these  enterprises  proved  destructive, 
*o  the  end  of  the  war;  and  it  is  a  proof  of  the  efficiency  of  this  class 
of  cruisers  to  the  last,  that  small  privateers  constantly  sailed  out  of 
fche  English  ports,  with  a  view  to  make  money  by  recapturing  their 
own  vessels ;  the  trade  of  America,  at  this  time,  offering1  but  few 
inducements  to  such  undertakings. 

Among  the  vessels  employed  as  private  cruisers,  the  Holker,  the 
•Black  Prince,  the  Pickering,  the  Wild  Cat,  the  Vengeance,  the 
'Marlborough,  in  addition  to  those  elsewhere  named,  were  very  con 
spicuous.  The  first  sailed  under  different  commanders,  and  with 
almost  uniform  success.  The  Marlborousrh  is  said  to  have  made 


1783.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  137 

twenty-eight  prizes  in  one  cruise.  Other  vessels  were  scarcely  less 
fortunate.  Many  sharp  actions  occurred,  and  quite  as  often  to  the 
advantage  of  these  cruisers  as  to  that  of  the  enemy.  In  repeated 
instances  they  escaped  from  British  ships  of  war,  under  unfavourable 
circumstances,  and  there  is  no  question,  that  in  few  cases,  they 
captured  them. 

To  this  list  ought  also  to  be  added  the  letters  of  marque,  which, 
in  many  cases,  did  great  credit  to  themselves  and  to  the  country. 
Captain  Murray,  since  so  well  known  to  the  service,  made  one  of 
the  most  desperate  defences  on  record,  in  one  of  these  vessels,  near 
the  close  of  the  war;  and  Captain  Truxtun,  whose  name  now  occu 
pies  so  high  a  station  among  those  of  the  naval  captains  of  the 
republic,  made  another,  in  the  St.  James,  while  conveying  an  Ameri 
can  agent  to  France,  which  was  so  highly  appreciated  that  it  probably 
opened  the  way  to  the  rank  that,  he  subsequently  filled. 

The  English  West  India  trade,  in  particular,  suffered  largely  by 
the  private  warfare  of  the  day.  Two-and-fifty  sail,  engaged  in  this 
branch  of  the  commerce,  are  stated  to  have  been  taken  as  early  as 
February,  1777.  The  whole  number  of  captures  made  by  the 
Americans  in  this  contest,  is  not  probably  known,  but  six  hundred 
and  fifty  prizes  are  said  to  have  been  got  into  port.  Many  others 
were  ransomed,  and  some  were  destroyed  at  sea.  There  can  be  no 
minute  accuracy  in  these  statements,  but  the  injury  done  to  the  com 
merce  of  Great  Britain  was  enormous;  and  there  is  no  doubt  that 
the  constant  hazards  it  run,  had  a  direct  influence  in  obtaining  the 
acknowledgment  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  Ameri 
ca,  which  great  event  took  place  on  the  20th  of  January,  1783. 

Thus  terminated  the  first  war  in  which  America  was  engaged  as  a 
separate  nation,  after  a  struggle  that  had  endured  seven  years  and 
ten  months.  Orders  of  recall  were  immediately  given  to  the  different 
cruisers,  and  the  commissions  of  all  privateers  and  letters  of  marque 
were  revoked.  The  proclamation  announcing  a  cessation  of  hostili 
ties  was  made  on  the  llth  of  April,  when  the  war  finally  terminated 
at  all  points. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Brief  review — List  of  vessels  in  the  navy  between  1775  and  '83,  and  the  fate  of  each — 
Description  of  the  America  74 — she  is  presented  to  the  king  of  France — Capt.  Manly, 
anecdote  of  his  first  capture — Capture  and  imprisonment  of  Capt.  Conyngham — Most 
distinguished  naval  officers  of  the  Revolution— -The  American  marine- --its  difficulties- 
Crew  of  a  vessel  of  war — its  composition— -Congress  establishes  a  marine  corps — List 
of  officers  first  appointed-— value  of  the  corps — What  vessel  first  carried  the  Ameri 
can  flag. 

BEFORE  we  proceed  to  give  an  account  of  the  state  in  which  the 
war  left  the  American  marine,  a  brief  review  of  its  general  condition, 
throughout,  and  at  the  close  of  the  struggle,  may  be  found  useful. 


138  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1775-83. 

When  the  law  of  1775  was  passed,  directing  the  construction  of  the 
first  frigates,  for  the  twenty-eights  and  twenty-fours  are  included  in 
this  class,  different  building  stations  were  selected,  at  points  thought 
to  be  least  exposed  to  the  enemy.  The  vessel  that  was  laid  down  in 
New  Hampshire,  was  said  to  have  been  put  into  the  water  in  sixty 
days  from  the  time  the  work  commenced.  But  all  this  activity  was 
of  little  avail,  the  want  of  guns,  anchors,  rigging,  or  of  some  other 
material  article,  interfering  with  the  rapid  equipment  of  nearly  every 
one  of  the  thirteen  ships. 

The  vessel  just  mentioned  was  the  Raleigh,  and  her  career  can  be 
traced  in  our  previous  pages. 

The  two  ships  constructed  in  Massachusetts,  the  Hancock  and 
Boston,  got  to  sea;  for  this  part  of  the  country  was  little  annoyed  by 
the  enemy  after  the  evacuation  of  Boston  ;  and  their  fortunes  are  also 
to  be  found  in  our  pages. 

The  Rhode  Island  ships  were  the  Warren  and  Providence.  These 
vessels  are  described  as  having  been  the  most  indifferent  of  the  thir 
teen.  They  were  launched  in  1776,  and  their  services  and  fates  have 
been  given. 

The  Montgomery  and  Congress  were  the  vessels  ordered  to  be 
built  in  New  York.  These  ships,  it  is  believed,  were  constructed  at, 
or  near  Pou«likeepsie,  on  the  Hudson,  and  did  not  get  to  sea,  as  the 
British  held  the  mouth  of  the  river  from  August,  1776,  to  November, 
1783.  They  were  burned  in  1777,  in  order  to  prevent  them  from 
falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  when  Sir  Henry  Clinton  took 
the  forts  in  the  highlands. 

The  name  of  the  Maryland  ship  was  the  Virginia,  and  her  hard 
fbrtune  has  been  recorded,  in  the  course  of  the  events  of  the  year  1778. 

Pennsylvania  had  the  four  remaining  vessels,  the  Randolph,  the 
Washington,  the  Delaware,  and  the  Effingham.  Of  the  first  it  is 
unnecessary  to  say  any  thing,  as  her  fate  is  identified  with  the  glory 
of  the  service.  If  the  Delaware  ever  got  to  sea,  we  find  no  traces  of 
her  movements.  She  was  equipped  certainly,  and  most  probably 
blockaded,  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  when  they  got  pos 
session  of  Philadelphia.  The  other  two  were  burned  in  Captain 
Henry's  expedition  up  the  river,  in  1778,  as  has  been  related. 

Thus  of  the  thirteen  vessels  from  which  so  much  was  expected, 
but  six  got  to  sea  at  all,  in  the  service  in  which  they  were  built.  To 
these  were  added,  in  the  course  of  the  war,  a  few  other  frigates,  some 
permanently,  and  some  only  for  single  cruises.  Of  the  former  class 
were  the  Deane,  (Hague,)  Alliance,  Confederacy,  and  Queen  of 
France.  It  is  believed  that  these  four  ships,  added  to  the  thirteen 
ordered  by  the  Jaw  of  1775,  and  the  Alfred  and  Columbus,  will  com 
prise  all  the  frigate-built  vessels  that  properly  belonged  to  the  marine 
of  the  country,  during  the  war  of  the  Revolution.  The  French 
vessels  that  composed  most  of  the  squadron  of  Paul  Jones  were  lent 
for  the  occasion,  and  we  hear  no  more  of  the  Pallas  after  the  cruise 
had  ended.  She  reverted  to  her  original  owners. 

Of  the  sloops  of  war  and  smaller  vessels  it  is  now  difficult  to  give 
s  complete  and  authentic  account.  Several  were  employed  by  the 


1775-83.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  139 

commissioners  in  France,  which  it  is  impossible  to  trace.  Congress 
occasionally  borrowed  vessels  of  the  states,  and  generally  with  their 
officers  and  crews  on  board.  Of  this  class  of  vessels  was  the  General 
Washington,  (late  General  Monk,)  which  unquestionably  belonged 
to  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  when  first  equipped,  though  she  ap 
pears  to  have  been  subsequently  transferred  to  the  General  Govern 
ment,  by  which  she  was  employed  as  a  packet,  as  late  as  the  year 
1784,  when  she  was  sold  on  public  account. 

Under  such  circumstances,  and  with  the  defective  materials  that 
are  no\vto  be  obtained,  the  difficulty  of  making  a  perfect  list  of  the 
vessels  that  were  in  the  navy  during  the  war  of  the  Revolution  is  fully 
felt,  and  yet,  without  some  such  record,  this  book  will  have  an  air  of 
incompleteness.  One,  that  has  been  corrected  with  care,  is  ac 
cordingly  given,  and  as  nothing  is  admitted  into  it,  without  authority, 
it  is  believed  to  be  correct  as  far  as  it  goes  ;  its  defects  being  those 
of  omission,  rather  than  positive  errors.  Annexed  to  the  name  of 
each  vessel  is  her  fate,  as  an  American  cruiser,  so  far  as  the  facts 
can  be  ascertained. 

List  of  vessels  of  war  in  the  American  navy  between  the  years   1775 

and  1783. 

Alliance  32,  sold  after  the  peace  and  converted  into  an  Indiaman.* 
Deane  (Hague)  32. 

Virginia  28,  taken  by  a  British  squadron  near  the  capes  of  the  Ches 
apeake,  before  getting  to  sea,  1778. 
Confederacy  32,  taken  by  a  ship  of  the  line,  off  the  capes  of  Virginia, 

June  22d,  1781. 
Hancock  32,  taken  in  1777,  by  Rainbow  44,  and  Victor  16.     Flora 

32,  retook  her  prize. 

Randolph  32,  blown  up  in  action  with  the  Yarmouth  64,  in  1778. 
Raleigh  32,  taken  by  the  Experiment  50,  and  Unicorn  22,  1778. 
Washington  32,  destroyed  in  the  Delaware  by  the  British  army, 

1778,  without  getting  to  sea. 
Warren  32,  burned  in  the  Penobscot  in  1779,  to  prevent  her  falling 

into  the  enemy's  hands. 

of  France  28,  captured  at  Charleston  in  1780. 
ijProvidence  28,  do.  do.  do. 

[Vumbull  28,  taken  by  the  Iris  32,  and  General  Monk  18,  1781. 
Effingham  28,  burned  by  the  enemy  in  the  Delaware,  1778,  without 

getting  to  sea. 
Congress  28,  destroyed  in  the  Hudson,  1777,  to  prevent  her  falling 

into  the  enemy's  hands,  without  getting  to  sea. 
Alfred  24,  captured  by  the  Ariadne  and  Ceres,  in  1778. 
Columbus  20. 

Delaware  24,  captured  by  the  British  army  in  the  Delaware,  in  1777. 
Boston  24,  captured  at  Charleston,  in  1780. 

Montgomery  24,  destroyed  in  the  Hudson  without  getting  to  sea,  1777. 
Ham-den  14. 
Reprisal  16,  foundered  at  sea,  1778. 

'Her  wreck  still  lies  on  an  island  in  the  Delaware. 


140  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1775-83. 

Lexington  14,  taken  by  the  British  cutter  Alert,  in  the  channel,  1778. 
Andrea  Doria   14,  burned  in  the  Delaware,   1777,   to  prevent  her 

falling  into  the  enemy's  hands. 

Cabot  16,  driven  ashore  by  the  Milford  32,  in  1777,  and  abandoned. 
Ranger  18,  captured  at  Charleston  by  the  British  army,  1780. 
Saratoga  16,  lost  at  sea  in  1780  ;  never  heard  of 
Diligent  14,  burned  in  the  Penobscot,  1778. 
Gates  14. 
Hornet  10. 

Surprise  10,  seized  by  the  French  government,  in  1777. 
Revenge  10,  sold  in  1780. 

Providence  12,  taken  in  the  Penobscot  in  1779. 
Sachem  10  ~)    Supposed   to  have  been  destroyed  in  the 

Wasp  8    I    Delaware  by  the  enemy,  or  by  the  Ameri- 

Independence        10    f  cans,  to  prevent  their  falling  into  the  enemy's 
Dolphin  10  j   hands. 

To  these  vessels  must  be  added  the  following  ships,  which  appear 
to  have  made  one  or  more  cruises  under  the  American  flag,   com 
manded  by  American  officers,  and  manned,  in  part,  by  American 
seamen. 
Bon  Homme  Richard  40,  sunk  after  her  action  with  the  Serapis  44, 

in  1779. 

Pallas  32,  left  the  service  when  the  cruise  was  ended. 
Vengeance  12,  do.  do.  do. 

CerflS,  do.  do.  do. 

Ariel  20,  borrowed  by  the  commissioners  from  the  king  of  France, 

and  supposed  to  have  been  returned. 

These  lists  contain  nearly,  if  not  quite  all  the  vessels  of  any  size 
that  properly  belonged  to  the  navy  of  the  American  Confederation. 
There  were  several  more  small  cruisers,  mounting  from  4  to  10  guns, 
but  their  service  appears  to  have  been  as  uncertain  as  their  fates, 
though,  like  the  privateers,  most  of  them,  it  is  believed,  fell  into  the 
hands  of  their  powerful  and  numerous  foes.  Several  ships,  also, 
appear  to  have  belonged  to  the  government,  such  as  the  Due  de 
Lauzun,  the  Luzerne,  Washington,  &c.,  that  we  do  not  think  en 
titled  to  be  classed  among  its  regular  cruisers. 

Most  of  the  popular  accounts  make  the  America  74,  the  first  two- 
decked  ship  ever  built  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States.  That 
this  is  an  error,  has  already  been  shown,  in  one  of  our  earlier  pages, 
and  there  is  reason  to  suppose  that  the  English  caused  several  small 
vessels  on  two  decks  to  be  constructed  in  the  American  colonies, 
previously  to  the  war  of  the  Revolution.  It  would  have  been  more 
accurate  to  have  stated  that  the  America  was  the  heaviest  ship  that 
had  been  laid  down  in  the  country,  at  the  time  she  was  built.  This 
vessel  was  captured  from  the  French,  by  the  British,  in  the  engage 
ment  of  the  1st  of  June.* 

*  We  give  the  following  outline  of  the  description  of  the  America,  as  left  oy  Paul 
Jones,  to  show  what  were  then  deemed  peculiarities  in  the  construction  of  a  ship  of  the 
line.  The  upper  deck  bulwarks  are  particularly  described  as  "  breast-works  pierced  for 
guns,"  and  he  adds,  that  all  the  quarter-deck  and  forecastle  truns  could  be  fought,  at  need, 


1775-83.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  141 

The  management  of  the  little  navy  that  the  United  States  possessed 
during  this  long  and  important  struggle,  was  necessarily  much  con 
trolled  by  circumstances.  When  the  conflict  commenced,  it  could 
scarcely  be  termed  a  war,  and  the  country  hardly  possessed  an  organ 
ised  government  at  all.  It  had  been  the  policy  of  England  to  keep 
her  colonies  as  dependent  as  possible  on  herself  for  all  manufactured 
articles  ;  and  when  the  Revolution  broke  out,  the  new  states  were 
almost  destitute  of  the  means  of  carrying  on  the  struggle.  Much  as 
has  been  said  and  written  on  this  subject,  the  world  scarcely  seems 
to  possess  an  accurate  notion  of  the  embarrassments  to  which  the 
Americans  were  subjected  in  consequence  of  deficiencies  of  this  na 
ture.  The  first  important  relief  was  obtained  through  the  cruisers, 
and  it  is  scarcely  saying  too  much  to  add,  that,  without  the  succours 
that  were  procured  in  this  manner,  during  the  years  1775  and  1776, 
the  Revolution  must  have  been  checked  in  the  outset.* 

In  addition  to  the  direct  benefits  conferred  by  the  captures,  the 
marine  was  of  incalculable  advantage  in  bringing  Europe  in  contact 
with  America,  by  showing  the  flag  and  ships  of  the  new  country  in 
the  old  world.  Notwithstanding  the  many  obstacles  that  were  to  be 
overcome,  the  high  maritime  spirit  of  the  nation  broke  through  all 
restraints  ;  and  in  defiance  of  an  enemy  that  almost  possessed 
ubiquity,  as  well  as  an  overwhelming  power,  the  conflict  between 
Britain  and  her  despised  and  oppressed  colonies  had  not  continued 
a  twelvemonth,  when  the  coasts  of  the  former  country  were  harassed 
and  agitated  by  the  audacity  and  enterprise  of  the  American  cruisers. 
Insurance  rose  to  a  height  hitherto  unknown,  and  for  the  first  time 
in  her  history,  England  felt  the  effects  which  a  people  thoroughly 
imbued  with  a  love  of  maritime  adventure,  could  produce  on  a  nation 
so  commercial. 

The  activity  and  merit  of  the  brave  men  who  first  carried  the  war 
into  the  enemy's  seas,  have  not  been  fully  appreciated  by  the  present 
age.  Foremost  ought  to  be  placed  the  name  of  Wickes,  who  led  the 
way,  and  who  appears  to  have  performed  the  duty  confided  to  him, 
with  discretion,  spirit,  and  steadiness.  The  untimely  fate  of  this 

on  one  side  ;  from  which  it  is  to  be  inferred  that  the  ship  had  ports  in  her  waist.  The  poop 
had  a  "  folding  breast-work,"  grape-shot  proof,  or  bulwarks  that  were  lowered  and  hoisted 
in  a  minute.  The  quarter  deck  ran  four  feet  forward  of  the  main-mast,  and  the  forecastle 
came  well  aft.  The  gangways  were  wide,  and  on  the  level  of  the  quarter-deck  and  fore 
castle.  The  ship  had'only  single  quarter  galleries,  and  no  stern  gallery.  She  had  50  feet 
G  inches  beam,  over  all,  and  her  inboard  length,  on  the  upper  gun-deck,  was  182  feet  6 
inches.  "Yet  this  ship,  though  the  largest  of  seventy-fours  in  the  world,  had,  when  the 
lower  battery  was  sunk,  the  air  of  a  delicate  frigate  ;  and  no  person,  at  the  distance  of  a 
mile,  could  have  imagined  she  had  a  second  battery."  Unfortunately  her  intended  arma 
ment  is  not  given. 

*  The  following  anecdote  rests  on  the  authority  of  the  secretary  of  the  Marine  Com 
mittee  of  Congress,  the  body  that  discharged  the  duties  that  are  now  performed  by  the 
navy  department.  The  committee  was  in  secret  session,  deliberating  on  the  means  of 
obtaining  certain  small  articles  that  were  indispensable  to  the  equipment  of  vessels  of 
war,  but  which  were  not  to  be  had  in  the  country,  when  a  clamour  for  admittance  at  the 
door,  intermpled  the  proceedings.  Admittance  was  denied,  but  the  intruder  insisted  on 
entering.  The  door  was  finally  opened,  when  a  gentleman  appeared,  with  an  inventory 
of  the  stores  found  in  the  Nancy,  the  first  vessel  taken  by  Captain  Manly,  and  among 
which  were  the  very  articles  wanted.  Mr.  Adams,  when  the  fact  was  ascertained,  arose 
and  said  with  earnestness :----"  We  must  succeed-— Providence  is  with  us—we  must 
succeed  !" 


142  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1775-83. 

gallant  officer,  who  had  obtained  the  respect  and  confidence  of  the 
American  commissioners,  was  probably  the  reason  that  his  name 
does  not  fill  as  high  a  place  in  the  public  estimation  as  his  services 
merit. 

Captain  Conyngham,  also,  to  his  other  claims,  adds  that  of  suffer 
ing.  He  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  after  his  return  to  the 
American  seas,  while  cruising  in  a  small  private  armed  vessel,  and 
was  sent  to  England  in  irons,  with  a  threat  to  treat  him  as  a  pirate. 
His  imprisonment  was  long  and  severe  ;  nor  was  his  liberty  obtained, 
until  months  of  bitter  privation  had  been  passed  in  a  gaol. 

The  naval  names  that  have  descended  to  us,  from  this  war,  with 
the  greatest  reputation,  are  those  of  Jones,  Barry,  Barney,  Bicldle, 
Manly,  Nicholson,  Wickes,  Rathburne,  Conyngham,  and  Hacker. 
To  these  may  be  added  that  of  Williams,  who  was  in  the  service  of 
Massachusetts.  Other  officers  greatly  distinguished  themselves, 
either  in  subordinate  stations  on  board  vessels  of  war,  or  on  board  the 
different  cruisers.  Many  of  the  latter  subsequently  rose  to  high 
stations  in  the  national  marine,  and  we  shall  have  occasion  to  allude 
to  their  conduct  in  our  subsequent  pages. 

The  nature  of  the  warfare,  unquestionably  trammelled  the  national 
efforts  in  this  contest.  The  circumstance  that  only  six  out  of  thirteen 
new  cruisers  that  were  laid  down  under  the  law  of  October,  1775, 
ever  got  to  sea,  shows  the  difficulties  with  which  the  country  had  to 
contend  on  account  of  so  many  of  its  ports  having  been  occupied  by 
invading  armies,  of  a  force  and  discipline  that  no  power  of  the  young 
republic  could  then  withstand.  No  less  than  six  of  these  vessels  fell 
into  the  enemy's  hands,  by  means  of  their  land  forces,  or  were  de 
stroyed  by  the  Americans  themselves,  to  prevent  such  a  result.  In 
New  York,  the  British  held  the  port,  of  all  others,  which  would  have 
been  of  the  greatest  service  to  the  country,  in  a  naval  war,  as  its  cen 
tral  position,  many  natural  advantages,  difficulty  of  being  blockaded 
on  account  of  a  double  outlet,  and  resources,  will  always  render  it  the 
centre  of  maritime  operations,  in  every  struggle  for  the  command  of 
the  American  seas. 

But  the  greatest  obstacles  with  which  the  young  marine  had  to  con 
tend,  were  a  total  absence  of  system,  a  looseness  of  discipline,  and  a 
want  of  vessels  of  force.  The  irregularities  of  the  service,  it  is  true, 
grew  out  of  the  exigencies  of  the  times,  but  their  evils  were  incalcu 
lable.  Rank,  that  great  source  of  contention  in  all  services  in  which 
it  is  not  clearly  defined  and  rigidly  regulated,  appears  to  have  cre 
ated  endless  heart-burnings.  The  dissensions  of  the  officers,  natu 
rally  communicated  themselves  to  the  men  ;  and  in  time,  this  diffi 
culty  was  added  to  the  others  which  existed  in  obtaining  crews.  It 
is  a  singular  fact,  that,  with  the  exception  perhaps  of  that  favourite 
ship,  the  Alliance,  we  cannot  find  that  any  frigate-built  vessel  left  the 
country,  after  the  first  year  or  two  of  the  war,  with  a  full  crew  on 
board  of  her;  and  even  those  with  which  they  did  sail,  were  either 
composed,  in  a  good  measure,  of  landsmen,  or  the  officers  had  been 
compelled  to  resort  to  the  dangerous  expedient  of  seeking  for  volun 
teers  among  the  prisoners.  We  have  seen  that  the  Alliance  herself, 


1775-83.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  143 

with  her  precious  freight,  was  near  heing  the  sacrifice  of  this  ill-judg 
ed,  not  to  say  unjust  policy.  The  Trumbull,  when  taken,  was  fought 
principally  by  her  officers  ;  and,  at  the  very  moment  when  confidence 
was  of  the  last  importance  to  success,  the  vessels  of  Paul  Jones' 
squadron  appear  to  have  distrusted  each  other,  and  to  have  acted  with 
the  uncertainty  of  such  a  state  of  feeling. 

To  the  lightness  of  the  metal  used  during  this  Avar,  is  to  be  ascribed 
the  duration  of  the  combats.  It  has  been  seen,  that  the  Bon  Homme 
Richard  had  a  few  cighteen-pounders  mounted  in  her  gun-room  ; 
and  there  are  occasional  allusions  in  the  accounts  of  the  day,  that 
would  induce  us  to  believe  that  some  of  the  larger  vessels  built  for  the 
service,  had  a  few  guns  of  this  caliber,  mixed  in  with  their  more  reg 
ular  armaments  ;  but,  strictly  speaking,  there  was  not  a  ship  in  the 
American  navy,  during  the  whole  war  of  the  Revolution,  that  ought 
to  be  termed  more  than  a  twelve-pounder  frigate.  The  America  74, 
would  have  been  an  exception,  of  course,  could  she  properly  be  said 
to  have  belonged  to  the  service,  but  she  was  virtually  transferred  to 
France  previously  to  being  put  into  the  water.  The  Bon  Homme 
Richard  had  the  dimensions  of,  and  was  pierced  for  a  thirty-eight,  but 
her  regular  and  only  efficient  batteries,  were  composed  of  twelves  and 
nines.  The  Indien,  or  South  Carolina,  as  she  was  subsequently 
called,  was  probably  as  heavy  a  frigate  as  then  floated  ;  but  she 
sailed  in  the  service  of  the  single  state  of  South  Carolina,  and  never 
belonged  to  the  marine  of  the  country. 

No  correct  estimate  can  be  ever  made  of  the  merits  of  the  gallant 
seamen,  whose  acts  have  been  recorded  in  these  pages,  without  keep 
ing  in  constant  view,  all  the  disadvantages  under  which  they  served. 
With  vessels,  quite  often  imperfectly  equipped ;  frequently  with  such 
guns,  ammunition  and  stores,  as  are  known  to  be  disposed  of  to  na 
tions,  the  necessities  of  which  supersede  caution  ;  with  crews  badly, 
often  dangerously  composed,  and  without  the  encouragement  that 
power  can  proffer  to  success,  these  faithful  men  went  forth  upon  an 
ocean  that  was  covered  with  the  cruisers  of  their  enemy,  to  contend 
with  foes  every  way  prepared  for  war,  who  were  incited  by  all  that 
can  awaken  ambition,  and  who  met  them  with  the  confidence  that  is 
the  inseparable  companion  of  success  and  a  consciousness  of  force. 

While  pointing  out  the  claims  of  the  seamen  of  the  Revolution  to 
that  honourable  place  in  history  which  it  is  our  aim  to  contribute  in 
securing  to  them,  there  is  another  corps,  one  that  has  so  long  been 
associated  with  navies  as  to  be  almost  necessarily  included  in  their 
renown,  which  is  entitled  to  a  distinct  notice  in  these  pages.  It  is  so 
much  a  matter  of  course,  to  identify  the  marines  witli  the  ship  in 
which  they  serve,  that  we  have  not  hitherto  thought  it  necessary  to 
digress  from  the  course  of  events  to  speak  particularly  of  that  body 
of  men.  The  corps,  however,  is  so  necessary  to  the  military  char 
acter  of  every  service,  has  ever  been  so  efficient  and  useful,  not  only 
in  carrying  on  the  regular  routine  of  duty,  but  in  face  of  the  enemy, 
and  was  so  all-important  to  the  security  of  the  ships,  during  the  period 
of  which  we  have  been  writing,  that  we  have  reserved  a  place  for  a 
brief  account  of  its  organisation  in  this  chapter.  In  order  that  the 


144  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1775-83. 

general  reader  may  more  clearly  comprehend  this  branch  of  the 
subject,  however,  and  obtain  a  better  idea  of  the  composition  of  the 
crew  of  a  vessel  of  war,  a  paragraph  will  be  devoted  to  a  few  expla 
nations. 

The  men  of  a  public  armed  ship  are  divided  into  two  distinct 
bodies;  the  portion  of  the  people  that  do  the  ordinary  duty  of  the 
vessel,  which  includes  the  petty  officers,  seamen,  ordinary  seamen, 
landsmen  and  boys,  and  the  marines.  The  former  pass  under  the 
general  name  of  sailors,  while  the  latter  are  always  known  by  their 
own  distinctive  appellation.  The  marines  are  strictly  infantry  sol 
diers,  who  are  trained  to  serve  afloat ;  and  their  discipline,  equip 
ments,  spirit,  character,  and  esprit  de  corps,  are  altogether  those  of 
an  army.  The  marines  impart  to  a  ship  of  war,  in  a  great  degree, 
its  high  military  character.  They  furnish  all  the  guards  and  senti 
nels  ;  in  battle  they  repel,  or  cover  the  assaults  of  boarders  ;  and,  at 
all  times,  they  sustain  and  protect  the  stern  and  necessary  discipline 
of  a  ship  by  their  organisation,  distinctive  character,  training,  and  we 
might  add,  nature.  It  is  usual  to  place  one  of  these  soldiers  on 
board  a  ship  of  war  for  each  gun,  though  the  rule  is  not  absolute.  It 
is  not,  however,  to  be  understood  by  this,  that  the  marines  are  regu 
larly  dispersed  in  the  ship,  by  placing  them  at  the  guns,  as,  unless  in 
cases  that  form  exceptions,  they  act  together,  under  their  own  officers, 
using  the  musket  and  bayonet  as  their  proper  weapons. 

Aware  of  the  importance  of  such  a  body  of  men,  on  the  9th  of 
November,  1775,  or  before  any  regular  cruiser  had  yet  got  to  sea, 
Congress  passed  a  law  establishing  a  marine  corps.  By  this  law,  the 
corps  was  to  consist  of  two  battalions  of  the  usual  size,  and  to  be 
commanded  by  a  colonel.  A  resolution  passed  on  the  30th  of  the 
same  month,  directing  that  these  two  battalions  should  not  be  drafted 
from  the  army  before  Boston,  but  regularly  enlisted  for  the  war.  It 
does  not  appear  that  this  law  was  ever  carried  into  complete  effect ; 
the  great  difficulty  which  existed  in  obtaining  men  for  the  army,  no 
less  than  the  impracticability  of  getting  so  many  of  the  vessels  to  sea, 
most  probably  contributing  to  defeat  its  objects.  On  the  25th  June, 
1776,  notwithstanding,  the  corps  received  something  like  the  con 
templated  organisation,  and  officers  were  appointed  to  serve  in  it. 
That  there  were  marines  in  the  squadron  of  Commodore  Hopkins, 
is  known  from  the  fact  of  their  having  been  landed  at  New  Provi 
dence,  where  they  were  the  assailing  force  ;  but  even  the  greater 
portion  of  the  sea  officers,  employed  on  that  occasion,  had  merely 
letters  of  appointment,  and,  it  is  to  be  presumed,  that  such  was  also 
the  case  with  the  gentlemen  of  this  arm.  The  following  list  of  the 
officers  of  the  marine  corps,  who  were  appointed  in  June,  1770,  con 
tains  the  names  of  those  who  properly  formed  the  nucleus  of  this  im 
portant  and  respectable  part  of  the  navy. 

Officers  of  Marines  appointed  June  25^7* ,  1776. 
Samuel  Nichols,  Major. 
Andrew  Porter,  Captain. 
Joseph  Hardy,        do. 


1775-83.] 


NAVAL  HISTORY. 


Samuel  Shaw,     Captain. 

Benj.  Deane,  do. 

Robert  Mullin,        do. 

John  Stewart,         do. 

Daniel  Henderson,  First  Lieutenant. 

David  Lowe,  do. 

Franklin  Read,  do. 

Peregrine  Brown,  do. 

Thomas  Barmvell,  do. 

James  McClure,  Second  Lieutenant 

William  Gilmore,  do. 

Abel  Morgan,  do. 

Hugh  Montgomery,         do. 

Richard  Harrison,  do. 

Other  nominations  followed,  from  time  to  time,  though  it  is  be 
lieved  that  in  many  cases,  officers  commanding  ships,  were  em 
powered  to  give  letters  of  appointment.  In  short,  the  irregularity 
and  want  of  system  that  prevailed  in  the  navy  generally,  extended 
in  a  degree  to  a  branch  of  it  that  is  usually  so  trained,  so  methodical 
and  certain. 

At  no  period  of  the  naval  history  of  the  world,  is  it  probable  that 
marines  were  more  important  than  during  the  war  of  the  Revolu 
tion.  In  many  instances  they  preserved  the  vessels  to  the  country, 
by  suppressing  the  turbulence  of  their  ill-assorted  crews,  and  the  ef 
fect  of  their  fire,  not  only  then,  but  in  all  the  subsequent  conflicts, 
under  those  circumstances  in  which  it  could  be  resorted  to,  has 
usually  been  singularly  creditable  to  their  steadiness  and  discipline. 
The  history  of  the  navy,  even  at  that  early  day,  as  well  as  in  these 
later  times,  abounds  with  instances  of  the  gallantry  and  self-devo 
tion  of  this  body  of  soldiers,  and  we  should  be  unfaithful  to  our  trust, 
were  we  not  to  add,  that  it  also  furnishes  too  may  proofs  of  the  for- 
getfulness  of  its  merits  by  the  country.  The  marine  incurs  the  same 
risks  from  disease  and  tempests,  undergoes  the  same  privations,  suf 
fers  the  same  hardships,  and  sheds  his  blood  in  the  same  battles  as 
the  seaman,  and  society  owes  him  the  same  rewards.  While  on 
shipboard  necessity  renders  him  in  a  certain  sense,  the  subordinate, 
but  nations  ou»-ht  never  to  overlook  the  important  moral  and  politi 
cal  truth,  that  the  highest  lessons  they  can  teach  are  those  of  justice  ; 
and  no  servant  of  the  public  should  pass  a  youth  of  toil  and  danger, 
without  the  consciousness  of  possessing  a  claim  to  a  certain  and 
honourable  reward,  that  is  dependent  only  on  himself.  That  this 
reward  has  hitherto  been  as  unwisely  as  it  has  been  unfairly  withheld, 
from  all  connected  with  the  navy,  it  is  our  duty  as  historians  to  state, 
and  in  no  instance  has  this  justice  been  more  signally  denied,  than 
in  the  case  of  the  honourable  and  gallant  corps  of  which  we  are  par 
ticularly  writing. 

It  remains  only  to  say  that  the  navy  of  the  Revolution,  like  its 
army,  was  disbanded  at  the  termination  of  the  struggle,  literally 
leaving  nothing  behind  it,  but  the  recollections  of  its  services  and 
sufferings. 

O 

VOL.  i.  10 


146  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1783. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

First  vessel  to  China— -Adoption  of  the  Union— -its  effect  on  the  navy—Difficulties  with 
the  Dey  of  Algiers- — John  PaulJones  appointed  consul-— His  death  at  Paris—Capture 
of  American  vessels  by  an  Algerine  squadron-— Warlike  preparations-— Mr.  Hum 
phrey's  models  for  six  new  frigates  accepted—the  improvements  described—Notice 
of  the  commanders  selected— Treaty  with  Algiers— The  Crescent  made  a  present  to 
the  Dey— -Singular  extract  from  a  journal  respecting  her  freight — French  aggres 
sions— -Launch  of  the  United  States,  the  Constitution,  and  the  Constellation—Navy 
department  created- — The  capture  of  French  cruisers  authorised  by  law-— New  marine 
corps  established-— Whole  authorised  force  of  the  navy. 

THE  peace  of  1783  found  the  finances  of  the  new  republic  alto 
gether  unequal  to  the  support  of  a  marine.  Most  of  the  public 
cruisers,  as  has  been  seen,  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
or  had  been  destroyed,  and  the  few  that  remained  were  sold.  The 
Alliance,  which  appears  to  have  been  the  favourite  ship  of  the  ser 
vice  to  the  very  last,  was  reluctantly  parted  with  ;  but  a  survey 
being  held  on  her,  she  was  also  disposed  of  in  September,  1785,  in 
preference  to  encountering  the  expenses  of  repairs. 

Although  the  United  States  now  kept  no  vessels  of  war,  several 
of  the  states  themselves,  with  the  consent  of  Congress,  which  was 
necessary  by  the  articles  of  confederation,  had  small  cruisers  of  their 
own,  that  did  the  duties  of  guarda-costas  and  revenue  cutters.  At 
this  period  in  the  history  of  the  country,  it  will  be  remembered  that 
each  state  had  its  own  custom-houses,  levied  its  own  duties,  and 
pursued  its  own  policy  in  trade,  with  the  single  exception  that  it 
could  not  contravene  any  stipulation  by  treaty  that  had  been  en 
tered  into  by  Congress. 

After  the  peace,  the  trade  of  the  United  States  revived,  as  a  matter 
of  course,  though  it  had  to  contend  with  many  difficulties,  besides 
the  impoverished  condition  of  the  country.  It  has  been  a  matter  of 
question  what  vessel  first  carried  the  American  flag  into  the  Chinese 
seas,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  was  the  ship  Empress  of  China, 
Captain  Green,  which  sailed  from  New  York,  the  22d  of  February, 
1784,  and  returned  to  the  same  port  on  the  llth  of  May,  1785. 
This  vessel,  however,  did  not  make  a  direct  voyage,  touching  in 
Europe,  on  her  outward-bound  passage;  and  the  honour  of  going 
direct  belongs  to  the  Enterprise,  Captain  Dean,  a  sloop  of  80  tons, 
built  in  Albany,  which  went  and  returned  in  1785.  It  ought  to  be 
mentioned,  to  the  credit  of  the  English  factory  at  Canton,  that, 
notwithstanding  the  jealousies  and  interests  of  trade,  which,  perhaps, 
oftener  lead  to  unprincipled  acts,  than  any  other  one  concern  of 
life,  struck  with  the  novelty  and  boldness  of  the  experiment,  it  re 
ceived  these  adventurers  with  kindness  and  hospitality.  In  1787  the 
Alliance  frigate,  converted  into  an  Indiaman,  went  to  Canton,  under 
the  command  of  Captain  Thomas  Read,  formerly  of  the  navy.  This 
officer  took  a  new  route,  actually  going  to  the  southward  of  New 
Holland,  in  consequence  of  the  season  of  the  year,  which  had  brought 
him  into  the  unfavourable  monsoons.  Notwithstanding  this  long 


1789.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  147 

circuit,  the  noble  old  ship  made  the  passage  in  very  tolerable  time. 
Captain  Read  discovered  some  islands  to  the  eastward  of  New 
Holland. 

The  period  between  the  peace  and  the  year  1768,  was  one  of 
troubles,  insurrections  in  the  states,  and  difficulties  growing  out  of 
the  defective  political  organisation  of  the  country.  To  these  griev 
ances  may  be  added  the  embarrassments  arising  from  the  renewal 
of  the  claims  of  the  British  merchants,  that  had  been  suspended  by 
the  war.  All  these  circumstances  united  to  produce  uncertainty  and 
distress.  Discreet  men  saw  the  necessity  of  a  change  of  system,  and 
the  results  of  the  collected  wisdom  of  the  nation  were  offered  to  the 
world  in  a  plan  for  substituting  the  constitution  of  an  identified 
government,  in  the  place  of  the  articles  of  association,  and  of  creating 
what  has  since  been  popularly  termed  the  Union,  in  lieu  of  the  old 
Confederation.  The  scheme  was  adopted,  and  in  April  1789,  the 
new  government  went  into  operation,  with  Washington  at  its  head, 
as  President. 

The  entire  military  organisation  underwent  many  important  alter 
ations,  by  this  change  of  government.  The  President  became  the 
commander-in-chief  of  both  the  army  and  navy,  and  he  possessed 
the  civil  power  of  appointing  their  officers,  subject  only  to  the  appro 
bation  of  a  senate,  which  was  also  instituted  on  this  occasion,  and  to 
a  few  subordinate  regulations  of  Congress.  In  addition  to  this  high 
trust,  was  •  confided  to  him  one  of  still  heavier  responsibilities,  by 
which  he  could  dismiss  any  civil  or  military  officer,  the  judges  ex- 
cepted,  however  high  his  rank,  or  long  his  services.  The  supplies 
were  raised  directly  by  the  federal  power,  without  the  intervention 
of  the  states;  and  the  entire  government,  within  the  circle  of  its 
authority,  became  as  direct  and  as  efficient  as  that  of  any  other  polity 
which  possessed  the  representative  form. 

The  beneficial  consequences  of  these  fundamental  alterations  were 
visible  in  all  the  departments  of  the  country.  It  was  deemed  pre 
mature,  nevertheless,  to  think  of  the  re-establishment  of  a  marine; 
for,  oppressed  with  debt,  and  menaced  with  a  renewal  of  the  war 
with  England,  the  administration  of  Washington  was  cautiously,  and 
with  the  greatest  prudence,  endeavouring  to  extricate  the  country 
from  the  various  entanglements  that  were  perhaps  inseparable  from 
its  peculiar  condition,  and  to  set  in  motion  the  machinery  of  a  new 
and  an  entirely  novel  mode  of  conducting  the  affairs  of  a  state.  While 
Washington,  and  his  ministers,  appeared  to  be  fully  sensible  of  the 
importance  of  a  navy,  the  poverty  of  the  treasury  alone  would  have 
been  deemed  an  insuperable  objection  to  encountering  its  expense. 
Still,  so  evident  was  the  connexion  between  an  efficient  government 
and  a  permanent  and  strong  marine,  in  a  country  like  this,  that  when 
Paul  Jones  first  heard  of  the  change,  he  prepared  to  return  to  Ameri 
ca  in  the  confident  hope  of  being  again  employed. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Dey  of  Algiers,  discovering  that  a  new 
country  had  started  into  existence,  which  possessed  merchant  vessels 
and  no  cruisers,  as  a  matter  of  course  began  to  prey  on  its  commerce. 
On  the  2oth  of  July,  1785,  the  schooner  Maria,  belonging  to  Boston, 


148  NAVAL  HISTORY. 


was  seized,  outside  of  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  by  a  corsair,  and  her 
crew  were  carried  into  slavery.  This  unprovoked  piracy,  —  though 
committed  under  the  forms  of  a  legal  government,  the  act  deserves 
this  reproach,  —  was  followed,  on  the  30th  of  the  same  month,  by  the 
capture  of  the  ship  Dolphin,  of  Philadelphia,  Captain  O'Brien,  who, 
with  all  his  people,  was  made  to  share  the  same  fate.  On  the  9th 
of  July,  1790,  or  a  twelvemonth  after  the  organisation  of  the  federal 
government,  there  still  remained  in  captivity,  fourteen  of  the  unfortu 
nate  persons  who  had  been  thus  seized.  Of  course  five  bitter  years 
had  passed  in  slavery,  because,  at  the  period  named,  the  United 
States  of  America,  the  country  to  which  they  belonged  did  not  pos 
sess  sufficient  naval  force  to  compel  the  petty  tyrant  at  the  head  of 
the  Algerine  government  to  do  justice!  In  looking  back  at  events 
like  these,  we  feel  it  difficult  to  persuade  ourselves  that  the  nation 
was  really  so  powerless,  and  cannot  but  suspect  that  in  the  strife  of 
parties,  the  struggles  of  opinion,  and  the  pursuit  of  gain,  the  suffer 
ings  of  the  distant  captive  were  overlooked  or  forgotten.  One  of  the 
first  advantages  of  the  new  system,  was  connected  with  the  measures 
taken  by  the  administration  of  Washington  to  relieve  these  unfortu 
nate  persons.  A  long  and  weary  negotiation  ensued,  and  Paul  Jones 
was  appointed,  in  1792,  to  be  an  agent  for  effecting  the  liberation  of 
the  captives.  At  the  same  time,  a  commission  was  also  sent  to  him, 
naming  him  consul  at  the  regency  of  Algiers.  This  celebrated  man, 
for  whose  relief  these  nominations  were  probably  made,  was  dead 
before  the  arrival  of  the  different  commissions  at  Paris.  A  second 
agent  was  named  in  the  person  of  Mr.  Barclay;  but  this  gentleman 
also  died  before  he  could  enter  on  the  duties  of  the  office. 

Algiers  and  Portugal  had  long  been  at  war,  and,  though  the  latter 
government  seldom  resorted  to  active  measures  against  the  town  of 
its  enemy,  it  was  very  useful  to  the  rest  of  the  Christian  world,  by 
maintaining  a  strong  force  in  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  rendering  it 
difficult  for  any  rover  to  find  her  way  out  of  the  Mediterranean. 
Contrary  to  all  expectations,  this  war  was  suddenly  terminated  in 
1793,  through  the  agency  of  the  British  consul  at  Algiers,  and,  as  it 
was  said,without  the  knowledge  of  the  Portuguese  government.  This 
peace  or  truce,  allowed  the  Algerine  rovers  to  come  again  into 
the  Atlantic,  and  its  consequences  to  the  American  commerce  were 
soon  apparent.  A  squadron  consisting  of  four  ships,  three  xebecks, 
and  a  brig,  immediately  passed  the  straits,  and  by  the  9th  of  October, 
1793,  four  more  American  vessels  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  these 
lawless  barbarians.  At  the  same  time,  the  Dey  of  Algiers,  who  had 
commenced  this  quarrel  without  any  other  pretence  than  a  demand 
for  tribute,  refused  all  accommodations,  even  menacing  the  person 
of  the  minister  appointed  by  the  American  government,  should  he 
venture  to  appear  within  his  dominions  !  During  the  first  cruise 
of  the  vessels  mentioned,  they  captured  ten  Americans,  and  made 
one  hundred  and  five  additional  prisoners. 

These  depredations  had  now  reached  a  pass  when  further  sub 
mission  became  impossible,  without  a  total  abandonment  of  those 
rights,  that  it  is  absolutely  requisite  for  every  independent  govern- 


1794.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  149 

ment  to  maintain.  The  cabinet  took  the  subject  into  grave  deliber 
ation,  and  on  the  3d  of  March,  1794,  the  President  sent  a  message 
to  Congress,  communicating  all  the  facts  connected  with  the  Algerine 
depredations.  On  the  27th  of  the  same  month,  a  law  was  approved 
by  the  executive,  authorising  the  construction,  or  the  purchase  of 
six  frigates,  or  of  such  other  naval  force,  that  should  not  be  inferior 
to  that  of  the  six  frigates  named,  as  the  President  might  see  fit  to 
order,  provided  no  vessel  should  mount  less  than  32  guns.  This  law 
had  a  direct  reference  to  the  existing  difficulties  with  Algiers,  and  it 
contained  a  paragraph  ordering  that  all  proceedings  under  its  pro 
visions  should  cease,  in  the  event  of  an  accommodation  of  the  quarrel 
with  that  regency.  Notwithstanding  this  limit  to  the  action  of  the 
law,  the  latter  may  be  considered  the  first  step  taken  towards  the 
establishment  of  the  present  navy,  as  some  of  the  ships  that  were 
eventually  constructed  under  it  are  still  in  use,  and  some  of  the  offi 
cers  who  were  appointed  to  them,  passed  the  remainder  of  their  lives 
in  the  service. 

The  executive  was  no  sooner  authorised  to  proceed  by  the  law  of 
the  27th  of  March,  1794,  than  measures  were  taken  to  build  the  ves 
sels  ordered.  The  provision  of  the  first  paragraph  was  virtually  fol 
lowed,  and  the  six  frigates  were  laid  down  as  soon  as  possible.  These 
vessels  were  the 

Constitution       44,  laid  down  at  Boston. 

President  44,  "  New  York. 

United  States     44,  "  Philadelphia. 

Chesapeake       38,  "  Portsmouth,  Va. 

Constellation     38,  "  Baltimore. 

Congress  38,  "  Portsmouth,  N.  H. 

The  most  capable  builders  in  the  country  were  consulted,  the 
models  of  Mr.  Joshua  Humphreys,  of  Philadelphia*  being  those  ac 
cepted.  On  this  occasion,  an  important  and  recent  improvement  in 
ship-building  was  adopted,  by  which  frigates  were  increased  in  size 
and  in  efficiency,  by  so  far  lengthening  them,  as  to  give  to  ships  on 
one  deck,  the  metal  that  had  formerly  been  distributed  on  two.  The 
three  ships  first  mentioned  in  the  foregoing  list,  were  of  this  class  of 
vessels,  being  pierced  for  thirty  twenty-four-pounders,  on  their  gun- 
decks,  while  their  upper-deck  armaments  varied  with  circumstances. 
On  this  occasion  they  were  rated  as  forty-fours,  a  description  of  ves 
sel  that  had  previously  borne  its  guns  on  two  decks,  besides  the 
quarter-deck  and  forecastle.  The  others  were  of  the  force  of  the 
common  English  thirty-eights,  carrying  28  eighteens  below,  and  as 
many  lighter  guns  above  as  was  deemed  expedient.  From  a  want 
of  system,  the  Chesapeake  was  known  in  the  accounts  of  the  day  as 
a  forty-four,  and  she  even  figures  in  the  reports  under  the  law,  as  a 
vessel  of  that  rate,  owing  to  the  circumstance  that  she  was  originally 
intended  for  a  ship  of  that  force  and  size.  In  consequence  of  a  diffi- 

*  The  idea  of  constructing  ships  of  heavy  metal,  on  one  deck,  has  been  claimed  for  this 
architect.  With  whom  the  thought  originated  we  do  not  pretend  to  say.  The  Indien, 
within  the  revolution,  was  certainly  a  vessel  of  that  class,  and  the  English  had  a  few 
twenty -four-pounder  frigates  as  early  as  the  Americans. 


150  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1795. 

cultyin  obtaining  the  necessary  frame,  her  dimensions  were  lessened, 
and  she  took  her  place  in  the  navy,  by  the  side  of  the  two  vessels  last 
mentioned  on  the  foregoing  list.  But  so  much  inaccuracy  existed 
at  that  day,  and  the  popular  accounts  abound  with  so  many  errors  of 
this  nature,  that  we  shall  find  many  occasions  to  correct  similar  mis 
takes,  before  we  reach  a  period  when  the  service  was  brought  within 
the  rules  of  a  uniform  and  consistent  system. 

In  selecting  commanders  for  these  ships,  the  President  very  natu 
rally  turned  to  those  old  officers  who  had  proved  themselves  fit  for 
the  stations,  during  the  war  of  the  Revolution.  Many  of  the  naval 
captains  of  that  trying  period,  however,  were  already  dead,  and  others, 
again,  had  become  incapacitated  by  age  and  wounds,  for  the  arduous 
duties  of  sea-officers.  The  following  is  the  list  selected,  which  took 
rank  in  the  order  in  which  the  names  appear,  viz  : — 
John  Barry,  Joshua  Barney, 

Samuel  Nicholson,  Richard  Dale, 

Silas  Talbot,  Thomas  Truxttin. 

With  the  exception  of  Captain  Truxtun,  all  of  these  gentlemen 
had  served  in  the  navy  during  the  Revolution.  Captain  Barry  was 
the  only  one  of  the  six  who  was  not  born  in  America,  but  he  had 
passed  nearly  all  his  life  in  it,  and  was  thoroughly  identified  with 
his  adopted  country  in  feeling  and  interests.  He  had  often  distin 
guished  himself  during  the  preceding  war,  and,  perhaps,  of  all  the 
naval  captains  that  remained,  he  was  the  one  who  possessed  the 
greatest  reputation  for  experience,  conduct  and  skill.  The  appoint 
ment  met  with  general  approbation,  nor  did  any  thing  ever  occur  to 
give  the  government  reason  to  regret  its  selection. 

Captain  Nicholson  had  served  with  credit  in  subordinate  situa 
tions,  in  command  of  the  Hague,  or  Deane  32,  and  in  one  instance, 
at  the  head  of  a  small  squadron.  This  officer  also  commanded  the 
Dolphin  10,  the  cutter  that  the  commissioners  sent  with  Captain 
Wickes,  in  his  successful  cruise  in  the  narrow  seas. 

Captain  Talbot's  career  was  singular,  for  though  connected  with 
the  sea  in  his  youth,  he  had  entered  the  army,  at  the  commencement 
of  the  Revolution,  and  was  twice  promoted  in  that  branch  of  the  ser 
vice,  for  gallantry  and  skill  on  the  water.  This  gentleman  had  been 
raised  to  the  rank  of  a  captain  in  the  navy,  in  1779,  but  he  had  never 
been  able  to  obtain  a  ship.  Subsequently  to  the  war,  Captain  Tal 
bot  had  retired  from  the  sea,  and  he  had  actually  served  one  term  in 
Congress. 

Captain  Barney  had  served  as  a  lieutenant  in  many  actions,  and 
commanded  the  Pennsylvania  state  cruiser,  the  Hyder  Ally,  when 
she  took  the  General  Monk.  This  officer  declined  his  appointment 
in  consequence  of  having  been  put  junior  to  Lieut.  Colonel  Talbot, 
and  Captain  Sever  was  named  in  his  place. 

Captain  Dale  had  been  Paul  Jones'  first  lieutenant,  besides  seeing 
much  other  service  in  subordinate  stations  during  the  war  of  the  Rev 
olution. 

Captain  Truxtun  had  a  reputation  for  spirit  that  his  subsequent 


1796.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  151 

career  fully  justified,  and  had  seen  much  service  during  the  Revolu 
tion,  in  command  of  different  private  vessels  of  war. 

The  rank  of  the  subordinate  officers  eventually  appointed  to  these 
ships,  was  determined  hy  that  of  the  different  commanders,  the  senior 
lieutenant  of  Captain  Barry's  vessel  taking  rank  of  all  the  other  first 
lieutenants,  and  the  junior  officers  accordingly. 

All  these  preparations,  however,  were  suddenly  suspended  by  the 
signing  of  a  treaty  with  Algiers,  in  Nov.  1795.  By  a  provision  of 
the  law,  the  work  was  not  to  be  prosecuted  in  the  event  of  such  a 
peace,  and  the  President  immediately  called  the  attention  of  Con 
gress  to  the  subject.  A  new  act  was  passed,  without  delay,  ordering 
the  completion  and  equipment  of  two  of  the  forty-fours,  and  of  one 
of  the  thirty-eights,  while  it  directed  the  work  on  the  remaining  three 
ships  to  be  stopped,  and  the  perishable  portion  of  their  materials  to 
be  sold.  A  sum  which  had  also  been  voted  for  the  construction  of 
some  galleys,  but  no  part  of  which  had  yet  been  used,  was  applied  to 
the  equipment  of  these  vessels  ordered  to  be  launched.* 

The  President,  in  his  annual  speech  to  Congress,  December,  1796, 
strongly  recommended  laws  for  the  gradual  increase  of  the  navy. 
It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  as  appears  by  documents  published  at 
the  time,  the  peace  obtained  from  the  Dey  of  Algiers  cost  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  near  a  million  of  dollars,  a  sum  quite  suffi 
cient  to  have  kept  the  barbarian's  port  hermetically  blockaded  until 
he  should  have  humbly  sued  for  permission  to  send  a  craft  to  sea. 

"While  these  events  were  gradually  leading  to  the  formation  of  a 
navy,  the  maritime  powers  of  Europe  became  involved  in  what  was 
nearly  a  general  war,  and  their  measures  of  hostility  against  each 

*  The  reader  will  obtain  some  idea  of  the  spirit  which  may  prevail  in  a  nation,  when  it 
does  not  possess,  or  neglects  to  use,  the  means  of  causing  its  rights  and  character  to  be 
respected,  by  the  tone  of  the  following  article,  which  is  extracted  from  a  journal  of  the 
date  of  1798,  and  which  would  seem  to  be  as  much  in  unison  with  the  temper  of  that  day, 
as  one  of  an  opposite  character  would  comport  with  the  spirit  of  our  own  times.  Algiers 
will  not  extort  tribute  again  from  America,  but  other  rights,  not  less  dear  to  national  hon 
our,  national  character,  and  national  interests,  may  be  sacrificed  to  a  temporising  spirit, 
should  not  the  navy  be  enlarged,  and  made  the  highest  aim  of  national  policy. 

"  Crescent  Frigate. 

"Portsmouth,  Jan.  20. 

"  On  Thursday  morning  about  sunrise,  a  gun  was  discharged  from  the  Crescent  frigate, 
as  a  signal  for  getting  under  way  ;  and  at  10,  A.  M.,  she  cleared  the  harbour,  with  a  fine 
leading  breeze.  Our  best  wishes  follow  Captain  Newman,  his  officers  and  men.  May 
they  arrive  in  safety  at  the  place  of  their  destination,  and  present  to  the  Dey  of  Algiers, 
one  of  the  finest  specimens  of  elegant  naval  architecture  which  was  ever  home  on  the 
Piscataqua's  waters. 

"  Blow  all  ye  winds  that  fill  the  prosperous  sail, 
And  hush'd  in  peace  be  every  adverse  gale. 

"  The  Crescent  is  a  present  from  the  United  States  to  the  Dey,  as  compensation  for  de- 


3,  look  passage  in  the 
nited  States  to  all  the 
Barbary  states. 

"  The  Crescent  has  many  valuable  presents  on  board  for  the  Dey,  and  \rhen  she  sailed 
was  supposed  to  be  worth  at  least  three  hundred  thousand  dollars. 
"Twenty-six  barrels  of  dollars  constituted  a  part  of  her  cargo. 

"  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  captain,  chief  of  the  officers,  and  many  of  the  privates 
of  the  Crescent  frigate,  have  been  prisoners  at  Algiers." 


152  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1798. 

other  had  a  direct  tendency  to  trespass  on  the  privileges  of  neutrals. 
It  would  exceed  the  limits  of  this  work  to  enter  into  the  history  of  that 
system  of  gradual  encroachments  on  the  rights  of  the  American  peo 
ple,  which  distinguished  the  measures  of  both  the  two  great  belliger 
ents,  in  the  war  that  succeeded  the  French  Revolution  ;  or  the  height 
of  audacity  to  which  the  cruisers  of  France,  in  particular,  carried 
their  depredations,  most  probably  mistaking  the  amount  of  the  influ 
ence  of  their  own  country,  over  the  great  body  of  the  American  na 
tion.  Not  only  did  they  capture  British  ships  within  our  waters,  but 
they  actually  took  the  same  liberties  with  Americans  also.  All 
attempts  to  obtain  redress  of  the  French  government  failed,  and  un 
able  to  submit  any  longer  to  such  injustice,  the  government,  in  April, 
1798,  recommended  to  Congress  a  plan  of  armament  and  defence, 
that  it  was  hoped  would  have  the  effect  to  check  these  aggressions, 
and  avert  an  open  conflict.  Down  to  this  period,  the  whole  military 
defence  of  the  country,  was  entrusted  to  one  department,  that  of  war ; 
and  a  letter  from  the  secretary  of  this  branch  of  the  government,  to 
the  chairman  of  a  committee  to  devise  means  of  protection  and  de 
fence,  was  the  form  in  which  this  high  interest  was  brought  before 
the  nation,  through  its  representatives.  Twenty  small  vessels  were 
advised  to  be  built,  and,  in  the  event  of  an  open  rupture,  it  was  re 
commended  to  Congress  to  authorise  the  President  to  cause  six  ships 
of  the  line  to  be  constructed.  This  force  was  in  addition  to  the  six 
frigates  authorised  by  the  law  of  1794. 

The  United  States  44,  Constitution  44,  and  Constellation  38,  had 
been  got  afloat  the  year  previous.  These  three  ships  are  still  in  the 
service,  and  during  the  last  forty  years,  neither  has  ever  been  long 
out  of  commission. 

The  United  States  was  the  first  vessel  that  was  got  into  the  water, 
under  the  present  organisation  of  the  navy.  She  was  launched  at 
Philadelphia,  on  the  10th  of  July,  1797,  and  the  Constellation  fol 
lowed  her  on  the  7th  of  September. 

Congress  acted  so  far  on  the  recommendation  of  the  secretary  of 
war,  as  to  authorise  the  President  to  cause  to  be  built,  purchased,  or 
hired,  twelve  vessels,  none  of  which  were  to  exceed  twenty-two  guns, 
and  to  see  that  they  were  duly  equipped  and  manned.  To  effect 
these  objects  $950,000  were  appropriated.  This  law  passed  the 27th 
of  April,  1798,  and  on  the  30th,  a  regular  navy  department  Avas 
formally  created.  Benjamin  Stoddart  of  Georgetown  in  the  District 
of  Columbia,  was  the  first  secretary  put  at  the  head  of  this  important 
branch  of  the  government,  entering  on  his  duties  in  June  of  the  same 
year. 

After  so  long  and  so  extraordinary  a  forgetfulness  of  one  of  the 
most  important  interests  of  the  nation,  Congress  now  seemed  to  be 
in  earnest ;  the  depredations  of  the  French  having  reached  a  pass 
that  could  no  longer  be  submitted  to  with  honour.  On  the  4th  of 
May,  a  new  appropriation  was  made  for  the  construction  of  galleys 
and  other  small  vessels,  and  on  the  28th  of  the  same  month,  the 
President  was  empowered  to  instruct  the  commanders  of  the  public 
vessels  to  capture  and  send  into  port  all  French  cruisers,  whether 


1798.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  153 

public  or  private,  that  might  be  found  on  the  coast,  having  committed, 
or  which  there  was  reason  to  suppose  might  commit,  any  depreda 
tions  on  the  commerce  of  the  country  ;  and,  to  recapture  any  Amer 
ican  vessel  that  might  have  already  fallen  into  their  hands.  Addi 
tional  laws  were  soon  passed  for  the  condemnation  of  such  prizes, 
and  for  the  safe  keeping  of  their  crews.  In  June  another  law  was 
passed,  authorising  the  President  to  accept  of  twelve  more  vessels  of 
war,  should  they  be  offered  to  him  by  the  citizens,  and  to  issue  pub 
lic  stock  in  payment.  By  a  clause  in  this  act,  it  was  provided  that 
these  twelve  ships,  as  well  as  the  twelve  directed  to  be  procured  in  the 
law  of  the  27th  of  April  of  the  same  year,  should  consist  of  six  not 
exceeding  18  guns,  of  twelve  between  20  and  24  guns,  and  of  six  of 
not  less  than  32  guns.  The  cautious  manner  in  which  the  national 
legislature  proceeded,  on  this  occasion,  will  remind  the  reader  of  the 
reserve  used  in  1775,  and  1776  ;  and  we  trace  distinctly,  in  both  in 
stances,  the  moderation  of  a  people  averse  to  war,  no  less  than  a 
strong  reluctance  to  break  the  ties  of  an  ancient  but  much  abused 
amity. 

Down  to  this  moment,  the  old  treaty  of  alliance,  formed  between 
France  and  the  United  States  during  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  and 
some  subsequent  conventions,  were  legally  in  existence  ;  but  Con 
gress  by  law  solemnly  abrogated  them  all,  on  the  7th  of  July,  1798, 
on  the  plea  that  they  had  been  reapeatedly  disregarded  by  France, 
and  that  the  latter  country  continued,  in  the  face  of  the  most  solemn 
remonstrances,  to  uphold  a  system  of  predatory  warfare  on  the  com 
merce  of  the  United  States. 

It  will  be  seen  that  an  express  declaration  of  war  was  avoided  in 
all  these  measures,  nor  was  it  resorted  to,  at  all,  throughout  this  con 
troversy,  although  war,  in  fact,  existed  from  the  moment  the  first 
American  cruisers  appeared  on  the  ocean.  On  the  9th  of  July,  1798, 
another  law  passed,  authorising  the  American  vessels  of  war  to  cap 
ture  French  cruisers  wherever  they  might  be  found,  and  empowering 
the  President  to  issue  commissions  to  private  armed  vessels,  convey 
ing  to  them  the  same  rights  as  regarded  captures,  as  had  been  given 
to  the  public  ships.  By  this  act,  the  prizes  became  liable  to  condem 
nation,  for  the  benefit  of  the  captors. 

On  the  llth  of  July,  1798,  a  new  marine  corps  was  established  by 
law,  the  old  one  having  dissolved  with  the  navy  of  the  Revolution,  to 
which  it  had  properly  belonged.  It  contained  881  officers,  non-com 
missioned  officers,  musicians  and  privates,  and  was  commanded  by 
a  major.  On  the  16th  of  the  same  month,  a  law  was  passed  to  con 
struct  three  more  frigates.  This  act  was  expressed  in  such  terms  as 
to  enable  the  government  immediately  to  complete  the  ships  com 
menced  under  the  law  of  1794,  and  which  had  been  suspended  under 
that  of  1796.  The  whole  force  authorised  by  law,  on  the  16th  of 
July,  consequently,  consisted  of  twelve  frigates  ;  twelve  ships  of  a 
force  between  20  and  24  guns,  inclusive  ;  and  six  smaller  sloops,  be 
sides  galleys  and  revenue  cutters  ;  making  a  total  of  thirty  active 
cruisers. 

Such  is  the  history  of  the  legislation  that  gave  rise  to  the  present 


154  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1798. 


American  marine,  and  which  led  to  what  is  commonly  called  the 
quasi  war  against  France.  There  appears  to  have  heen  no  enact 
ments  limiting  the  number  of  the  officers,  who  were  appointed  ac 
cording  to  the  wants  of  the  service,  though  their  stations  and  allow 
ances  were  duly  regulated  by  law. 

While  the  government  of  the  United  States  was  taking  these  incip 
ient  and  efficient  steps  to  defend  the  rights  and  character  of  the  na 
tion,  the  better  feeling  of  the  country  was  entirely  in  its  favour. 
Families  of  the  highest  social  and  political  influence  pressed  forward 
to  offer  their  sons  to  the  service,  and  the  navy  being  the  favourite 
branch,  nearly  all  of  those  who  thus  presented  themselves,  and  whose 
ages  did  not  preclude  the  probationary  delay,  had  their  names  en 
rolled  on  the  list  of  midshipmen.  Young  and  intelligent  seamen 
were  taken  from  the  merchant  service,  to  receivs  the  rank  of  lieuten 
ants,  and  the  commanders  and  captains  were  either  chosen  from 
among  those  who  had  seen  service  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  or 
who  by  their  experience  in  the  charge  of  Indiamcn,  and  other  vessels 
of  value,  were  accustomed  to  responsibility  and  command.  It  may 
be  well  to  add,  here,  that  the  seamen  of  the  nation  joined  heartily  in 
the  feeling  of  the  day,  and  that  entire  crews  were  frequently  entered 
for  frigates  in  the  course  of  a  few  hours.  Want  of  men  was  hardly 
experienced  at  all  in  this  contest ;  and  we  deem  it  a  proof  that  sea 
men  can  always  be  had  in  a  war  thar  offers  active  service,  by  volun 
tary  enlistments,  provided  an  outlet  be  not  offered  to  enterprise 
through  the  medium  of  private  cruisers.  Although  commissions  were 
granted  to  privateers  and  letters  of  marque,  on  this  occasion,  com 
paratively  few  of  the  former  were  taken  out,  the  commerce  of  France 
offering  but  slight  inducements  to  encounter  the  expense. 

During  the  year  1797,  or  previously  to  the  commencement  of  hos 
tilities  between  the  United  States  and  France,  the  exports  of  the 
former  country  amounted  to  $57,000,000,  and  the  shipping  had  in 
creased  to  quite  800,000  tons,  while  the  population,  making  an  esti 
mate  from  the  census  of  1800,  had  risen  to  near  5,000,000.  The 
revenue  of  the  year  was  $8,209,070. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

The  Ganges,  Capt.  Richard  Dale,  is  brought  into  the  service  with  orders  to  capture  all 
French  cruisers  &c Capture  of  Le  Croyable,  by  the  Delaware,  Capt.  Decatur.... Na 
val  force  at  sea.. ..Affair  of  the  Baltimore  and  the  British  ship  Carnatick....Five  of  the 
Baltimore's  crew  are  impressed  and  three  of  her  convoy  captured.. ..Capt.  Phillips  of 
the  Baltimore,  dismissed  from  the  navy. ...Different  opinions  respecting  his  conduct.... 
Capture  of  the  Retaliation,  Lieut.  Bainbridtje,  by  the  Volontaire  and  Insurgent.. ..Es 
cape  of  the  Montezuma  and  Norfolk.. ..Return  and  promotion  of  Lieut.  Bainbridge.... 
Captures  of  the  Sans  Pareil  and  Jaloux. 

ALTHOUGH  three  of  the  frigates  were  launched  in  1797,  neither  was 
quite  ready  for  service  when  the  necessities  of  the  country  required 


1798.]  NAVAL  HISTORY  155 

that  vessels  should  be  sent  to  sea.  The  want  of  suitable  spars  and 
guns,  and  other  naval  stores,  fit  for  the  ships  of  size,  had  retarded  the 
labour  on  the  frigates,  while  vessels  had  been  readily  bought  for  the 
sloops  of  war,  which,  though  deficient  in  many  of  the  qualities  and 
conveniences  of  regular  cruisers,  were  made  to  answer  the  exigencies 
of  the  times.  Among  others  that  had  been  thus  provided,  was  an  In- 
diaman,  called  the  Ganges.  Retaining  her  name,  this  vessel  was 
brought  into  the  service,  armed  and  equipped  as  a  24,  and  put  under 
the  command  of  Captain  Richard  Dale,  who  was  ordered  to  sail  on 
a  cruise  on  the  22d  of  May.  This  ship,  then,  was  the  first  man-of- 
war  that  ever  got  to  sea  under  the  present  organisation  of  the  navy, 
or  since  the  United  States  have  existed  under  the  constitution.  Cap 
tain  Dale  was  instructed  to  do  no  more  than  pertains  generally  to 
the  authority  of  a  vessel  of  war,  that  is  cruising  on  the  coast  of  the 
country  to  which  she  belongs,  in  a  time  of  peace  ;  the  law  that  em 
powered  seizures  not  passing  until  a  few  days  after  he  had  sailed. 
His  cruising  ground  extended  from  the  east  end  of  .Long  Island  to 
the  capes  of  Virginia,  with  a  view  to  cover,  as  much  as  possible,  the 
three  important  ports  of  Baltimore,  Philadelphia,  arid  New  York, 
and,  in  anticipation  of  the  act  of  the  28th  of  May,  Captain  Dale  was 
directed  to  appear  off  the  capes  of  the  Delaware  on  the  12th  of  June, 
to  receive  new  orders.  On  that  day,  instructions  were  accordingly 
sent  to  him  to  capture  all  French  cruisers  that  were  hovering  on  the 
coast  with  hostile  views  on  the  American  commerce,  and  to  recapture 
any  of  their  prizes  he  might  happen  to  fall  in  with. 

The  Constellation  38,  Captain  Truxtun,  and  the  Delaware  20, 
Captain  Decatur,  next  went  to  sea,  early  in  June,  under  the  last  of 
the  foregoing  orders,  and  with  directions  to  cruise  to  the  southward 
of  Cape  Henry,  as  far  as  the  coast  of  Florida.  When  a  few  days  out, 
the  Delaware  fell  in  with  the  French  privateer  schooner  Le  Croyable 
14,  with  a  crew  of  70  men.  Being  satisfied  that  this  vessel  had 
already  made  several  prizes,  and  that  she  was  actually  cruising  on 
soundings,  in  search  of  more,  Captain  Decatur  took  her,  and  sent 
her  into  the  Delaware.  As  the  law  directing  the  capture  of  all  armed 
French  vessels  passed  soon  after  her  arrival,  Le  Croyable  was  con 
demned,  and  bought  into  the  navy.  She  was  called  the  Retaliation 
and  the  command  of  her  was  given  to  Lieutenant  Bainbridge. 

Le  Croyable  was,  consequently,  not  only  the  first  capture  made, 
in  what  it  is  usual  to  term  the  French  war  of  1798,  but  she  was  the 
first  vessel  ever  taken  by  the  present  navy,  or  under  the  present  form 
of  government. 

The  activity  employed  by  the  administration,  as  well  as  by  the 
navy,  now  astonished  those  who  had  so  long  been  accustomed  to 
believe  the  American  people  disposed  to  submit  to  any  insult,  in 
preference  to  encountering  the  losses  of  war.  The  United  States  44, 
Captain  Barry,  went  to  sea  early  in  July,  and  proceeded  to  cruise  to 
the  eastward.  The  ship  carried  out  with  her  many  young  gentle 
men,  who  have  since  risen  to  high  rank  and  distinction  in  the  service.* 

*  The  first  lieutenant  of  the  United  States  on  this  cruise,  was  Mr.  Ross ;  second  lieu 
tenant,  Mr.  Mullony ;  third  lieutenant,  Mr.  James  Barron ;  fourth  lieutenant,  Mr.  Charles 


156  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1798. 

But  the  law  of  the  9th  of  that  month,  occurring  immediately  after 
wards,  the  government  altered  its  policy  entirely,  and  determined  to 
send  at  once,  a  strong  force  among  the  West  India  islands,  where  the 
enemy  abounded,  and  where  the  commerce  of  the  country  was  most 
exposed  to  his  depredations.  On  the  llth,  instructions  were  sent  to 
Captain  Barry,  who  now  hoisted  a  broad  pennant,  to  go  off  Cape 
Cod,  with  the  Delaware  20,  Captain  Decatur,  where  he  would  find 
the  Herald  18,  Captain  Sever,  that  officer  preferring  active  service 
in  a  small  vessel,  to  waiting  for  the  frigate  to  which  he  had  been  ap 
pointed,  and  then  to  proceed  directly  to  the  West  Indies,  keeping  to 
windward. 

That  well  known  frigate,  the  Constitution  44,  had  been  launched 
at  Boston,  September  20th,  1797;  and  she  first  got  under  way,  July 
20th  of  this  year,  under  Captain  Samuel  Nicholson,  who,  in  August, 
with  four  revenue  vessels  in  company,  was  directed  to  cruise  on  the 
coast,  to  the  southward  of  Cape  Henry.*  These  revenue  vessels 
were  generally  brigs,  between  one  hundred  and  fifty  and  two  hundred 
tons  measurement,  with  armaments  varying  from  ten  to  fourteen 
guns,  and  crews  of  from  fifty  to  seventy  men.  At  the  close  of  the 
year,  many  of  them  were  taken  into  the  navy,  and  we  find  some  of 
their  officers,  soon  after  the  commencement  of  the  contest,  in  the 
command  of  frigates.  The  celebrated  Preble  is  first  seen  in  actual 
service,  as  the  commander  of  one  of  these  revenue  vessels,  though 
his  rank  was  that  of  lieutenant  commandant,  and  he  had  been  pre 
viously  attached  to  the  Constitution,  as  one  of  her  officers. 

Early  in  August,  the  Constellation  38,  Captain  Truxtun,  and  the 
Baltimore  20,  Captain  Phillips,  went  to  the  Havana,  and  brought 
a  convoy  of  sixty  sail  in  safety  to  the  United  States  ;  several  French 
cruisers  then  lying  in  the  port,  ready  to  follow  the  merchantmen, 
but  for  this  force,  the  presence  of  which  prevented  them  from  appear 
ing  outside  the  castle.  By  the  close  of  the  year,  the  following  force 
was  at  sea;  most  of  the  vessels  being  either  in  the  West  Indies,  or 
employed  in  convoying  between  the  islands  and  the  United  States. 

United  States'  Skips  at  sea,  during  the  year  1798,  viz  : 

*United  States  44,  Com.  Barry. 

*Constitution  44,  Capt.  Nicholson. 

*Constellation  38,         "      Truxtun. 

George  Wash 
ington  24,         "      Fletcher. 
'Portsmouth  24,         "      M'Niel. 

Merrimack  24,         "      Brown. 

Ganges  24,         "      Tingey. 

Montezuma  20,         "      Murray. 

Baltimore  20,         "      Phillips. 

Stewart.  Among  the  midshipmen  were  Decatur,  Somers,  Caldwell,  &c.  &G.  Messrs. 
Jacob  Jones  and  Crane,  joined  her  soon  after. 

*  It  is  said  that  the  Constitution  would  have  been  the  first  vessel  got  into  the  water 
under  the  new  organisation,  had  she  not  stuck  in  an  abortive  attempt  to  launch  her,  at 
an  earlier  day. 


1798.] 


NAVAL  HISTORY. 


157 


Delaware 

20, 

a 

Decatur. 

Herald 

18, 

u 

Russel. 

Richmond 

18, 

H 

S.  Barron. 

•Norfolk 

18, 

U 

Williams. 

*Pinckney 

18, 

11 

Hayward. 

Retaliation 

14, 

Lieut. 

Com.  Bainbridge. 

i"  *  Pickering 

14, 

Lieut. 

Com.  Preble 

•Eagle 

14, 

si 

Campbell. 

*Scammel 

H, 

it 

Adams. 

Revenue 

*Gov.  Jay 

14, 

K 

Leonard. 

vessels. 

•Virginia 

14, 

M 

Bright. 

*Diligence 

12, 

U 

Brown. 

*SouthCarolinal2, 

(1 

Payne. 

*Gen.  Green 

10, 

It 

Price. 

Of  these  vessels,  those  marked  with  an  asterisk,  were  built  ex 
pressly  for  the  public  service,  while  the  remainder,  with  the  exception 
of  the  Retaliation,  captured  from  the  French,  were  purchased.  The 
vessels  rating  20  and  24  guns,  were  old-fashioned  sloops,  with  gun- 
decks,  and  carried,  in  general,  long  nines  and  sixes.  The  smaller 
vessels  were  deep-waisted,  like  the  modern  corvette,  and  carried  light 
long  guns.  Even  the  frigates  had,  as  yet,  no  carronades  in  their 
armaments,  their  quarter-deck  and  forecastle  batteries  being  long 
twelves  and  nines.  The  carronade  was  not  introduced  into  the  ser 
vice,  until  near  the  close  of  this  contest. 

Besides  the  vessels  named  in  the  foregoing  list,  many  more  were 
already  laid  down ;  and  so  great  was  the  zeal  of  the  commercial 
towns,  in  particular,  that  no  less  than  two  frigates,  and  five  large 
sloops  were  building  by  subscription,  in  the  different  principal  ports 
of  the  country.  In  addition  to  this  force,  must  be  enumerated  eight 
large  galleys,  that  were  kept  on  the  southern  coast,  to  defend  their 
inlets. 

The  sudden  exhibition  of  so  many  cruisers  in  the  West  Indies, 
appears  to  have  surprised  the  British,  as  well  as  the  common  enemy; 
and,  while  the  men-of-war  of  Great  Britain,  on  the  \vhole,  treated 
their  new  allies  with  sufficient  cordiality,  instances  were  not  wanting, 
in  which  a  worse  feeling  was  shown,  and  a  very  questionable  policy 
pursued  towards  them.  The  most  flagrant  instance  of  the  sort  that 
took  place,  occurred  in  the  autumn  of  this  year,  off  the  port  of  Ha 
vana,  and  calls  for  a  conspicuous  notice,  in  a  work  of  this  character. 

On  the  morning  of  the  16th  November,  1798,  a  squadron  of 
British  ships  was  made  from  the  United  States  sloop  of  war  Balti 
more  20,  Captain  Phillips,  then  in  charge  of  a  convoy,  bound  from 
Charleston  to  the  Havana.  At  the  time,  the  Moro  was  in  sight, 
and  knowing  that  the  English  cruisers  in  those  seas,  were  in  the 
habit  of  pursuing  a  vexatious  course  towards  the  American  mer 
chantmen,  Captain  Phillips,  as  soon  as  he  had  ascertained  the 
characters  of  the  strangers,  made  a  signal  to  his  convoy  to  carry  sail 
hard,  in  order  to  gain  their  port,  bearing  up  in  the  Baltimore,  at  the 
same  time,  to  speak  the  English  commodore.  The  latter  was  in  the 


158  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1798. 

Carnatick  74,  with  the  Queen  98,  Thunderer  74,  Maidstone  32,  and 
Greyhound  32,  in  company.  The  English  ships  cut  off  three  of  the 
convoy,  and  captured  them,  probably  under  the  plea  of  a  blockade, 
or,  some  of  their  own  constructions  of  the  rights  of  colonial  trade. 
When  the  Baltimore  joined  the  Carnatick,  Captain  Loring,  the  com 
mander  of  the  latter  ship,  and  the  senior  officer  of  the  squadron,  in 
vited  Captain  Phillips  to  repair  on  board  his  vessel.  On  complying 
with  this  invitation,  a  conversation  ensued  between  the  two  officers, 
in  which  Captain  Loring  informed  his  guest  that  he  intended  to  take 
all  the  men  out  of  the  Baltimore,  that  had  not  regular  American 
protections.  Captain  Phillips  protested  against  such  a  violation  of 
his  flag,  as  an  outrage  on  the  dignity  of  the  nation  to  which  he  be 
longed,  and  announced  his  determination  to  surrender  his  ship, 
should  any  such  proceedings  be  insisted  on. 

Captain  Phillips  now  returned  on  board  the  Baltimore,  where  he 
found  a  British  lieutenant  in  the  act  of  mustering  the  crew.  Taking 
the  muster-roll  from  his  hand,  Captain  Phillips  ordered  the  Car- 
natick's  officer  to  walk  to  leeward,  and  sent  his  people  to  theii 
quarters.  The  American  commander  now  found  himself  in  great 
doubt,  as  to  the  propriety  of  the  course  he  ought  to  pursue.  Having 
a  legal  gentleman  of  some  reputation  onboard,  he  determined,  how 
ever,  to  consult  him,  and  to  be  influenced  by  his  advice.  The 
following  facts  appear  to  have  been  submitted  to  the  consideration 
of  this  gentleman.  The  Baltimore  had  sailed  without  a  commission 
on  board  her,  or  any  paper  whatever,  signed  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  under  instructions  that  "  the  vessels  of  every 
other  nation  (France  excepted,)  are  on  no  account  to  be  molested ; 
and  I  wish  particularly  to  impress  on  your  mind,  that  should  you 
ever  see  an  American  vessel  captured  by  the  armed  ship  of  any 
nation  at  war,  with  whom  we  are  at  peace,  you  cannot  lawfully 
interfere  to  prevent  the  capture,  for  it  is  to  be  taken  for  granted,  that 
such  nation  will  compensate  for  such  capture,  if  it  should  prove  to 
have  been  illegally  made."  We  have  quoted  the  whole  of  this  clause, 
that  part  which  is  not,  as  well  as  that  which  is,  pertinent  to  the  point 
that  influenced  Captain  Phillips,  in  order  that  the  reader  may  un 
derstand  the  spirit  that  prevailed  in  the  councils  of  the  nation,  at  that 
time.  There  may  be  some  question  how  far  a  belligerent  can,  with 
propriety,  have  any  authority  over  a  vessel  that  has  been  regularly 
admitted  into  the  convoy  of  a  national  cruiser,  for  it  is  just  as  rea 
sonable  to  suppose  that  a  public  ship  of  one  nation  would  not  protect 
an  illegality  by  countenancing  such  a  fraud,  as  to  suppose  that  a 
public  ship  of  another  would  not  do  violence  to  right  in  her  seizures; 
and  an  appeal  to  the  justice  of  America  to  deliver  up  an  offending 
ship  might  be  made  quite  as  plausibly,  as  an  appeal  to  the  justice  of 
England  to  restore  an  innocent  ship.  The  papers  of  a  vessel  under 
convoy,  at  all  events,  can  properly  be  examined  nowhere  but  under 
the  eyes  of  the  commander  of  the  convoy,  or  of  his  agent,  in  order 
that  the  ship  examined  may  have  the  Lenefit  of  his  protecting  care, 
should  the  belligerent  feel  disposed  to  abuse  his  authority.  It  will 
be  observed,  however,  that  Captain  Phillips  had  trusted  more  to  the 


1798.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  159 


sailing  of  his  convoy,  than  to  any  principles  of  international  law  ;  and 
when  we  inquire  further  into  the  proceedings  of  the  British  com 
mander,  it  will  be  seen  that  this  decision,  while  it  may  not  have  been 
as  dignified  and  firm  as  comported  with  his  official  station  was 
probably  as  much  for  the  benefit  of  the  interests  he  was  deputed  to 
protect,  as  any  other  course  might  have  been. 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  rights  of  belligerents  in  regard  to 
ships,  there  can  be  no  question  that  the  conduct  of  the  British  officer, 
in  insisting,  under  the  circumstances,  on  taking  any  of  the  Balti 
more's  men,  was  totally  unjustifiable.  The  right  of  impressment  is 
a  national,  and  not  an  international  right,  depending  solely  on  mu 
nicipal  regulations,  and  in  no  manner  on  public  law;  since  the  latter 
can  confer  no  privileges,  that,  in  their  nature,  are  not  reciprocal. 
International  law  is  founded  on  those  principles  of  public  good  which 
are  common  to  all  forms  of  government,  and  it  is  not  to  be  tolerated 
that  one  particular  community  should  set  up  usages,  arising  out  of 
its  peculiar  situation,  with  an  attempt  to  exercise  them  at  the  ex 
pense  of  those  general  rules  which  the  civilised  world  has  recognised 
as  necessary,  paramount,  and  just.  No  principle  is  better  settled 
than  the  one  which  declares  that  a  vessel  on  the  high  seas,  for  all  the 
purposes  of  personal  rights,  is  within  the  protection  of  the  laws  of 
the  country  to  which  she  belongs ;  and  England  has  no  more  au 
thority  to  send  an  agent  on  board  an  American  vessel,  so  situated,  to 
claim  a  deserter,  or  a  subject,  than  she  can  have  a  right  to  send  a 
sheriff's  officer  to  arrest  a  thief.  If  her  institutions  allow  her  to  insist 
on  the  services  of  a  particular  and  limited  class  of  her  own  subjects, 
contrnry  to  their  wishes,  it  is  no  affair  of  other  nations,  so  long  as  the 
exercise  of  this  extraordinary  regulation  is  confined  to  her  own  juris 
diction  ;  but  when  she  attempts  to  extend  it  into  the  legal  jurisdictions 
of  other  communities,  she  not  only  invades  their  privileges  by  vio 
lating  a  conventional  right  but  she  offends  their  sense  of  justice  by 
making  them  parties  to  the  commission  of  an  act  that  is  in  open 
opposition  to  natural  equity.  In  the  case  before  us,  the  British 
commander,  however,  did  still  more,  for  he  reversed  all  the  known 
and  safe  principles  of  evidence,  by  declaring  chat  he  should  put  the 
accused  to  the  proofs  of  their  innocence,  and,  at  once,  assume  that 
every  man  in  the  Baltimore  was  an  Englishman,  who  should  fail  to 
establish  the  fact  that  he  was  an  American. 

Captain  Phillips,  after  taking  time  to  deliberate,  determined  to 
submit  to  superior  force,  surrender  his  ship,  and  to  refer  the  matter 
to  his  own  government.  The  colours  of  the  Baltimore  were  accor 
dingly  lowered;  Captain  Loring  was  informed  that  the  ship  was  at 
his  disposal,  and  fifty -five  of  the  crew  were  immediately  transferred 
to  the  Carnatick.  After  a  short  delay,  however,  fifty  of  these  men 
were  sent  back,  and  only  five  were  retained. 

Captain  Loring  now  made  a  proposition  to  Captain  Phillips,  that 
was  as  extraordinary  as  any  part  of  his  previous  conduct,  by  stating 
that  he  had  a  number  of  Americans  in  his  squadron,  whom  he  would 
deliver  up  to  the  flag  of  their  country,  man  for  man,  in  exchange  for 
as  many  Englishmen.  These  Americans,  it  is  fair  to  presume,  had 


160  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1798 

been  impressed,  and  the  whole  of  these  violent  outrages  on  neutral 
rights,  were  closed  by  a  proposal  to  surrender  a  certain  number  of 
American  citizens,  who  were  detained  against  their  will,  and  in  the 
face  of  all  law,  to  fight  battles  in  which  they  had  no  interest,  if  Cap 
tain  Phillips  would  weaken  his  crew  by  yielding  an  equal  number 
of  Englishmen,  who  had  taken  voluntary  service  under  the  American 
flag,  for  the  consideration  of  a  liberal  bounty  and  ample  pay. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  this  proposition  was  rejected ; 
the  American  commander  possessing  no  more  authority  to  give  up 
any  portion  of  his  legal  crew,  in  this  manner,  than  he  had  to  insist 
on  the  services  of  the  Americans  whom  he  might  receive  in  exchange. 
The  British  squadron  now  made  sail,  carrying  with  them  the  five 
men  and  the  three  ships.  Nothing  remained  for  Captain  Phillips 
but  to  hoist  his  colours  again,  and  to  proceed  on  his  cruise.  On  his 
return  to  America,  this  officer  hastened  to  Philadelphia,  and  laid  the 
whole  transaction  before  the  government,  and  on  the  10th  of  January, 
1799,  he  was  dismissed  from  the  navy  without  trial. 

We  look  back  on  this  whole  transaction  with  mortification,  regret 
and  surprise.  We  feel  deep  mortification  that,  after  the  experience 
of  the  contest  ofthe  Revolution,  the  American  character  should  have 
fallen  so  low,  that  an  officer  of  any  nation  might  dare  to  commit  an 
outrage  as  violent  as  that  perpetrated  by  the  commander  of  the 
Carnatick,  for  it  is  fair  to  presume  that  no  man  would  incur  its  re 
sponsibility  with  his  own  government,  who  did  not  feel  well  assured 
that  his  superiors  would  think  the  risk  of  a  conflict  with  America, 
more  than  compensated  by  the  advantages  that  would  be  thus  ob 
tained  in  manning  the  English  fleets ;  effectually  proving  that  it  must 
have  been  the  prevalent  opinion  ofthe  day,  America  was  so  little 
disposed  to  insist  on  her  rights,  that  in  preference  to  putting  her 
commerce  in  jeopardy,  she  would  not  only  yield  her  claim  to  protect 
seamen  under- her  flag  generally,  but  under  that  pennant  which  is 
supposed  more  especially  to  represent  national  dignity  and  national 
honour.  This  opinion  was  undeniably  unfounded,  as  regards  the 
great  majority  ofthe  American  people,  but  it  was  only  too  true,  in 
respect  to  a  portion  of  them,  who  collected  in  towns,  and  sustained 
by  the  power  of  active  wealth,  have,  in  all  ages  and  in  all  countries, 
been  enabled  to  make  their  particular  passing  interests  temporarily 
superior  to  those  eternal  principles  on  which  nations  or  individuals 
can  alone,  with  any  due  reliance,  trust  for  character  and  security. 
In  1798,  the  contest  with  France  was  so  much  the  more  popular  with 
the  mercantile  part  ofthe  community,  because  it  favoured  trade  with 
England ;  and  some  now  living  may  be  surprised  to  learn,  that  a 
numerous  and  powerful  class  in  the  country,  were  so  blinded  by  their 
interests,  and  perhaps  misled  by  prejudices  of  a  colonial  origin,  as 
actually  to  contend  that  Great  Britain  had  a  perfect  right  to  seize  her 
seamen  wherever  she  could  find  them;  a  privilege  that  could  be  no 
more  urged  with  reason,  than  to  insist  that  Great  Britain  had  an 
equal  right  to  exercise  any  other  municipal  power  that  conflicted 
with  general  principles,  on  the  plea  of  private  necessity.  An  act  of 
spirited  resistance  at  that  moment  might  have  put  a  stop  to  the  long 


1799.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  161 

train  of  similar  aggressions  that  followed,  and  which,  after  an  age 
of  forbearance,  finally  produced  all  the  evils  of  the  very  warfare  that 
seem  to  have  been  so  much  apprehended. 

On  this  branch  of  the  subject,  no  more  need  be  said  at  present, 
than  to  add  that  while  the  British  government  did  not  appear  dis 
posed  to  defend  the  principle  involved  in  the  act  of  its  officer,  the 
American  so  far  forgot  what  was  done  to  its  real  interests,  as  not  to 
insist  on  an  open  and  signal  reparation  of  the  wrong. 

The  conduct  of  the  commander  of  the  Baltimore  ought,  in  a 
measure,  to  be  judged  by  the  spirit  of  the  day  in  which  the  event  oc 
curred,  and  not  by  the  better  feelings  and  sounder  notions  that  now 
prevail  on  the  same  subject.  Still,  he  appears  to  have  fallen  into  one 
or  two  material  errors.  The  inference  put  on  the  words  "  no  ac 
count'*  in  his  instructions,  was  palpably  exaggerated  and  feeble; 
since  it  would  equally  have  led  him  to  yield  his  ship  itself,  to  an  at 
tack  from  an  inferior  force,  should  it  have  suited  the  views  of  the 
commander  of  any  vessel  but  a  Frenchman  to  make  one  ;  and  the 
case  goes  to  show  the  great  importance  of  possessing  a  corps  of 
trained  and  instructed  officers  to  command  vessels  of  war,  it  being  as 
much  a,, regular  qualification  in  the  accomplished  naval  captain,  to  be 
able  to  make  distinctions  that  shall  render  him  superior  to  sophisms 
of  this  nature,  as  to  work  his  ship. 

The  circumstance  that  there  was  no  commission,  or  any  papei 
signed  by  the  President  ofthe  United  States,  in  the  Baltimore,  though 
certainly  very  extraordinary,  and  going  to  prove  the  haste  with  which 
the  armaments  of  1798  were  made,  ought  to  have  had  no  influence 
on  the  decision  of  Captain  Phillips,  in  the  presence  of  a  foreign  ship.. 
This  officer  would  not  have  hesitated  about  defending  his  convoy,. 
under  his  instructions  alone,  against  a  Frenchman ;  and  by  a  similar 
rule,  he  ought  not  to  have  hesitated  about  defending  his  people 
against  an  Englishman,  on  the  same  authority.  Any  defect  in  form, 
connected  with  his  papers,  was  a  question  purely  national,  no  foreign 
officer  having  aright  to  enter  into  the  examination  of  the  matter  at 
all,  so  long  as  there  was  sufficient  evidence  to  establish  the  national 
character  ofthe  Baltimore,  which,  in  extremity,  might  have  been 
done  by  the  instructions  themselves;  and  we  see  in  the  doubts  of 
Captain  Phillips  on  this  head,  the  deficiencies  of  a  man  educated  in  a. 
merchantman,  or  a  service  in  which  clearances  and  registers  are  in 
dispensable  to  legality,  instead  ofthe  decision  and  promptitude  of  an 
officer  taught  from  youth  to  rely  on  the  dignity  and  power  of  his 
government,  and  the  sanctity  of  his  flag.  The  commissions  of  her 
officers  do  not  give  to  a  ship  of  war  her  national  character,  but  they 
merely  empower  those  who  hold  them  to  act  in  their  several  stations; 
the  nationality  of  the  vessel  depending'  on  the  simple  facts  ofthe 
ownership  and  the  duty  on  which  she  is  employed.  Nations  create 
such  evidence  of  this  interest  in  their  vessels  as  may  suit  themselves, 
nor  can  foreigners  call  these  provisions  in  question,  so  long  as  they 
answer  the  great  ends  for  which  they  were  intended. 

Different  opinions  have  been  entertained  of  the  propriety  of  the 
course  taken  by  Captain  Phillips  without  reference  to  the  grounds 

VOL.    I.  11 


162  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1798. 

of  his  submission.  By  one  set  of  logicians  lie  is  justified  in  yielding 
without  resistance,  on  account  of  the  overwhelming  force  of  the  Eng 
lish  ;  and  by  another  condemned  on  the  plea  that  a  vessel  of  war 
should  never  strike  her  colours  with  her  guns  loaded.  We  think 
both  of  these  distinctions  false,  as  applied  to  this  particular  case  ;  and 
the  latter,  as  applied  to  most  others.  When  the  commander  of  a 
vessel  of  war  sees  no  means  to  escape  from  capture,  nothing  is  gained, 
either  to  his  nation  or  himself,  by  merely  firing  a  broadside  and  haul 
ing  down  his  colours.  So  far  from  being  an  act  of  spirit,  it  is  the 
reverse,  unless  we  concede  something  to  the  force  of  prejudice,  since 
it  is  hazarding  the  lives  of  others,  without  risking  his  own,  or  those 
of  his  crew ;  for,  to  pretend  that  Captain  Phillips  should  not  only 
have  discharged  his  guns,  but  have  stood  the  fire  of  Carnatick,  is  to 
affirm  that  an  officer  ought  to  consummate  an  act  of  injustice  in 
others,  by  an  act  of  extreme  folly  of  his  own.  We  think,  however, 
that  Captain  Phillips  erred  in  not  resisting  in  a  manner  that,  was  com 
pletely  within  his  power.  When  he  took  the  muster-roll  from  the 
hands  of  the  English  lieutenant,  and  called  his  people  to  quarters, 
he  became  master  of  his  own  ship,  and  might  have  ordered  the  Car- 
natick'sboat  to  leave  it,  with  a  message  to  Captain  Loring,  expressive 
of  his  determination  to  defend  himself.  The  case  was  not  one  of 
war,  in  which  there  was  a  certainty  that,  resisting,  lie  would  be  as 
sailed,  but  an  effort  on  the  part  of  the  commander  of  a  ship  belonging 
to  a  friendly  power,  to  push  aggression  to  a  point  that  no  one  but 
himself  could  know.  An  attempt  to  board  the  Baltimore  in  boats 
might  have  been  resisted,  and  successfully  even,  when  credit  instead 
of  discredit  would  have  been  reflected  on  the  service ;  and  did  the 
Carnatick  open  her  fire,  all  question  of  blame,  as  respects  Captain 
Phillips,  would  have  been  immediately  settled.  It  may  be  much 
doubted  if  the  British  officer  would  have  had  recourse  to  so  extreme 
a  measure,  under  such  circumstances  ;  and  if  he  had,  something 
would  have  been  gained,  by  at  once  placing  the  open  hostility  of  a 
vastly  superior  force,  between  submission  and  disgrace. 

Neither  was  the  course  pursued  by  the  government  free  from  cen 
sure.  It  is  at  all  times  a  dangerous,  and  in  scarcely  no  instance  a 
necessary,  practice,  to  cashier  an  officer  without  trial.  Cases  of  mis 
conduct  so  flagrant,  may  certainly  occur,  as  to  justify  the  executive 
in  resorting  to  the  prompt  use  of  the  removing  power  ;  as  for  cow 
ardice  in  the  open  field,  in  presence  of  the  commander-in-chief,  when 
disgrace  in  face  of  the  army  or  fleet,  might  seem  as  appropriate  as 
promotion  for  conduct  of  the  opposite  kind  ;  but,  as  a  rule,  no  mili 
tary  man  should  suffer  this  heavy  penalty  without  having  the  benefit 
of  a  deliberate  and  solemn  investigation,  and  the  judgment  of  those 
who,  by  their  experience,  may  be  supposed  to  be  the  most  competent 
to  decide  on  his  conduct.  The  profession  of  an  officer  is  the  busi 
ness  of  a  life,  and  the  utmost  care  of  his  interests  and  character,  is 
the  especial  duty  of  those  who  are  called  to  preside  over  his  destinies, 
in  a  civil  capacity.  In  the  case  before  us,  we  learn  the  danger  of 
precipitation  and  misconception  in  such  matters,  the  reason  given 
by  the  secretary  for  the  dismissal  of  Captain  Phillips  being  contra- 


1798.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  163 

dieted  by  the  facts,  as  they  are  now  understood.  In  the  communica 
tion  of  that  functionary  to  the  degraded  officer,  the  latter  was  charged 
with  "  tame  submission  to  the  orders  of  the  British  lieutenant,  on 
board  your  own  ship  ;"  whereas,  it  is  alledged  on  the  part  of  Captain 
Phillips,  that  he  did  not  permit  the  English  officer  to  muster  his 
crew,  but  that  the  act  was  performed  while  he  himself  was  on  board 
the  Carnatick. 

As  recently  as  the  year  1820,  an  attempt  was  made  to  revive  an 
investigation  of  this  subject,  and  to  restore  Captain  Phillips  to  his 
rank.  It  is  due  to  that  officer  to  say,  many  of  the  facts  were  found 
to  be  much  more  in  his  favour  than  had  been  generally  believed,  and 
that  the  investigation,  while  it  failed  in  its  principal  object,  tended 
materially  to  relieve  his  name  from  the  opprobrium,  under  which  it 
had  previously  rested.  Although  many  still  think  he  erred  in  judg 
ment,  it  is  now  the  general  impression  that  his  mistakes  were  the 
results  of  a  want  of  experience,  and  perhaps  of  the  opinions  of  the 
day,  rather  than  of  anv  want  of  a  suitable  disposition  to  defend  the 
honour  of  the  flag.  The  punishment  inflicted  on  him,  appears  to 
have  been  as  unnecessarily  severe,  as  it  was  indiscreet  in  its  manner ; 
and  if  we  may  set  down  the  outrage  as  a  fault  of  the  times,  we  may 
also  add  to  the  same  catalogue  of  errors,  most  of  the  other  distinctive 
features  of  the  entire  proceedings. 

It  has  been  stated  that  the  privateer  Le  Croyable  14,  captured  by 
the  Delaware  20,  had  been  taken  into  the  service,  under  the  name  of 
the  Retaliation.  In  November,  1798,  or  about  the  time  that  the 
Carnatick  impressed  the  men  of  the  Baltimore,  the  Montezuma  20, 
Captain  Murray,  Norfolk  18,  Captain  Williams,  and  the  Retaliation 
12,  Lieutenant  Bainbridge,were  cruising  in  company  off  Guadaloupe, 
when  three  sails  were  made  to  the  eastward,  and  soon  after  two  more 
to  the  westward.  Captain  Murray,  who  was  the  senior  officer,  was 
led  to  suppose,  from  circumstances,  that  the  vessels  in  the  eastern 
board  were  British,  and  speaking  the  Retaliation,  he  ordered  Lieu 
tenant  Bainbridge  to  reconnoitre  them,  while,  with  the  Norfolk  in 
company,  he  gave  chase,  himself,  in  the  Montezurna,  to  the  two  ves 
sels  to  the  westward.  The  Retaliation,  in  obedience  to  these  orders, 
immediately  hauled  up  towards  the  three  strangers,  and  getting  near 
enough  for  signals,  she  made  her  own  number,  with  a  view  to  ascer 
tain  if  they  were  Americans.  Finding  that  he  was  not  understood, 
Lieutenant  Bainbridge  mistook  the  strangers  for  English  cruisers, 
knoAving  that  several  were  on  the  station,  and  unluckily  permitted 
them  to  approach  so  near,  that  when  their  real  characters  were  as 
certained,  it  was  too  late  to  escape.  The  leading  ship,  a  French 
frigate,  was  an  uncommonly  fast  sailer,  and  she  was  soon  near  enough 
to  open  her  fire.  It  was  not  long  before  another  frigate  came  up, 
when  the  Retaliation  was  compelled  to  lower  her  flag.  Thus  did 
this  unlucky  vessel  become  the  first  cruiser  taken  by  both  parties,  in 
this  war.  The  frigates  by  which  the  Retaliation  was  captured, 
proved  to  be  the  Volontaire  36,  and  the  Insurgente  32,  the  former 
carrying  44,  and  the  latter  40  guns.  Mr.  Bainbridge  was  put  on 
board  the  Volontaire-,  while  the  Insurgente,  perceiving  that  the 


164  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1798 

schooner  was  safe,  continued  to  carry  sail  in  chase  of  the  Montezuma 
and  Norfolk.  As  soon  as  a  prize  crew  could  be  thrown  into  the  Re 
taliation,  the  Volontaire  crowded  sail  after  her  consort.  The  chase 
now  became  exceedingly  interesting,  the  two  American  vessels  being 
fully  aware,  by  the  capture  of  the  schooner,  that  they  had  to  deal 
with  an  enemy.  The  Insurgente  was  one  of  the  fastest  ships  in  the 
world,  and  her  commander  an  officer  of  great  skill  and  resolution. 
The  two  American  vessels  were  small  for  their  rates,  and,  indeed, 
were  overrated,  the  Montezuma  being  a  little  ship  of  only  347  tons, 
and  the  Norfolk  a  brig  of  200.  Their  armaments  were  merely  nines 
and  sixes  ;  shot  that  would  be  scarcely  regarded  in  a  conflict  with 
frigates.  The  officers  of  the  Volontaire  collected  on  the  forecastle  of 
their  ship  to  witness  the  chase,  and  the  Insurgente  being,  by  this  time, 
a  lon-g  way  ahead,  Captain  St.  Laurent,  the  commander  of  the  Vol 
ontaire,  asked  Mr.  Bainbridge,  who  was  standing  near  him,  what 
might  be  the  force  of  the  two  American  vessels.  With  great  pres 
ence  of  mind,  Mr.  Bainbridge  answered  without  hesitation,  that  the 
ship  carried  28  twelves,  and  the  brig  20  nines.  As  this  account  quite 
doubled  the  force  of  the  Americans,  Captain  St.  Laurent,  who  was 
senior  to  the  commander  of  the  Insurgente,  immediately  threw  out  a 
signal  to  the  latter  to  relinquish  the  chase.  This  was  an  unmilitary 
order,  even  admitting  the  fact  to  have  been  as  stated,  for  the  Insur 
gente  would  have  been  fully  able  to  employ  two  such  vessels  until 
the  Volontaire  could  come  up ;  but  the  recent  successes  of  the  Eng 
lish  had  rendered  the  French  cruisers  wary,  and  the  Americans  and 
English,  as  seamen,  were  probably  identified  in  the  minds  of  the 
enemy.  The  signal  caused  as  much  surprise  to  Captain  Murray,  in 
the  Montezuma,  as  to  Captain  Barreault,  of  the  Insurgente,  for  the 
latter,  an  excellent  and  spirited  officer,  had  got  so  near  his  chases  as 
to  have  made  out  their  force,  and  to  feel  certain  of  capturing  both. 
The  signal  was  obeyed,  however,  and  the  Montezuma  and  Norfolk 
escaped. 

When  the  two  French  vessels  rejoined  each  other,  Captain  Bar 
reault  naturally  expressed  his  surprise  at  having  been  recalled  under 
such  circumstances.  An  explanation  followed  when  the  ruse  that  had 
been  practised  by  Mr.  Bainbridge  was  discovered.  It  is  to  the 
credit  of  the  French  officers,  that,  while  they  were  much  vexed  at  the 
results  of  this  artifice,  they  never  visited  the  offender  with  their  dis 
pleasure. 

It  is  one  of  the  curious  incidents  of  this  singular  contest,  that  a 
proposition  was  made  to  Mr.  Bainbridge,  by  the  Governor  of  Guad- 
aloupe,  into  which  place  the  two  French  frigates  went  with  their 
prize,  to  restore  the  Retaliation,  a  vessel  captured  from  the  French 
themselves,  and  to  liberate  her  crew,  provided  he  would  stipulate  that 
the  island  should  remain  neutral  during  the  present  state  of  things. 
This  proposition  Mr.  Bainbridge  had  no  authority  to  accept,  and  the 
termination  of  a  long  and  prevaricating  negotiation  on  the  part  of 
the  governor,  whose  object  was  probably  to  enrich  his  particular  com 
mand,  or  himself,  by  possessing  for  a  time,  a  monopoly  of  the  Amer 
ican  trade,  was  to  send  the  Retaliation  back  to  America  as  a  cartel ; 


1799.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  165 

for,  now  that  the  United  States  had  taken  so  bold  a  stand,  the  French 
government  appeared  even  less  anxious  than  our  own,  to  break  out 
into  open  war.  On  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Bainbridge  in  this  country, 
his  conduct  received  the  approbation  of  the  administration,  and  he 
was  immediately  promoted  to  the  rank  of  master  commandant,  and 
appointed  to  the  Norfolk  18,  one  of  the  vessels  he  had  saved  from 
the  enemy  by  his  presence  of  mind. 

The  efforts  of  the  Governor  of  Guadaloupe  to  obtain  a  neutrality 
for  his  own  island,  had  been  accompanied  by  some  acts  of  severity 
towards  his  prisoners,  into  which  he  had  suffered  himself  to  be  led, 
apparently  with  the  hope  that  it  might  induce  Mr.  Bainbridge  to  ac 
cept  his  propositions  ;  and  that  officer  now  reported  the  whole  of  the 
proceedings  to  his  own  government.  The  result  was  an  act  author 
ising  retaliation  on  the  persons  of  Frenchmen,  should  there  be  any 
recurrence  of  similar  wrongs.  This  law  gave  rise  to  some  of  the 
earliest  of  those  disgraceful  party  dissensions  which,  in  the  end, 
reduced  the  population  of  the  whole  country,  with  very  few  excep 
tions,  to  be  little  more  than  partisans  of  either  French  or  English 
aggressions. 

The  United  States  44,  and  Delaware  20,  captured  the  privateers 
Sans  Pareil  16,  and  Jaloux  14,  in  the  course  of  the  autumn,  and  sent 
them  in. 

Thus  terminated  the  year  1798,  though  the  return  of  the  Retali 
ation  did  not  occur  until  the  commencement  of  1799,  leaving  the 
United  States  with  a  hastily  collected,  an  imperfectly  organised,  and 
unequally  disciplined  squadron  of  ships,  it  is  true  ;  but  a  service  that 
contained  the  germ  of  all  that  is  requisite  to  make  an  active,  an  effi 
cient,  and  a  glorious  marine. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Naval  force — Character  of  the  different  vessels? — their  distribution  in  the  service — Cap 
tures  made  by  the  respective  squadrons — The  Constitution,  Com.  Truxtun,  captures 
1'Insurgente — Critical  situation  of  the  prize  crew — Action  of  the  Constitution  with 
La  Vengeance — Loss  of  midshipman  Jarvis — Com.  Truxtun  receives  a  gold  medal — 
Exploit  of  Lieut.  Hull — Loss  of  1'Insurgente  and  the  Pickering  with  all  their  crews — 
Captures  by  the  Enterprise,  Lieut.  Comdt.  Shaw — by  the  Boston,  Capt.  Little — Brief 
catalogue  of  prizes  taken  on  the  West  India  station — Spirited  engagement  of  the  Ex 
periment,  Lieut.  Comdt.  Maley,  with  the  picaroons — Lieut.  Comdt.  Stewart  captures  the 
Deux  Amis  and  la  Diane — his  unfortrnate  engagement  with  the  (British  privateer) 
Louisa  Bridger — Capt.  Bainbridge,  in  the  George  Washington,  goes  to  Algiers  with 
tribute — The  demands  of  the  Dey — Capt.  B.'s  decision — he  forces  through  the  Darda 
nelles — his  reception  at  Constantinople — return  to  Algiers — handsome  conduct  to  the 
French — he  returns  home  and  is  transferred  to  the  "Essex — Peace  concluded  with 
France. 

THE  year  1799  opened  with  no  departure  from  the  policy  laid  down 
by  the  government,  arid  the  building  and  equipping  of  the  different 
ships  in  various  parts  of  the  country,  were  pressed  with  as  much  dili- 


166  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1799. 

gence  as  the  public  resources  would  then  allow.  In  the  course  of 
this  season,  many  vessels  were  launched,  and  most  of  them  got  to 
sea  within  the  year.  Including  all,  those  that  were  employed  in  1798, 
those  that  were  put  in  commission  early  in  the  ensuing  year,  and 
those  that  wrere  enabled  to  quit  port  nearer  to  its  close,  the  entire 
active  naval  force  of  the  United  States,  in  1799,  would  seem  to  have 
been  composed  of  the  following  vessels,  viz  : 

United  States  44,  Delaware  20, 

Constitution  44,  Baltimore  20, 

Congress  38,  Patapsco  20, 

Constellation  38,  Maryland  20, 

Essex  32,  Herald  18, 

General  Greene          28,  Norfolk  18, 

Boston  28,  Richmond  18, 

Adams  28,  Pinckney  18, 

John  Adams  28,  Warren  18, 

Portsmouth  24,  Eagle  18, 

Connecticut  24,  Pickering  14, 

Ganges  24,  Augusta  14, 

Geo.  Washington       24,  Scammel  14, 

Mcrrimack  24,  Enterprise  12. 

To  these  must  be  added  a  few  revenue  vessels,  though  most  of  this 
description  of  cruisers  appear  to  have  been  kept  on  the  coast  through 
out  this  year.  As  yet,  the  greatest  confusion  and  irregularity  pre 
vailed  in  the  rating,  no  uniform  system  appearing  to  have  been 
adopted.  The  vessels  built  by  the  different  cities,  and  presented  to 
the  public,  in  particular,  were  rated  too  high,  from  a  natural  desire  to 
make  the  offering  as  respectable  as  possible  ;  and  it  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  thought  expedient,  on  the  part  of  the  government,  pre 
maturely  to  correct  the  mistakes.  But  the  department  itself  was 
probably  too  little  instructed  to  detect  the  discrepancies,  and  some 
of  them  continued  to  exist  as  long  as  the  ships  themselves.  It  may 
help  the  reader  in  appreciating  the  characters  of  the  different  vessels, 
if  we  explain  some  of  these  irregularities,  as  a  specimen  of  the  whole. 
The  United  States  and  Constitution,  as  has  been  elsewhere  said, 
were  large  ships,  with  batteries  of  30  twenty-four-pounders  on  their 
gun-decks,  and  were  appropriately  rated  as  forty-fours.  The  Con 
gress  and  Constellation  were  such  ships  as  the  English  were  then  in 
the  practice  of  rating  as  thirty-eights,  being  eighteen-pounder  frigates, 
of  the  largest  size.  The  Essex  was  the  only  ship  in  the  navy  that 
was  properly  rated  as  a  thirty -two,  having  a  main-deck  battery  of  26 
twelves,  though  she  was  a  large  vessel  of  her  class.  The  John 
Adams,  General  Greene,  Adams,  and  Boston,  were  such  ships  as 
the  British  had  been  accustomed  to  rate  as  twenty-eights,  and  the 
two  latter  were  small  ships  of  this  denomination.  The  George  Wash 
ington,  though  she  appears  as  only  a  twenty-four,  while  the  Boston 
figured  as  a  thirty-two,  was,  as  near  as  can  now  be  ascertained  by 
the  officially  reported  tonnage,  more  than  a  fourth  larger  than  the 
latter  ship.  Indeed,  it  may  be  questioned  if  the  Boston  ought  to 
have  been  rated  higher  than  a  twenty-four,  the  Connecticut  which 


1799.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  167 

was  thus  classed,  being  thirty  tons  larger.  It  ought,  however,  to  be 
remarked,  that  differences  in  the  rule  of  measuring  tonnage,  had 
prevailed  in  different  colonies  among  the  shipwrights,  as  they  are 
known  still  to  exist  in  different  nations,  and  it  is  probable  that  some 
confusion  may  have  entered  into  these  reports,  in  consequence  of  the 
want  of  uniformity.  It  may  be  added,  that  the  smaller  vessels  gen 
erally  were  light  of  their  respective  rates,  an-d  were  by  no  means  to  be 
estimated  by  those  of  similar  rates,  at  the  present  day. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1798,  the  active  force  in  the  West  Indies 
had  been  distributed  into  four  separate  squadrons  in  the  following 
manner. 

One  squadron  under  Commodore  Barry,  who  was  the  senior  offi 
cer  of  the  service,  cruised  to  the  windward,  running  as  far  south  as 
Tobago,  and  consisted  of  the  vessels  about  to  be  named,  viz  : 
United  States  44,  Com.  Barry. 

Constitution  44,  Capt.  Nicholson. 

George  Washington      24,      "      Fletcher. 
Merrimack  24,      "      Brown. 

Portsmouth  24,      "      M'Niell. 

Herald  18,  Master  Com.  Russel. 

Pickering  14,  Lieut.  Com.  Preble. 

Eagle  15,  Campbell. 

Scammel  14,  "          Adams. 

Diligence  12,  "          Brown. 

This  force  was  now  kept  actively  employed,  the  ships  passing  from 
point  to  point,  with  orders  to  make  a  general  rendezvous  at  Prince 
Rupert's  Bay.  This  squadron  made  several  captures,  principally 
of  privateers,  and  as  none  of  them  were  accompanied  by  incidents 
deserving  of  particular  mention,  they  may  be  recorded  together, 
though  occurring  at  different  periods.  The  United  States  44,  Com 
modore  Barry,  captured  1'Amour  de  la  Patrie  6,  with  80  men,  and  le 
Tartuffe  8,  with  60  men.  The  Merrimack  24,  Captain  Brown,  la 
Magicienne  14,  with  63  men,  and  le  Bonaparte.  The  Portsmouth 
24,  Captain  M'Niell,  le  Fripon,  and  I1  Ami  6,  with  16  men.  The 
Eagle  14,  Captain  Campbell,  le  Bon  Pere  6,  with  52  men. 

A  second  squadron,  under  the  orders  of  Captain  Truxtun,  had  its 
rendezvous  at  St.  Kitts,  and  cruised  as  far  to  leeward  as  Porto  Rico. 
It  consisted  of  the 

Constellation      38,  Com.  Truxtun. 
Baltimore  20,  Capt.  Phillips. 

Richmond  18,     "       S.  Barren. 

Norfolk  18,     "      Williams. 

Virginia  14,     "      Bright. 

The  Baltimore  took  FEsperance,  and  was  present  at  the  capture 
of  la  Sirene  4,  with  36  men.  This  ship  was  put  under  the  command 
of  Captain  Barren,  soon  after  the  dismissal  of  Captain  Phillips  from 
the  service,  and  before  the  close  of  the  season  was  commanded  by 
Captain  Cowper.  The  Constellation  took  la  Diligente  and  PUnion. 
A  small  force  under  the  orders  of  Captain  Tingey,  watched  the 
passage  between  Cuba  and  St.  Domingo.  It  consisted  of  the 


168  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1799. 

Ganges  24,  Capt.  Tingey. 

Pinckney  18,     "      Hayward. 

South  Carolina  12,     "      Payne. 

The  Ganges  took  le  Vengcur  6,  la  Rabateuse,  1'Eugerie,  and  1'Es- 
perance  8. 

The  Delaware  20,  Captain  Decatur,  with  the  revenue  vessels  Gov 
ernor  Jay  14,  and  General  Greene  10,  was  directed  to  cruise  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  Havana,  to  protect  the  trade  on  the  coast  of  Cuba. 
The  Delaware  captured  the  Marsuin  10,  and  the  same  ship,  later  in 
the  season,  under  the  orders  of  Captain  Baker,  took  le  Renard  and 
1'Ocean.  The  Montezuma  20,  Captain  Murray,  after  the  capture 
of  the  Retaliation,  and  the  return  of  the  Norfolk  18,  to  America, 
cruised  some  time  alone,  taking  a  small  privateer  of  six  guns. 

Although  the  year  commenced  with  this  disposition  of  the  vessels, 
many  changes  occurred,  as  the  new  ships  were  got  to  sea,  and  par 
ticularly  on  account  of  the  great  mistake  of  shipping  the  crews  fora 
term  as  short  as  one  year.  It  followed,  of  course,  that  the  vessels 
which  sailed  in  July  and  August,  1798,  for  the  West  India  station, 
if  called  there  by  no  other  cause,  were  compelled  to  return  home  in 
the  summer  of  1799,  to  discharge  their  crews,  and  to  obtain  others  in 
their  places.  It  was  fortunate  that  the  spirit  of  the  times,  the  absence 
of  privateers,  and  an  abundance  of  men,  in  some  measure,  remedied 
this  defect,  and  that  the  delays  it  caused  were  not  as  material  as 
might  have  been  otherwise  apprehended. 

On  the  9th  of  February,  the  Constellation  38,  Commodore  Trux- 
tun,  was  cruising  on  her  prescribed  ground,  Nevis  bearing  W.  S.  W., 
distant  five  leagues,  when  she  made  a  large  ship  in  the  southern 
board.  The  Constellation  being  to  windward  at  the  moment,  Com 
modore  Truxtun  ran  down  towards  the  stranger,  who  now  set  Amer 
ican  colours,  when  the  private  signals  were  shown.  As  the  chase 
was  unable  to  answer,  he  seemed  to  think  further  disguise  unneces 
sary,  for  he  hoisted  the  French  ensign,  and  fired  a  gun  to  windward, 
by  way  of  a  challenge,  keeping  under  easy  sail,  to  invite  the  contest. 
This  was  the  first  opportunity  that  had  occurred  since  the  close  of 
the  Revolution,  for  an  American  vessel  of  war,  to  get  alongside  of 
an  enemy,  of  a  force  likely  to  render  a  combat  certain,  and  the  offi 
cers  and  men  of  the  Constellation  displayed  the  greatest  eagerness  to 
engage.  On  the  other  hand,  the  stranger  betrayed  no  desire  to  dis 
appoint  his  enemy,  waiting  gallantly  for  her  to  come  down.  When 
the  Constellation  had  got  abeam  of  the  French  frigate,  and  so  near 
as  to  have  been  several  times  hailed,  she  opened  her  fire,  which  was 
returned  promptly  and  with  spirit  The  Constellation  drew  gradually 
ahead,  both  ships  maintaining  a  fierce  cannonade.  The  former  suf 
fered  most  in  her  sails  and  rigging,  and  while  under  the  heaviest  of 
the  fire  of  her  antagonist,  the  fore-top-mast  was  badly  wounded,  quite 
near  the  lower  cap.  The  fore-top  was  commanded  by  Mr.  David 
Porter,  a  midshipman  of  great  promise,  and  finding  that  his  hails  to 
communicate  this  important  circumstance  were  disregarded,  in  the 
iheat  of  the  combat,  this  young  officer  took  on  himself  the  responsi 
bility  of  cutting  the  stoppers  and  of  lowering  the  yard.  By  thus 


1799.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  169 

relieving  the  spar  of  the  pressure  of  the  sail,  he  prevented  the  fall  of 
the  top-mast  and  all  its  hamper.  In  the  mean  time  the  weight  and 
effect  of  the  fire  were  altogether  in  favour  of  the  Constellation,  and 
notwithstanding  the  injury  she  received  in  her  fore-topmast,  that 
ship  was  soon  able  to  throw  in  two  or  three  raking  broadsides,  which 
decided  the  combat.  After  maintaining  a  close  contest,  in  this  man 
ner,  of  about  an  hour,  the  Constellation  shot  out  of  the  smoke,  wore 
round,  and  hauling  athwart  her  antagonist's  stern  was  ready  again 
with  every  gun  to  rake  her,  when  the  enemy  struck. 

The  prize  proved  to  be  the  French  frigate  1'Insurgente,  Captain 
Barreault,  the  vessel  that  has  already  been  mentioned,  as  having 
captured  the  Retaliation,  and  chasing  the  Montezuma  and  Norfolk, 
and  one  of  the  fastest  ships  in  the  world.  She  was  much  cut  up,  and 
had  sustained  a  loss  of  70  men,  in  killed  and  wounded ;  29  of  the 
former,  and  41  of  the  latter.  The  Constellation,  besides  the  loss  of 
the  fore-top-mast,  which  had  to  be  shifted,  was  much  damaged  aloft, 
suffering  no  material  injury  in  her  hull,  however,  and  had  only  3  men 
wounded.  Among  the  latter,  was  Mr.  James  M'Donough,  a  mid 
shipman,  who  had  a  foot  shot  off.  Early  in  the  combat,  one  of  the 
men  flinched  from  his  gun,  and  he  was  killed  by  the  third  lieutenant, 
to  whose  division  he  belonged.  I 

The  Insurgerite's  armament  consisted  of  ,40  guns,  French  twelves, 
on  her  main-deck  battery,  and  her  complement  of  men  was  409. 
She  was  a  ship  a  little  heavier  than  a  regular  32,  which  would  pro 
bably  have  been  her  rate  in  the  English  marine,  although  a  French 
twelve-pound  shot  weighs  nearly  thirteen  English  pounds.  On  this 
occasion,  the  Constellation  is  said  to  have  carried  but  38  guns,  twelve 
less  than  have  been  put  upon  her  since  the  introduction  of  carron- 
ades,  and  she  had  a  crew  of  309  men.  But  the  main-deck  battery 
of  the  Constellation  was  composed  of  twenty-fours,  a  gun  altogether 
too  heavy  for  her  size  and  strength,  and  from  which  she  was  relieved 
at  the  termination  of  this  cruise,  by  exchanging  her  armament  for 
eighteens.* 

The  result  of  this  engagement  produced  great  exultation  in  Amer 
ica,  and  it  was  deemed  a  proof  of  an  aptitude  to  nautical  service,  that 
was  very  grateful  to  the  national  pride.  Without  pausing  to  examine 
details,  the  country  claimed  it  as  a  victory  of  a  38  over  a  40  ;  and 
the  new  marine  was,  at  once,  proclaimed  to  be  equal  to  any  in  the 
world  ;  a  decision  somewhat  hazardous  when  made  on  a  single  ex 
periment,  and  which  was  certainly  formed  without  a  full  understand 
ing  of  the  whole  subject.  It  is  due  to  a  gallant  enemy,  to  say  that 
Captain  Barreault,  who  defended  his  ship  as  long  as  there  was  a  hope 
of  success,  was  overcome  by  a  superior  force  ;  and  it  is  also  due  to 
Commodore  Truxtun,  and  to  those  under  his  command,  to  add  that 
they  did  their  work  with  an  expedition  and  effect  every  way  propor 
tioned  to  the  disparity  in  their  favour.  There  is  scarcely  an  instance 
on  record,  (we  are  not  certain  there  is  one,)  of  a  full-manned  frigate, 
carrying  twelves,  prevailing  in  a  contest  with  even  a  ship  of  eighteens ; 

*See  note  B,  end  of  volume. 


170  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1799. 

and,  in  this  instance,  we  see  that  the  Insurgente  had  twenty-fours  to 
oppose.  Victory  was  next  to  hopeless,  under  such  circumstances, 
though,  on  the  other  hand,  we  are  not  to  overlook  the  readiness  with 
which  a  conflict  with  an  unknown  antagonist  was  sought,  and  the 
neatness  and  despatch  with  which  the  battle  was  won. 

The  Insurgente  struck  about  half  past  three  in  the  afternoon,  and 
Mr.  Rodgers,*  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  Constellation,  together  with 
Mr.  Porter,t  and  eleven  men,  were  thrown  on  board  her,  to  take 
possession,  and  to  superintend  the  removal  of  the  prisoners.  It  be 
gan  to  blow,  and  when  the  darkness  rendered  it  necessary  to  defer  the 
duty,  173  of  the  prize's  crew  were  still  in  her.  The  wind  continued 
to  rise,  and,  notwithstanding  every  effort,  the  ships  separated  in  the 
darkness. 

The  situation  of  Mr.  Rodgers  was  now  exceedingly  critical.  The 
vessel  was  still  covered  with  the  wreck,  while  the  wounded,  and  even 
the  dead  were  lying  scattered  about  her  decks,  and  the  prisoners  early 
discovered  a  disposition  to  rise.  The  gratings  had  been  thrown  over 
board  by  the  people  of  the  Insurgente  after  she  struck,  and  no  hand 
cuffs  could  be  found.  Fortunately,  Mr.  Rodgers  was  a  man  of  great 
personal  resolution,  and  of  herculean  strength,  while  Mr.  Porter, 
though  young  and  comparatively  slight,  was  as  good  a  second,  in 
such  trying  circumstances,  as  any  one  could  desire.  As  soon  as  it 
was  ascertained  that  the  prisoners  could  not  be  got  out  of  the  ship  that 
night,  they  were  all  sent  into  the  lower  hold,  the  fire-arms  were 
secured,  and  a  sentinel  was  placed  at  each  hatchway,  armed  to  the 
teeth,  with  positive  orders  to  shoot  every  man  who  should  attempt  to 
appear  on  deck,  without  permission.  In  this  awkward  situation, 
Mr.  Rodgers  and  his  party  continued  three  days,  unable  to  sleep, 
compelled  to  manage  a  frigate,  and  to  watch  their  prisoners,  witli  the 
utmost  vigilance,  as  the  latter  were  constantly  on  the  look-out  for  an 
opportunity  to  retake  the  ship.  At  the  end  of  that  time,  they  carried 
the  Insurgente,  in  triumph,  into  St.  Kitts,  where  they  found  that  the 
Constellation  had  already  arrived. 

Mr.  Rodgers  and  Mr.  Cowper,  the  first  and  second  lieutenants  of 
the  Constellation,  were  soon  after  promoted  to  be  captains,  great 
irregularity  existing  in  the  service,  at  that  day,  on  subjects  of  this 
nature.  The  rank  of  master  commandant  had  been  established,  but 
the  government  appeared  to  think  that  it  was  still  organising  a 
marine,  and  it  was  empowered  to  exercise  its  discretion,  in  trans 
ferring  officers  at  will,  from  one  grade  to  another,  so  long  as  no  one 
was  reduced  from  a  former  station.  Captain  Rodgers  was  appointed 
to  the  Maryland  20,  and  Captain  Cowper  to  the  Baltimore  20. 

One  of  the  effects  of  the  victory  of  the  Constellation  was  to  render 
the  navy  still  more  popular,  and  the  most  respectable  families  of  the 
nation  discovered  greater  anxiety  than  ever  to  get  their  sons  enrolled 
on  their  lists.  The  new  ships  were  put  into  the  water  as  fast  as  pos 
sible,  and,  as  soon  as  manned  and  equipped,  were  sent  on  the  differ 
ent  cruising  grounds.  L'Insurgente  was  taken  into  the  service  as  a 

*  Late  Commodore  Rodgers.  t  Late  Commodore  Porter. 


1800.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  171 

thirty-six,  the  command  of  her  was  given  to  Captain  Murray,  late  of 
the  Montezuma  20,  and  she  was  permitted  to  cruise  with  a  roving 
commission. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  care  of  the  government  appeared  to  extend 
itself,  and  it  began  to  cast  its  eyes  beyond  the  hazards  of  the  Ameri 
can  seas. 

At  the  close  of  the  year,  the  Congress  38,  Captain  Sever,  and  Essex 
32,  Captain  Preble,  sailed  with  orders  to  convoy  vessels  as  far  as  Ba- 
tavia.  The  former  of  these  vessels  met  with  an  accident  to  which 
all  new  ships  are  liable  on  quitting  America  in  the  winter.  Her 
rigging  having  been  set  up  in  cold  weather,  it  became  slack  when  she 
got  into  the  gulf  stream,  where  she  also  encountered  a  strong  south 
erly  gale,  and  she  lost  not  only  all  her  masts,  but  her  bowsprit.  The 
main-mast  went  while  Mr.  Bosworth,  the  fourth  lieutenant,  wras  aloft, 
endeavouring  to  lower  the  main-topmast,  by  which  accident  that  offi 
cer  was  lost.  The  crew  of  the  top  were  all  happily  saved.* 

The  Congress  returned  to  port,  for  repairs,  but  Captain  Preble 
proceeded  on  his  cruise,  carrying  the  pennant,  for  the  first  time,  in  a 
regular  cruiser,  to  the  eastward  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 

The  active  measures  resorted  to  by  the  American  government  hav 
ing  better  disposed  that  of  France  to  negotiate,  and  pledges  having1 
been  given  that  new  ministers  would  be  received  with  more  respect 
than  had  been  shown  to  those  last  sent,  who  had  met  with  insults  and 
neglect,  the  United  States  44,  Commodore  Barry,  sailed  from  New 
port,  Rhode  Island,  on  the  3d  of  November,  having  on  board  envoys 
to  the  French  Directory.  Notwithstanding  these  measures  to  obtain 
peace,  Congress  proceeded  in  the  legislation  necessary  to  establish  a 
marine.  Many  of  the  laws  for  the  government  of  the  navy  were 
amended,  and  new  regulations  were  introduced  as  substitutes  for  such 
of  the  old  ones  as  were  found  defective.  The  appropriation  for  the 
support  of  the  navy,  during  the  year  1800,  the  marine  corps  included, 
amounted  to  $2,482,953  90. 

The  new  year  consequently  opened  with  increased  efforts  to  con 
tinue  the  singular  war  that  had  now  existed  eighteen  months.  Many 
acquisitions  were  made  to  the  navy,  and  the  following  is  a  list  of  the 
vessels  that  appear  to  have  been  employed  in  the  course  of  the  season, 
principally  in  the  West  Indies,  viz : 

United  States          44,  President  44, 

Constitution  44,  Constellation          38, 

Congress  38,  Delaware  20, 

Chesapeake  38,  Baltimore  20, 

Philadelphia  38,  Maryland  20, 

*  A  similar  accident  was  near  occurring  to  the  United  States  44,  in  her  first  cruise,  un 
der  Commodore  Barry.  After  the  ship  got  into  the  gulf  stream,  the  rigging  slackened, 
when  she  was  scudding  ten  knots  in  a  gale,  and  rolling  nearly  gunwale  to.  While  all 
on  board  were  trembling  for  the  masts,  Mr.  James  Barron,  the  third  lieutenant,  proposed 
to  Commodore  Barry  to  set  up  the  rigging,  confidently  declaring  his  ability  to  do  so.  This 
hold  offer  was  accepted,  and  Mr.  Barron  got  purchases  on  every  other  shroud,  and  by 
swaying  together  at  the  call,  under  the  vigilant  superintendence  of  the  officers,  this  deli 
cate  undertaking  was  accomplished  with  success,  and  the  ship's  masts  were  saved.  It 
ought  to  be  remembered  that  few  of  the  masts  in  this  war  were  made,  but  that  they  were 
mostly  single  sticks. 


172  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1800 


New  York 

36, 

Patapsco 

20, 

Iiisurgente 

36, 

Herald 

18, 

Essex 

32, 

Norfolk 

18, 

General  Greene 

28, 

Richmond 

18, 

Adams 

28, 

Pinckney 

18, 

John  Adams 

28, 

Warren 

18, 

Boston 

28, 

Eagle 

14, 

Geo.  Washington 

24, 

Pickering 

14, 

Connecticut 

24, 

Augusta 

14, 

Ganges 

24, 

Scammel 

14, 

Trumbull 

24, 

Enterprise 

12, 

Portsmouth 

24, 

Experiment 

12. 

Merrimack 

24, 

By  this  time,  the  revenue  vessels,  with  the  exception  of  one  or  two, 
appear  to  have  been  retained  at  home,  and  in  the  foregoing  list,  no 
mention  is  made  of  galleys.  Laws  had  been  previously  passed  for 
the  construction  of  six  seventy-fours,  and  contracts  were  already  made 
for  the  collection  of  the  necessary  materials. 

The  cruising  portion  of  the  vessels  were  distributed  in  two  princi 
pal  squadrons,  the  one  on  the  St.  Domingo  station  under  the  orders 
of  Commodore  Talbot,  whose  broad  pennant  was  flying  in  the  Con 
stitution  44,  and  the  other  on  the  Guadaloupe  station,  under  the  or 
ders,  first  of  Commodore  Truxtun,  in  the  Constellation  38,  and  next 
under  the  orders  of  Commodore  Decatur,  in  the  Philadelphia  38. 
The  force  of  the  former  varied  from  seven  to  twelve  vessels,  while 
the  latter,  in  April,  consisted  of  thirteen  sail. 

Notwithstanding  this  exhibition  of  a  respectable  and  active  force, 
the  great  facilities  offered  by  the  islands,  and  the  strong  temptations 
that  were  to  be  found  in  the  American  West  India  trade,  then  one  of 
the  most  considerable  of  the  country,  induced  the  enemy  to  be  con 
stantly  on  the  alert,  and  the  seas  were  still  swarming  with  French 
cruisers,  principally  privateers.  Guadaloupe,  in  particular,  was  dis 
tinguished  for  the  number  of  captures  made  by  its  vessels ;  and  it 
was  for  this  reason  that  we  now  find  the  heaviest  American  squadron 
cruising  in  that  vicinity 

On  the  1st  of  February,  1800,  the  Constellation  38,  Commodore 
Truxtun,  was  again  off  the  island  of  Guadaloupe,  alone,  Basseterre 
being  east  five  leagues,  when  a  sail  was  seen  to  the  southeast,  steering 
westward.  Commodore  Truxtun  at  first  supposed  the  ship  in  sight 
to  be  a  large  English  merchantman,  from  Martinico,  of  which  he  had 
some  knowledge,  and,  unwilling  to  be  drawn  to  leeward  of  his  crui 
sing  ground,  he  hoisted  English  colours,  byway  of  inducing  her  to 
run  down  and  speak  him.  This  invitation  being  disregarded,  sail 
was  made  in  chase,  the  Constellation  gaining  fast  on  the  stranger. 
As  the  former  drew  nearer,  the  ship  to  leeward  was  discovered  to  be 
a  French  vessel  of  war,  when  the  English  colours  were  hauled  down, 
and  the  Constellation,  cleared  for  action.  The  chase  was  now  dis 
tinctly  made  out  to  be  a  heavy  frigate  mounting  52  guns.  As  her 
metal  was  in  all  probability  equal  to  her  rate,  the  only  circumstance 
to  equalise  this  disparity  against  the  Constellation,  was  the  fact  that 


1800.J  NAVAL  HISTORY.  173 

the  stranger  was  very  deep  which  was  accounted  for  by  a  practice  of 
sending  valuable  articles  to  France,  at  that  time,  in  the  ships  of  war, 
as  the  safest  means  of  transmission.  Commodore  Truxtun  was  not 
discouraged  by  his  discovery,  but  continued  to  carry  every  stitch  of 
canvass  that  would  draw.  Towards  noon,  however,  the  wind  be 
came  light,  and  the  enemy  had  the  advantage  in  sailing.  In  this 
manner,  with  variable  breezes,  and  a  smooth  sea,  the  chase  continued 
until  noon  on  the  2d,  when  the  wind  freshened,  and  the  Constellation 
again  drew  ahead.  By  the  middle  of  the  afternoon,  the  wind  had 
every  appearance  of  standing,  and  the  chase  was  rising  fast.  It  was 
eight  in  the  evening,  nevertheless,  before  the  two  ships  were  within 
speaking  distance  of  each  other,  the  stranger  having  come  up  to  the 
wind  a  little,  and  the  Constellation  doubling  on  her  weather  quarter, 
Commodore  Truxtun  was  about  to  speak  to  the  enemy,  when  the 
latter  opened  a  fire  from  his  stern  and  quarter  guns.  In  a  few  mo 
ments  the  Constellation,  having  drawn  still  more  on  the  weather 
quarter  of  the  chase,  poured  in  a  broadside,  and  the  action  began 
in  earnest.  It  was  a  little  past  eight  when  the  firing  commenced, 
and  it  was  maintained  with  vigour  until  near  one  in  the  morning, 
the  two  ships,  most  of  the  time,  running  free,  side  by  side,  when  the 
stranger  hauled  up,  and  drew  out  of  the  combat.  Orders  were  given 
on  board  the  Constellation  to  brace  up  in  chase;  but  at  this  moment, 
a  report  was  brought  to  Commodore  Truxtun  that  the  main-mast 
was  supported  almost  solely  by  the  wood,  every  shroud  having  been 
shot  away,  and  many  of  them  so  repeatedly  cut  as  to  render  the  use 
of  stoppers  impossible.  At  that  time,  as  has  been  said  already,  masts 
'vere  usually,  in  the  American  navy,  of  single  sticks,  and  the  spars, 
when  they  gave  way,  went  altogether.  Aware  of  this  danger,  Com 
modore  Truxtun  ordered  the  men  from  the  guns,  to  secure  this  all- 
important  mast,  with  the  hope  of  getting  alongside  of  his  enemy  again, 
and,  judging  by  the  feebleness  of  her  resistance  for  the  last  hour,  with 
the  certainty  of  taking  her,  could  this  object  be  effected.  But  no  ex 
ertion,  could  obviate  the  calamity,  the  mast  coming  by  the  board 
within  a  few  minutes  after  the  enemy  had  sheered  off.  All  the 
topmen,  including  Mr.  Jarvis,  the  midshipman  in  command  aloft, 
went  over  the  side  with  the  spars,  and,  that  gallant  young  officer, 
who  had  refused  to  abandon  his  post,  with  all  but  one  man,  was  lost. 

The  Constellation  was  no  longer  in  a  situation  to  resume  the 
action,  and  her  enemy  was  in  a  far  worse  condition,  with  the  excep 
tion  that  she  still  retained  spars  enough  to  enable  her  to  escape. 
Finding  it  impossible  to  reach  any  friendly  port  to  windward,  as  soon 
as  the  wreck  was  clear  of  his  ship,  Commodore  Truxtun  bore  up  for 
Jamaica,  where  he  arrived  in  safety. 

In  this  close  and  hard-fought  action,  the  Constellation  had  14  men 
killed  and  25  wounded,  11  of  the  latter  dying  of  their  injuries.  Her 
antagonist  afterwards  got  into  Curaqoa,  dismasted,  and  in  a  sinking 
condition,  reporting  herself  to  have  had  50  of  her  people  killed,  and 
110  wounded,  in  an  engagement  with  the  Constellation,  that  had 
lasted  five  hours  within  pistol-shot.  This  statement  is  now  known 
to  be  essentially  true,  and  it  enables  us  to  form  a  comparative  esti- 


174  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1800. 

mate  of  the  merits  of  the  action.  The  French  vessel  proved  to  be 
la  Vengeance,  Captain  Pitot. 

The  armament  of  the  Constellation  had  been  changed  since  her 
action  with  the  Insurgente,  and  her  main-deck  battery  now  consisted 
of  28  eighteens,  and  she  had  10  tvventy-four-pound  carronades  on 
her  quarter-deck,  which  were  among  the  first,  if  not  the  very  first 
guns  of  this  description  ever  introduced  into  the  American  navy. 
Her  crew  was  composed  of  310  souls. 

It  is  said  that  the  force  of  la  Vengeance  has  been  ascertained  to 
have  been  28  eighteens,  16  twelves,  and  8  forty-two-pound  carron 
ades.  Her  crew  has  been  variously  stated  as  having  been  between 
400  and  500  men.  The  metal  was  all  according  to  the  French  mode 
of  weighing,  which  adds  one  pound  to  every  twelve.* 

There  is  no  question  that  the  Constellation  engaged  a  materially 
superior  force,  or  any  doubt  that  she  would  have  brought  la  Ven 
geance  into  port,  but  for  the  loss  of  the  mast.  It  is  even  said,  that 
la  Vengeance  did  strike  her  colours  three  times,  during  the  action, 
but  finding  that  the  Constellation  continued  her  fire,  they  were  re- 
hoisted.  If  such  an  event  occurred,  it  must  have  arisen  from  the  fact 
that  it  was  not  perceived  in  the  obscurity  of  the  night. 

Commodore  Truxtun  gained  a  great  name  by  this  action,  and,  on 
his  return  to  America  for  repairs,  he  was  appointed  to  the  President 
44,  then  fitting  for  sea.  Congress  gave  him  a  gold  medal  for  his 
good  conduct,  and  the  gallantry  of  Mr.  Jarvis  was  approved  in  rt 
solemn  resolution.  The  Constellation  was  now  given  to  Captain 
Murray,  who  had  just  returned  from  a  short  cruise  in  the  Insurgente, 
and  that  officer  went  in  her  to  the  West  Indies,  where  she  joined  the 
squadron  under  Commodore  Talbot. 

The  latter  officer  had  been  cruising  for  some  months  on  the  St. 
Domingo  station,  and  about  this  time  he  planned  an  expedition  that 
was  quite  in  character  with  his  own  personal  enterprises  during  the 
war  of  the  Revolution. 

It  was  ascertained  that  a  valuable  French  letter  of  marque,  was 
lying  in  Port  au  Platte,  a  small  harbour  on  the  Spanish  side  of  the 

*  Various  statements  have  been  given  of  the  construction  of  la  Vengeance,  as  well  as 
of  her  armament.  The  papers  of  the  day  contain  an  account  of  a  Mr.  James  Howe,  who 
•was  a  prisoner  on  board  her  during  the  action,  and  who  is  said  to  have  brought  in  with 
him  a  certificate  from  Captain  Pitot,  that  he  and  the  other  prisoners  on  board,  36  in 
number,  refused  to  fight  against  their  country,  when  the  ship  engaged.  According  to 
the  statement  of  this  witness,  la  Vengeance  carried  on  her  gun-deck  32  eishteens,  2  of 
which  were  mounted  aft;  on  hor  quarter-deck,  4  long  twelves  and  12  thirty  six-pound 
brass  carronades  ;  and  on  her  forecastle,  6  twelves ;  making  in  all  54,  and  a  broadside  of 
26  guns.  Her  crew  is  stated  at  400  men,  including  a  good  many  passengers,  all  of  whom 
•were  mustered  at  quarters.  La  Vengeance  was  described  by  Mr.  Howe  as  having  suf 
fered  severely,  having  received  186  round  shot  in  her  hull.  The  slaughter  on  board  was 
terrible. 

This  account  has  much  about  it  that  is  probable.  The  presence  of  Mr.  Howe  was 
authenticated  by  the  certificate ;  the  stern-guns  agree  with  Commodore  Truxtun's  ac 
count  of  the  commencement  of  the  action ;  and  the  armament  is  very  much  what  would 
have  been  used  by  a  heavy  French  frigate  of  the  day,  on  board  of  w'hich  carronades  had 
been  introduced.  A  report  that  she  was  a  ship  on  two  decks,  which  was  current  at  the 
time,  may  very  •well  have  arisen  from  the  circumstance  of  her  carrying  so  many  guns  on 
her  quarter-deck  and  forecastle ;  but  it  is  probable  that  Commodore  Troxtun  would  have 
reported  her  as  a  two-decker,  bad  such  been  the  fact.  The  number  of  the  crew  is  a  cir 
cumstance  in  which  a  passenger  might  very  well  be  mistaken  ;  and  it  is  \vcM  known  the 
French  were  in  the  practice  of  over-manning,  rather  than  of  undermannirig  their  ships. 


1800.]  ISAVAL  HISTORY.  175 

Island  of  St.  Domingo,  and  as  she  was  a  dangerous  ship  on  account 
of  her  sailing,  Commodore  Talbot  determined  to  attempt  cutting  her 
out.  This  vessel  had  been  the  British  packet  the  Sandwich,  and 
she  only  waited  to  complete  a  cargo  of  coffee,  to  make  a  run  for 
France.  The  legality  of  the  enterprise  was  more  than  questionable, 
but  the  French  picaroons  received  so  much  favour  in  the  Spanish 
colonies,  that  the  American  officers  were  less  scrupulous  than  they 
might  otherwise  have  been. 

As  soon  as  it  was  determined  to  make  the  effort,  Mr.  Hull,  the  first 
lieutenant  of  the  Constitution  went  in,  at  night,  with  one  of  the  frig 
ate's  cutters,  and  reconnoitred.  Commodore  Talbot  was  compelled 
to  defer  the  expedition,  for  want  of  a  proper  craft  to  avoid  suspicion, 
when  fortunately  one  was  found  by  accident.  An  American  sloop 
called  the  Sally  had  been  employed  on  the  coast  of  the  island,  under 
circumstances  that  rendered  her  liable  to  detention,  and  she  was 
brought  out  of  one  of  the  small  French  ports,  by  a  boat  of  the  frigate. 
This  sloop  had  recently  left  Port  Platte,  with  an  intention  of  soon 
returning  there,  and  she,  at  once,  afforded  all  the  facilities  that  could 
be  desired. 

Commodore  Talbot,  accordingly,  threw  a  party  of  seamen  and  ma 
rines  into  the  Sally,  and  giving  the  command  to  Mr.  Hull,  that  officer 
was  directed  to  proceed  on  the  duty  without  further  delay.  The 
sloop  was  manned  at  sea,  to  escape  detection,  and  she  sailed  at  an 
hour  that  would  enable  her  to  reach  Port  Platte,  about  noon  of  the 
succeeding  day.  Tn  the  course  of  the  night,  while  running  down  for 
her  port,  under  easy  sail,  a  shot  suddenly  flew  over  the  Sally,  and, 
soon  after,  an  English  frigate  ranged  up  alongside.  Mr.  Hull  hove 
to,  and  when  the  boarding  lieutenant  got  on  the  sloop's  deck,  where 
he  found  so  large  a  party  of  men  and  officers  in  naval  uniforms,  he 
was  both  startled  and  surprised.  He  was  told  the  object  of  the  ex 
pedition,  however,  and  expressed  his  disappointment,  as  his  own 
ship  was  only  waiting  to  let  the  Sandwich  complete  her  cargo,  in 
order  to  cut  her  out  also  ! 

The  Sally's  movements  were  so  well  timed,  as  to  permit  her  to 
arrive  off  the  harbour's  mouth  at  the  proper  hour.  The  Sandwich 
was  lying  with  her  broadside  bearing  on  the  approach,  and  there  was 
a  battery  at  no  great  distance  to  protect  her.  As  soon  as  near  enough 
to  be  seen,  Mr.  Hull  sent  most  of  his  people  below,  and  getting  an 
anchor  ready  over  the  stern,  to  bring  the  sloop  up  with,  he  stood 
directly  for  the  enemy's  bows.  So  admirably  was  every  thing  ar 
ranged,  that  no  suspicion  was  excited,  the  Sally  ran  the  Sandwich 
aboard,  the  Constitution's  people  went  into  her,  and  carried  her  with 
out  the  loss  of  a  man.  At  the  same  moment,  Captain  Carmick 
landed  with  the  marines,  entered  the  battery,  and  spiked  the  guns. 

Notwithstanding  a  great -com  motion  on  shore,  the  Americans  now 
went  to  work  to  secure  their  prize.  The  Sandwich  was  stripped  to 
a  girtline,  and  every  thing  was  below.  Before  sunset  she  had 
royal  yards  across,  her  guns  scaled,  her  new  crew  quartered,  and  soon 
after  she  weighed,  beat  out  of  the  harbour,  and  joined  the  frigate. 

No  enterprise  of  the  sort  was  ever  executed  with  greater  steadiness, 


176  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1800. 

or  discipline.  Mr.  Hull  gained  great  credit  by  the  neatness  with 
which  he  fulfilled  his  orders,  and  it  was  not  possible  for  an  officer  to 
hav7e  been  better  sustained;  the  absence  of  loss,  in  all  cases  of  sur 
prise,  in  which  the  assailed  have  the  means  of  resistance,  being  one 
of  the  strongest  proofs  not  only  of  the  gallantry  and  spirit,  but  of  the 
coolness  of  the  assailants. 

In  the  end,  however,  this  capture,  which  was  clearly  illegal,  cost 
the  Constitution  dear.  Not  only  was  the  Sandwich  given  up,  but  all 
the  prize  money  of  the  cruise  went  to  pay  damages. 

Early  in  May  the  Chesapeake  38,  went  to  sea,  under  the  com 
mand  of  Captain  S.  Barren.  Her  first  duty  was  to  convey  a  quantity 
of  specie  from  Charleston  to  Philadelphia,  after  which  she  proceeded 
to  cruise  between  the  coast  and  the  West  India  islands. 

The  Irisurgente  36,  had  been  given  to  Captain  Fletcher,  when 
Captain  Murray  was  transferred  to  the  Constellation,  and  in  July  she 
sailed  on  a  cruise,  with  instructions  to  keep  between  longitudes  G6P 
and  68°,  and  to  run  as  far  south  as  30°  N.  L.  After  this  ship  left 
the  capes  of  Virginia,  no  authentic  accounts,  with  the  exception  of 
a  few  private  letters  sent  in  by  vessels  spoken  at  sea,  w  ere  ever  re 
ceived  of  her.  She  had  been  ordered  to  cruise  a  short  time  in  the 
latitude  and  longitude  mentioned,  after  which  her  commander  was 
left  at  liberty  to  pursue  his  own  discretion,  provided  he  returned  to 
Annapolis  within  eight  weeks.  Forty-six  years  have  elapsed  and  no 
further  tidings  of  any  belonging  to  this  ill-fated  ship  have  ever 
reached  their  friends. 

The  Pickering  14,  Captain  Hillar,  also  sailed  in  August,  for  the 
Guadaloupe  station,  and  never  returned.  As  in  the  case  of  the  Iri 
surgente,  all  on  board  perished,  no  information  that  could  be  relied 
on  ever  having  been  obtained  of  the  manner  in  which  these  vessels 
were  lost.  Vague  rumours  were  set  afloat  at  the  time,  and  it  was  even 
affirmed  that  they  had  run  foul  of  each  other  in  a  gale,  a  tale  that 
was  substantiated  by  no  testimony,  and  which  was  probably  untrue, 
as  the  Pickering  was  sent  to  a  station,  which  the  Insurgente,  under 
discretionary  orders,  would  be  little  apt  to  seek,  since  it  was  known 
to  be  already  rilled  with  American  cruisers.  These  two  ships  swelled 
the  list  of  vessels  of  war  that  had  been  lost  in  this  manner  to  three, 
viz:  the  Saratoga  16,  the  Insurgente  36,  and  the  Pickering  14;  to 
which  maybe  added  the  Reprisal  16,  though  the  cook  of  the  latter 
sloop  was  saved. 

'  The  nature  of  the  warfare,  which  was  now  confined  principally 
to  chases  and  conflicts  with  small  fast-sailing  privateers,  and  a  spe 
cies  of  corsair  that  went  by  the  local  name  of  picaroons,  or  with 
barges  that  ventured  no  great  distance  at  sea,  soon  satisfied  the 
government  that,  to  carry  on  the  service  to  advantage,  it  required  a 
species  of  vessel  different  from  the  heavy,  short,  sloop  of  twenty,  or 
twenty-four  guns,  of  which  so  many  were  used  in  the  beginning  of 
the  contest.  Two  schooners  had  been  built  with  this  view,  and  each 
of  them  fully  proved  their  superiority  over  the  old  clumsy  cruiser, 
that  had  been  inherited,  as  it  might  be,  from  the  Revolution.  One  of 
these  vessels  was  called  the  Experiment,  and  the  other  the  Enterprise, 


1800.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  177 

and  they  were  rated  at  twelve  guns.  The  modern  improvements, 
however,  did  not  extend  to  the  armaments  of  even  these  schooners, 
the  old-fashioned  six-pounder  being  still  used,  where  an  181b.  carro- 
nade  would  now  be  introduced. 

It  was  December,  1799,  before  the  Enterprise  got  to  sea,  under 
the  orders  of  Lt.  Com.  Shaw.  This  vessel  joined  the  windward 
Island  station,  but  falling  in  with  the  Constellation,  38,  just  after  her 
bloody  action  with  la  Vengeance,  Com.  Truxtun  ordered  her  to 
Philadelphia  with  his  despatches.  In  March,  however,  the  schooner 
was  off  Cape  Francois,  when  having  communicated  with  Com. 
Talbot,  she  proceeded  to  join  Com.  Truxtun  who  was  supposed  to 
be  at  Jamaica.  Ascertaining  on  his  way  to  that  island,  that  the 
Constellation  had  sailed  for  home,Lt.  Com.  Shaw  immediately  hauled 
up  for  St.  Kitts,  where  the  yindward  squadron  had  been  commanded 
to  rendezvous. 

When  near  the  Mona  Passage,  on  her  way  to  her  station,  the 
Enterprise  made  a  brig  to  the  southward  and  eastward,  and  gave 
chase.  The  brig  soon  showed  Spanish  colours,  the  schooner  keeping 
her  own  proper  flag  flying  the  whole  time.  Soon  after  showing  her 
ensign,  the  brig  opened  on  the  American  vessel,  which  had  by  this 
time  got  within  gun-shot.  Instead  of  returning  this  fire,  which  was 
continued,  the  Enterprise  stood  on,  close  hauled,  until  she  had  got 
well  on  the  brig's  weather  quarter,  when  she  gave  a  broadside  in 
return.  This  was  the  commencement  of  a  sharp  conflict,  which  con 
tinued  twenty  minutes.  At  the  end  of  that  time,  the  vessels  sepa 
rated  as  by  mutual  consent,  the  circumstance  that  each  still  kept  her 
proper  colours  flying  having  probably  satisfied  both  they  were,  not 
legally  enemies. 

The  brig  mounted  eighteen  guns  and  carried  heavier  metal  than 
her  antagonist.  Both  vessels  suffered  a  good  deal,  though  little  was 
said  of  it  at  the  time,  nor  does  it  seem  to  have  ever  been  the  subject 
of  any  political  correspondence.  It  was  probably  regarded  as  one 
of  those  accidents  of  the  sea,  to  which  all  cruisers  are  more  or  less 
liable,  and  which  ought  to  be  treated  as  occurrences  for  which  no  one  is 
responsible.  The  spirit  manifested  by  Lt.  Com.  Shaw,  nevertheless, 
obtained  for  him  considerable  reputation  in  his  own  service,  and  his 
little  schooner  was  considered  to  have  done  credit  to  her  ensign. 
This  was  the  first  of  many  actions  that  this  favourite  and  fortunate 
vessel  fought  during  the  succeeding  fifteen  years. 

The  Enterprise,  after  her  rencontre  with  the  Spanish  brig,  went 
into  St.  Thomas'  to  refit.  In  that  port  was  lying  a  heavy  French 
lugger,  which  mounted  twelve  guns,  and  which  was  reported  to  have 
had  a  crew  of  600  men;  the  number  of  guns  being  the  same  as  that 
of  the  American  vessel,  while  the  reported  crew  was  about  twenty 
more.  Shortly  after  his  arrival,  Lt.  Com.  Shaw  received  a  civil 
message  from  the  commander  of  this  lugger,  expressing  a  desire  to 
meet  him  outside.  The  challenge  was  accepted,  and,  at  the  speci 
fied  time,  the  Enterprise  stood  out  into  the  offing.  Here  she  rounded 
loin  waiting  for  her  expected  antagonist,  but  the  lugger  remained  at 
her  anchorage.  The  Enterprise  now  fired  a  shot,  in  the  direction 

VOL.  j.  12 


178  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1800. 


of  the  harbor,  as  a  challenge  to  her  enemy,  repeating  the  defiance 
several  times,  but  always  without  effect.  The  schooner  remained  in 
the  offing,  until  it  was  too  dark  to  see  any  distance,  when  she  bore  up 
and  ran  to  leeward  of  St.  Croix.  Here  she  cruised  a  day  or  two, 
capturing  a  small  letter  of  marque,  that  struck  without  resistance, 
and  with  which  she  proceeded  to  St.  Kitts,  agreeably  to  order. 

The  Enterprise  remained  in  port  no  longer  than  was  necessary  to 
fill  up  her  water,  and  store  some  provisions.  It  was  now  as  late  as 
May,  and  a  day  or  two  out,  she  fell  in  with,  and  brought  to  action,  a 
privateer  schooner,  called  la  Seine.  This  vessel  mounted  only  four 
guns  and  had  a  crew  of  54  men.  She  made  a  very  gallant  resistance, 
though  the  fire  of  the  Enterprise  soon  compelled  her  to  submit.  So 
desperate  was  the  resistance  of  the  Frenchman,  notwithstanding,  and 
so  destructive  the  fire  of  the  American,  that  la  Seine  suffered  a  loss 
of  24  men.  in  killed  and  wounded,  besides  being  cut  to  pieces  in  her 
sails  and  rigging.  Nor  did  the  Enterprise  escape  altogether  unin 
jured.  She  had  several  men  wounded,  and  sustained  some  damage, 
though  not  enough  to  take  her  into  port.  La  Seine  was  sent  to 
St.  Kitts. 

A  fortnight  after  this  encounter,  the  Enterprise,  which  had 
gone  to  leeward  of  Guadaloupe,  made  and  chased  another  of  the 
enemy's  privateers.  This  vessel  proved  to  be  la  Citoyenne,  6,  with 
57  men.  This  schooner  also  held  out  to  the  last,  fighting  so  long 
as  she  had  a  ray  of  hope.  When  she  struck  it  was  found  that  la 
Citoyenne  had  4  killed  and  10  wounded.  In  this  action,  the  Enter 
prise  lost  a  marine,  and  had  two  or  three  men  wounded.  In  both 
of  the  two  last  actions  her  loss  was  1  killed  and  7  wounded.  The  man 
ner  in  which  these  two  privateers  were  fought  was  highly  creditable 
to  their  commanders,  neither  yielding  so  long  as  there  was  the  least 
chance  of  success.  The  Citoyenne  was  also  sent  to  St.  Kitts. 

After  cruising  in  the  vicinity  of  Porto  Rico  for  a  short  time,  the 
Enterprise  followed  her  two  prizes  into  port.  As  soon  as  refitted, 
she  went  out,  again,  passing  between  Antigua  and  Desirade,  where 
she  fell  in  with  the  very  three  masted  lugger  that  had  given  her  the 
challenge  at  St.  Thomas.  Lt.  Com.  Shaw  recognised  the  vessel  at 
once,  and  closed  in  expectation  of  a  warm  action,  but,  after  receiving 
and  returning  a  few  shot,  the  lugger  struck.  This  lugger  had  not  as 
large  a  crew  as  had  been  reported,  but  she  had  a  good  many  passen 
gers  on  board  her,  and  amongothers  a  general  officer  belonging  to  the 
French  army.  Carrying  his  prize  into  St.  Kitts,  Lt.  Com.  Shaw, 
who  had  occasion  for  some  hostages,  to  save  the  lives  of  two  Ameri 
cans  who  were  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  put  the  general  and  a 
captain  who  was  with  him,  in  close  confinement,  in  that  character. 
This  measure  effected  the  object,  the  general  going  himself  on  parole 
to  Guadaloupe,  returning  by  the  end  of  the  month  with  the  prisoners 
liberated. 

The  Enterprise  seldom  lay  long  at  her  anchors.  Without  waiting 
for  the  determination  of  the  affair  of  the  hostages,  Lt.  Com.  Shaw 
took  her  to  sea,  again,  as  soon  as  ready,  going  off  and  to  leeward  of 
Guadaloupe.  Here  she  fell  in  with  another  French  privateer,  the 


1800.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  179 

vessels  crossing  each  other  on  opposite  tacks,  the  Enterprise  to  lee 
ward.  No  sooner  did  the  vessels  exchange  broadsides,  than  Lt. 
Com.  Shaw  put  his  helm  down,  and  came  round  directly  in  the 
wake  of  his  opponent.  This  manreuvre,  which  was  executed  in  the 
smoke,  was  so  rapidly  effected  that  the  Enterprise  got  nearly  a  com 
plete  raking  broadside  at  her  enemy,  four  of  her  six  guns  having 
discharged  into  the  enemy's  stern.  As  his  schooner  worked  beauti 
fully,  Lt.  Com.  Shaw  let  her  come  quite  round,  on  the  other  tack, 
when  he  ran  his  adversary  aboard,  on  his  weather  quarter,  passing 
into  him  and  taking  possession  without  further  resistance.  As  the 
Enterprise  closed,  one  of  her  remaining  guns  was  fired,  making 
eleven  in  all  that  were  discharged  in  the  combat. 

The  Americans  knew  that,  on  this  occasion,  they  had  met  with  a 
privateer  of  much  celebrity  on  these  seas.  She  was  a  brig  called 
l'Aigle,and  she  had  an  armament  often  guns,  with  a  crew  of  seventy- 
eight  men,  a  force  that  rendered  her  nominally  rather  than  actually  in 
ferior  to  themselves.  This  vessel  had  done  much  damage  to  both 
the  American  and  the  English  commerce,  and  her  commander  had 
a  high  reputation  for  spirit  and  enterprise.  The  easy  manner  in 
which  she  was  carried,  therefore,  at  first  excited  some  wonder  among 
the  captors,  but  it  was  soon  explained  by  the  condition  of  their  prize. 
In  this  short,  but  handsome  affair,  1'Aigle  had  3  killed  and  9  wounded. 
Among  the  former  was  her  first  lieutenant,  through  whom  a  six-pound 
shot  had  passed.  The  commander  and  second  lieutenant  were  both 
seriously  wounded ;  circumstances  that  explain  the  reason  why  the 
crew  deserted  their  quarters  as  the  Americans  boarded.  The  En 
terprise  had  3  men  wounded.  The  prize  was  sent  into  St.  Kitts,  and 
the  schooner  continued  to  cruise. 

In  July,  the  Enterprise  had  an  opportunity  of  still  further  distin 
guishing  herself.  While  cruising  to  leeward  she  made  a  large  pri 
vateer  brig,  just  at  evening,  near  which  she  remained  during  the 
night.  In  the  morning  the  stranger  was  sweeping  towards  the 
schooner,  in  a  calm.  The  Frenchman  was  allowed  to  approach, 
until  the  Enterprise  got  the  sea  breeze,  when  she  set  every  thing  and 
gave  chase.  This  sudden  movement  gave  the  alarm  to  the  briar, 
which  made  sail,  and  both  vessels  ran  off,  under  studding-sails.  The 
Frenchman  did  not  actually  run  away,  though  he  kept  off,  with  a  wish 
to  ascertain  the  character  of  his  foe.  Believing  himself  faster  on, 
than  off,  the  wind, the  privateersman  gradually  hauled  up  and  board 
ed  his  starboard  tacks,  without  waiting  to  haul  down  his  studding- 
sails,  which  was  not  done  until  his  vessel  was  close  by  the  wind. 
The  suddenness  of  this  evolution,  and  the  previous  positions  of  the 
two  vessels,  brought  the  Enterprise  right  astern,  when  she  hauled  up 
in  the  wake  of  the  enemy.  In  this  manner  the  chase  continued,  until 
the  American  schooner,  which  was  an  exceedingly  fast  vessel,  had 
so  far  gained  on  the  privateer,  as  to  come  within  reach  of  musketry, 
when  the  French  opened  a  smart  fire  with  small  arms.  The 
Americans  returned  this  fire,  until  the  vessels  were  quite  near  to 
gether,  one  directly  in  the  wake  of  the  other,  when  Lt.  Com.  Shaw 
kept  off  to  draw  more  upon  his  enemy's  beam.  In  doing  so  he  re- 


180  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1800. 

ceived  the  brig's  broadside,  when  a  sharp  conflict  was  commenced, 
and  maintained  for  twenty  minutes,  within  pistol-shot,  both  vessels 
running  free  again.  At  the  end  of  this  period,  the  privateer  had  got 
so  much  the  worst  of  it,  that  he  attempted  to  escape,  by  hauling  close 
by  the  wind,  making  sail  and  tacking.  In  endeavouring  to  come 
round  in  pursuit,  the  Enterprise  missed  stays.  Trimming  his  sails 
anew,  Lt.  Com.  Shaw  waited  until  he  had  gathered  sufficient  way, 
when  he  got  round  on  the  same  tack  with  his  enemy.  As  soon  as 
he  could  again  get  along  side,  which  was  not  long,  the  action  was 
renewed.  Just  at  this  moment,  and  when  men  were  aloft  endeav 
ouring  to  secure  the  spar,  a  flaw  struck  the  brig  and  carried  away 
her  fore-top-mast.  As  the  privateer  had  put  his  helm  up  in  the 
squall,  he  ran  away  from  his  wreck;  while  the  Enterprise,  keeping 
away  in  chase  came  directly  upon  it.  Lt.  Com.  Shaw,  who  was 
now  certain  of  his  prize,  rounded-to,  lowered  a  boat,  and  saved  several 
of  the  enemy  who  had  gone  over  with  the  spar.  No  sooner  was  this 
done,  than  the  schooner  filled,  and  Tanging  up  once  more  abeam  of 
the  privateer  the  latter  struck. 

On  this  occasion,  the  Enterprise  captured  a  vessel  materially  her 
superior  in  force.  Her  prize  was  le  Flambeau,  a  cruiser  of  still 
greater  renown  than  1'Aigle,  and  with  a  commander  of  equal  repu 
tation.  Le  Flambeau  mounted  12  guns,  the  same  in  number  as 
those  of  her  conqueror  ;  but  they  were  French  nines,  and  she  had 
110  men  on  board  her.  In  this  action,  the  Enterprise  had  rather 
more  men  than  usual,  mustering  a  crew  of  83  souls,  all  told,  the  day 
of  the  fight.  Le  Flambeau  had  suffered  severely,  having  40  killed 
and  wounded,  while  the  Enterprise  had  10. 

Lt.  Com.  Shaw  carried  his  prize  to  St.  Kitts,  and,  when  con 
demned,  her  proceeds  were  given  altogether  to  his  own  vessel,  as 
having  been  captured  by  a  cruiser  of  inferior  force.  There  is  no 
question  this  was  one  of  the  handsomest  exploits  of  the  war.  Though 
it  went  to  prove  the  great  advantage  that  a  public  armed  vessel  so 
generally  enjoys  over  one  that  is  private. 

In  August  the  Enterprise,  then  cruising  in  the  Antigua  passage 
chased  and  captured  another  of  the  enemy's  privateers,  called  la 
Pauline,  of  6  guns  and  forty  men.  As  la  Pauline  made  no  resistance, 
no  one  was  hurt. 

A  month  later,  while  still  cruising  on  the  same  ground,  this  sin 
gularly  fortunate  schooner,  after  a  short  running  fight  took  a  letter 
of  marque  of  7  guns,  and  45  men,  called  la  Guadaloup6enne.  On 
board  this  vessel  was  found  the  same  general  officer  who  had  been 
taken  in  the  lugger,  and  exchanged  at  the  time  of  the  release  of  the 
Americans,  for  whose  safety  he  had  been  imprisoned  as  a  hostage. 

Ill  health  now  compelled  Lt.  Com.  Shaw  to  relinquish  his  vessel, 
which  was  given  to  Lt.  Com.  Stewart,  the  former  officer  returning 
home  in  the  Patapsco,  Capt.  Geddes,  accompanied  by  his  surgeon. 
Although  Lt.  Com.  Shaw  was  not  immediately  promoted,  there  is  no 
question  that  the  services  just  recorded  were  the  means  of  his  being 
retained  in  the  service,  on  the  subsequent  reduction  of  the  navy,  and 
of  his  getting  a  high  place  on  the  list  of  officers  of  his  own  rank. 


1800.]  NAVAL  HISTORY. 


Such  was  the  estimate  of  his  conduct,  that  he  had  been  told  to  pre 
pare  himself  to  assume  the  charge  of  le  Berceau  26,  which  would 
have  been  a  capital  command.  Events,  however,  occurred  to  defeat 
this  arrangement. 

Lieutenant  Shaw  while  in  command  of  this  schooner,  recaptured 
eleven  American  vessels,  besides  taking  those  just  mentioned,  in  a 
cruise  of  only  eight  months.  It  was  a  proof  of  the  greater  efficiency 
of  this  description  of  vessel  than  any  other,  in  a  warfare  of  such  a 
nature,  that  the  Enterprise,  a  schooner  of  only  165  tons,  carrying  an 
armament  of  12  light  guns,  and  with  a  crew  that  varied  from  60  to 
83  men,  destroyed  more  of  the  enemy's  privateers,  and  afforded  as 
much  protection  to  the  trade  of  the  country,  as  any  frigate  employed 
in  the  war.  It  would  seem  to  be  certain,  indeed,  that  this  cruise  of 
the  Enterprise  was  one  of  the  most  brilliant  and  useful  ever  made 
under  the  American  flag. 

In  March,  the  Boston  28,  Captain  Little,  being  near  the  Point  of 
St.  Marks,  having  a  merchant  brig  in  tow,  on  her  way  to  Port-au- 
Prince,  nine  barges  were  discovered  pulling  towards  the  vessels,  com 
ing  from  the  small  island  of  Gonaives,  with  every  appearance  of  hos 
tile  intentions.  The  barges  were  large,  as  usual,  pulled  20  oars,  and 
contained  from  30  to  40  men  each.  As  soon  as  their  characters  were 
properly  made  out,  the  guns  of  the  Boston  were  housed,  and  the  ship 
was  otherwise  disguised.  This  stratagem  succeeded  so  far  as  to 
draw  the  barges  within  gun-shot ;  but  discovering  their  mistake 
before  they  got  as  near  as  could  be  wished,  they  turned  and  began  to 
retreat.  The  Boston  now  cast  off  her  tow,  made  sail  in  chase,  ran 
out  her  guns,  and  opened  her  fire.  For  two  hours,  she  was  enabled 
to  keep  some  of  the  barges  within  reach  of  her  shot,  and  three  of 
them,  with  all  their  crews,  were  sunk.  The  remainder  did  not  escape 
without  receiving  more  or  less  injury. 

After  this  punishment  of  the  picaroons,  which  were  often  guilty  of 
the  grossest  excesses,  the  Boston,  having  been  home  to  refit,  was 
directed  to  cruise  a  short  time,  previously  to  going  on  the  Guadaloupe 
station  again,  between  the  American  coast  and  the  West  India  islands. 
While  in  the  discharge  of  this  duty,  November,  1800,  in  lat.  22°  50' 
N.,  and  long.  51°  W.,  she  made  a  French  cruiser,  which,  instead  of 
avoiding  her,  evidently  sought  an  encounter.  Both  parties  being 
willing,  the  ships  were  soon  in  close  action,  when,  after  a  plain, 
hard-fought  combat  of  two  hours,  the  enemy  struck.  The  prize 
proved  to  be  the  French  corvette  le  Berceau,  Captain  Senes,  mount 
ing  24  guns,  and  with  a  crew  a  little  exceeding  200  men.  The 
Berceau  was  much  cut  up,  and  shortly  after  the  action,  her  fore  and 
main-masts  went.  Her  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  never  ascer 
tained,  but  from  the  number  of  the  latter  found  in  her,  it  was  probably 
between  30  and  40  men.  Among  the  former  were  her  first  lieuten 
ant,  master,  boatswain,  and  gunner.  The  Boston  mounted  eight 
more  light  guns  than  the  Berceau,  and  had  about  an  equal  number 
of  men.  She  had  4  killed  and  11  wounded.  Among  the  latter  was 
her  purser,  Mr.  Young,  who  died  of  his  injuries.  The  Berceau  was 
a  singularly  finr  vessel  of  her  class,  and  had  the  reputation  of  being 


182  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1800. 

one  of  the  fastest  ships  in  the  French  marine.  Like  the  combat  be 
tween  the  Constellation  and  PInsurgente,  the  superiority  of  force  was 
certainly  in  favour  of  the  American  ship,  on  this  occasion,  but  the 
execution  was  every  way  in  proportion  to  the  difference. 

The  year  1800  was  actively  employed  on  both  sides  in  the  West 
Indies,  for  while  the  force  of  the  French  in  vessels  of  war  seemed  to 
decrease,  as  those  of  England  and  America  increased,  the  privateers 
still  abounded.  A  great  many  American  merchantmen  were  cap 
tured,  and  the  recaptures  also  amounted  to  a  number  that  it  is  now 
difficult  to  ascertain,  but  which  is  known  to  have  been  large.  Most 
of  the  privateers  were  small  schooners,  filled  with  men,  sufficient  to 
subdue  a  letter  of  marque  by  boarding  ;  but,  as  they  offered  no  resist 
ance  to  any  of  the  cruisers  except  the  smallest,  a  brief  catalogue  of 
the  prizes  taken  by  the  different  large  vessels,  will  at  once  give  an 
idea  of  the  nature  of  the  service  that  was  performed  by  the  West  India 
squadrons  during  this  year.  The  Baltimore  20,  Captain  Cowper, 
took  la  Brilliante  Jeunesse  12,  with  a  crew  of  62  men,  and  a  vessel 
whose  name  is  not  known  ;  the  Merrimack  24,  Captain  Brown,  the 
Phenix  14,  with  128  men  ;  the  Connecticut  24,  Captain  Tryon,  le 
Piege  2,  with  50  menJ'Unite  1,  with  50  men,  and  le  Chou  Chou  ; 
the  Boston  28,  Captain  Little,  la  Fortune,  1'Heureux,  and  an  open 
boat ;  Pickering  14,  Captain  Hillar,  la  Voltigeuse  10,  with  60  men, 
the  Fly,  and  1'Active  12,  with  60  men  ;  Boston  28,  in  company  with 
different  vessels,  the  Flying  Fish,  la  Gourde,  le  Pelican,  and  1'Espoir; 
Herald  18  and  Augusta  14,  la  Mutine  6,  with  60  men  ;  John  Adams 
28,  Captain  Cross,  le  Jason,  with  50  men,  la  Decade  ;  the  Trumbull 
24,  Captain  Jewett,  la  Peggie,  la  Vengeance  10  and  la  Tullie  ;  En 
terprise  12,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Sterrett,  1'Amour  de  la  Patrie 
6,  with  72  men  ;  the  Patapsco  18,  Captain  Geddes,  la  Dorade  6, 
with  46  men  ;  the  Adams  28,  Captain  Morris,  rHeurense  Rencontre 
4,  with  50  men,  le  Gambeau,  4  swivels  and  16  men,  la  Renommee, 
the  Dove,  and  le  Massena6,  with  49  men.  Several  of  the  frigates 
also  made  prizes  of  different  small  privateers,  barges,  and  boats  ;  and 
many  vessels  were  chased  on  shore,  and  either  destroyed  by  boats  or 
were  bilged  in  striking.  The  privateers  taken  and  brought  into  port, 
during  the  years  1798,  1799,  and  1800,  amounted  in  all  to  rather 
more  than  fifty  sail.  To  these  must  be  added  several  letters  of  mar 
que.  But  few  merchant  ships  were  taken,  the  French  venturing  but 
little  on  the  ocean,  except  in  fast-sailing  armed  vessels.  Still,  some 
valuable  prizes  of  this  nature  were  made,  and  several  ships  of  this 
class  were  driven  ashore  among  the  islands. 

The  constant  changes  that  occurred  among  the  commanders  of 
the  different  vessels,  render  it  difficult  to  give  clear  accounts  of  the 
movements  of  either.  These  changes  were  owing  to  the  rapidity 
and  irregularities  of  the  promotions  in  an  infant  service,  officers  who 
went  out  at  the  commencement  of  the  season  lieutenants,  in  many 
instances,  returning  home  captains,  at  its  close.  In  short,  the  offi 
cers,  like  the  crews,  were  constantly  passing  from  vessel  to  vessel, 
several  serving  in  two  or  three  ships  in  ag  many  years. 

The  Experiment  12,  made  her  first  cruise  under  the  command  of 


1800.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  183 

Lieutenant  Commandant  Maley,  and  was  much  employed  in  con 
voying  through  the  narrow  passages,  where  the  vessels  were  exposed 
to  attacks  from  large  barges  manned  from  the  shores.  On  the  1st  of 
January,  1800,  this  schooner  was  becalmed  in  the  Bight  of  Leogane, 
with  several  sail  of  American  merchantmen  in  company  and  under 
convoy.  While  the  little  fleet  lay  in  this  helpless  condition,  a  good 
deal  scattered,  ten  of  the  barges  mentioned,  filled  with  negroes  and 
mulattoes,  came  out  against  it.  The  barges  contained  from  30  to 
40  men  each,  who  were  armed  with  muskets,  cutlasses,  and  pikes, 
and  in  some  of  the  boats  were  light  guns  and  swivels.  As  the  Ex 
periment  was  partially  disguised,  the  enemy  came  within  reach  of  her 
grape  before  the  assault  was  made,  when  Lieutenant  Commandant 
Maley  ran  out  his  guns  and  opened  his  fire.  This  was  the  com 
mencement  of  a  long  conflict,  in  which  the  barges  were  beaten  off. 
It  was  not  in  the  power  of  the  Experiment,  however,  to  prevent  the 
enemy  from  seizing  two  of  her  convoy,  which  had  drifted  to  such  a 
distance  as  to  be  beyond  protection.  A  third  vessel  was  also  boarded, 
but  from  her  the  brigands  were  driven  by  grape,  though  not  until  they 
had  murdered  her  master  and  plundered  the  cabin. 

The  barges  went  twice  to  the  shore,  landed  their  killed  and  wound 
ed,  and  took  on  board  reinforcements  of  men.  The  second  attack 
they  made  was  directed  especially  at  the  Experiment,  there  being 
no  less  than  three  divisions  of  the  enemy,  each  of  which  contained 
three  heavy  barges.  But,  after  a  protracted  engagement,  which, 
with  the  intermissions,  lasted  seven  hours,  the  enemy  abandoned  fur 
ther  designs  on  this  convoy,  and  retreated  in  disorder.  The  Exper 
iment  endeavoured  to  follow,  by  means  of  her  sweeps,  but  finding 
that  some  of  the  more  distant  of  the  barges  threatened  two  of  her 
convoy,  that  had  drifted  out  of  gun-shot,  she  was  obliged  to  give  up 
the  chase. 

In  this  arduous  and  protracted  engagement  the  Experiment  was 
fought  with  spirit,  and  handled  with  skill.  The  total  absence  of 
wind  gave  the  enemy  every  advantage  ;  but  notwithstanding  their 
vast  superiority  in  numbers,  they  did  not  dare  to  close.  Two  of  the 
barges  were  sunk,  and  their  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  known 
to  have  been  heavy,  while  the  Experiment  had  but  two  wounded,  one 
of  whom  was  Lieutenant  David  Porter. 

Shortly  after  this  affair,  the  command  of  the  Experiment  was  given 
to  Lieutenant  Charles  Stewart,  late  of  the  United  States  44.  Not 
long  after  he  had  got  upon  his  station,  this  officer  fell  in  with,  and 
took,  after  a  slight  resistance,  the  French  privateer  les  Deux  Amis, 
of  8  guns,  and  between  40  and  50  men.  The  Deux  Amis  was  sent  in. 

About  a  month  after  this  occurrence,  while  cruising  on  her  station, 
the  Experiment  made  two  sail,  which  had  the  appearance  of  enemy's 
cruisers.  The  Frenchmen  were  a  brig  of  18  guns,  and  a  three- 
masted  schooner  of  14,  and  they  gave  chase  to  the  American.  Lieu 
tenant  Commandant  Stewart,  having  soon  satisfied  himself  of  the 
superior  sailing  of  his  own  vessel,  manoeuvred  in  a  way  to  separate 
the  enemy,  and  to  keep  them  at  a  distance  until  after  dark.  At 
length,  finding  that  the  Frenchmen  had  given  up  the  chase,  and  that 


184  NAVAL   HISTORY.  [1800. 

the  brig  was  about  a  league  ahead  of  the  schooner,  he  cleared  for 
action,  closed  with  the  latter,  by  running  upon  her  weather  quarter, 
and  gave  her  a  broadside.  The  attack  was  so  vigorous  and  close, 
that  the  enemy  struck  in  a  few  minutes.  Throwing  his  first  lieuten 
ant,  Mr.  David  Porter  into  the  pri/e,  Lieutenant  Commandant 
Stewart  immediately  made  sail  after  the  brig  ;  but  she  had  gained 
so  much  ahead,  during  the  time  lost  with  the  schooner,  that  she  was 
soon  abandoned,  and  the  Experiment  returned  to  her  pri/e,  which 
she  carried  into  St.  Kitts.  Mr.  Stewart  probably  owed  his  success 
to  the  boldness  of  his  manoeuvres,  as  the  brig  was  of  a  force  sufficient 
to  capture  him  in  a  few  minutes. 

The  vessel  taken  by  the  Experiment  proved  to  be  the  French 
man-of-war  schooner  la  Diane,  Lieutenant  Perradeau,  of  14  guns, 
and  about  60  men.  She  was  bound  to  France,  with  General  Rigaud 
on  board ;  and  in  addition  to  her  regular  crew,  30  invalid  soldiers 
had  been  put  in  her,  having  served  their  time  in  the  islands.  Her 
commander  had  been  the  first  lieutenant  of  I'lnsurgente,  and  the 
prize-officer  of  the  Retaliation. 

Returning  to  her  station,  the  Experiment  now  had  a  combat  that 
was  of  a  less  agreeable  nature.  A  suspicious  sail  had  been  made  in 
the  course  of  the  day,  and  chase  was  given  until  dark.  Calculating 
the  courses  and  distances,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Stewart  ordered 
the  Experiment  to  be  kept  in  the  required  direction  until  midnight, 
when,  if  he  did  not  close  with  the  stranger,  he  intended  to  give  up  the 
chase.  At  that  hour,  the  schooner  was  hauled  by  the  wind,  accord 
ingly  ;  but,  in  a  few  minutes,  a  sail  was  seen  quite  near,  and  to  wind 
ward.  The  Experiment  went  to  quarters,  ran  up  under  the  stranger's 
lee,  and  hailed.  Finding  the  other  vessel  indisposed  to  give  an 
answer,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Stewart  ordered  a  gun  fired  into 
him,  which  was  returned  by  a  broadside.  A  sharp  action  now  com 
menced,  but,  it  blowing  heavily,  and  the  schooner  lying  over,  it  was 
found  impossible  to  depress  the  guns  sufficiently  to  hull  the  enemy. 
Planks  were  cut  and  placed  beneath  the  trucks  of  the  gun-carriages, 
when  the  shot  of  the  Experiment  told  with  so  much  effect,  that  her 
antagonist  struck.  Mr.  Porter,  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  Experi 
ment,  was  now  directed  to  take  possession  of  the  pri/e,  but,  on 
getting  alongside,  he  was  refused  permission  to  board.  As  soon  as 
this  was  known  in  the  schooner,  the  boat  was  directed  to  pull  out  of 
the  line  of  fire,  with  a  view  to  recommence  the  action,  when  the 
stranger  hailed  to  say  he  submitted. 

This  vessel  proved  to  be  a  privateer  called  the  Louisa  Uridger,  out 
of  Bermuda,  with  an  armament  of  8  nine-pounders,  and  a  crew  of 
between  40  and  50  men.  She  was  much  cut  up,  and  had  four  feet 
water  in  her  hold  when  she  surrendered.  Her  captain  was  among 
the  wounded. 

As  soon  as  the  nature  of  this  unfortunate  mistake  was  known, 
every  aid  was  afforded  the  privateer,  the  Experiment  lying  by  her  all 
next  day,  to  assist  in  repairing  her  damages.  The  Experiment 
received  a  good  deal  of  injury  in  her  rigging,  and  had  one  man  killed, 
and  a  boy  wounded. 


1800.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  185 

Active  negotiations  had  commenced,  and  in  the  autumn  of  1800 
the  hopes  of  peace  became  so  strong,  that  the  efforts  to  increase  the 
navy  were  sensibly  relaxed,  and  the  sailing  of  many  ships,  that  had 
been  intended  for  distant  stations  was  suspended.  In  May  of  this 
year,  however,  the  George  Washington  24,*  Captain  Bainbridge, 
was  ordered  to  sail  with  tribute  to  the  Dey  of  Algiers.  We  now  look 
back  with  wonder  at  the  fact,  that  a  maritime  people,  like  those  of 
the  United  States,  should  consent  to  meet  the  unjust  demands  of  a 
power  as  insignificant  as  that  of  Algiers,  with  any  other  answer  than 
a  close  blockade,  and  a  vigorous  war.  No  better  school  for  the  edu 
cation  of  an  efficient  corps  of  officers  could  have  been  desired,  than 
a  contest  with  all  Barbary,  should  the  Jatter  invite  it,  nor  would  the 
expense  have  greatly  exceeded  that  connected  \yfth  the  support  of 
the  small  naval  force,  that  nearly  all  parties  now  appeared  to  admit 
was  indispensable  to  the  country.  Opinion  had  probably  as  much 
connexion  with  this  want  of  spirit,  as  expediency  or  policy,  for  it 
would  be  easy  to  show,  not  only  in  this  but  in  all  other  cases,  that 
there  is  no  more  certain  means  for  a  nation  to  invite  aggressions, 
than  by  making  undue  concessions,  or  no  surer  method  of  obtaining 
justice  than  by  insisting  on  its  rights.  The  great  maritime  nations 
of  Europe,  with  England  at  their  head,  influenced  by  motives  pecu 
liarly  their  own,  had  long  been  in  the  practice  of  bribing  the  Barbary 
States  to  respect  the  laws  of  nations,  and  it  was  perhaps  too  soon  to 
expect  that  America,  a  country  that  had  so  recently  been  a  colony, 
should  step  boldly  out  of  the  circle  of  its  habits,  and  set  the  first  ex 
ample  of  self-respect  and  wisdom.  It  was  reserved  for  that  little 
marine,  which  was  just  struggling  into  existence,  under  all  the  un 
favourable  circumstances  of  a  hurried  organisation,  defective  vessels, 
a  want  of  arsenals,  docks,  and  system,  to  bring  the  nation  up  to  the 
level  of  its  own  manliness  and  independence,  at  a  later  day,  and  to 
teach  the  true  policy  of  the  country  to  those  whose  duty  it  was  to 
direct  it. 

The  George  Washington  arrived  in  the  port  of  Algiers  in  Septem 
ber,  and  feeling  that  he  had  come  on  a  duty  that,  at  least,  entitled 
him  to  the  hospitalities  of  the  Dey,  Captain  Bainbridge  ran  in  and 
anchored  under  the  mole.  As  soon  as  the  tribute,  or  presents,  which 
ever  it  may  suit  the  tone  of  the  diplomacy  to  term  them,  \vere  put  into 
the  hands  of  the  consul,  a  request  was  made  to  Captain  Bainbridge 
to  place  his  ship  at  the  disposal  of  the  Dey,  with  a  sole  view  to  the 
convenience  and  policy  of  that  prince.  It  appears  that  the  Sultan 
had  taken  offence  with  the  regency  of  Algiers,  on  account  of  a  treaty 
it  had  lately  concluded  with  France,  a  power  with  which  the  Ottoman 

*  In  giving  the  rates  of  vessels,  except  in  flagrant  instances,  such  as  those  in  which  the 
Chesapeake  and  Philadelphia  are  called  forty -fours,  and  the  Adams,  John  Adams,  and 
Boston  thirty-twos,  we  follow  the  irregular  rule  which  appears  to  have  been  laid  down  in 
the  service  at  the  time.  The  George  Washington  was  much  nearer  a  thirty-two  in  size, 
than  most  of  the  twenty -eights  of  the  navy,  though  in  the  official  reports  she  is  called  a 
twenty-four.  The  tonnage  of  this  ship  was  624  tons,  while  that  of  the  Boston  was  only 
530.  "She  had  been  an  Indiaman.  and  when  sold  out  of  service,  in  1803,  returned  to  her 
old  employment.  The  proper  rate  of  this  ship  would  have  made  her  nearer  a  twenty- 
eight,  ;han  any  thing  else.  Her  last  service  was  to  carry  tribute  to  the  Mediterranean, 
under  Lieutenant  Commandant  Shaw. 


186  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1800. 

Porte  was  then  at  war,  and  liis  anger  was  to  be  deprecated  by  a 
timely  application  of  presents.  The  good  offices  of  Captain  Bain- 
bridge  were  now  solicited  in  conveying  these  offerings,  with  a  suitable 
agent,  to  Constantinople.  As  soon  as  apprised  of  his  wish,  Captain 
Bainbridge  sought  an  audience  with  the  Dey,  and  having  obtained 
one,  he  expressed  his  regret  at  not  being  able  to  comply  with  his 
request,  as  it  would  be  disregarding  the  orders  of  his  superiors  at 
home.  The  Dey  now  gave  his  guest  to  understand  that  both  he  and 
his  ship  were  in  his  power,  and  his  request  was  put  more  in  the  shape 
of  a  demand.  A  long  and  spirited  altercation  ensued,  until,  influ 
enced  by  the  representations  of  the  consul,  Mr.  O'Brien,  the  certainty 
that  his  ship  would  be  otherwise  seized  and  sent  by  force,  the  appre 
hension  of  a  war,  and  the  knowledge  that  near  two  hundred  sail  of 
merchantmen  were  exposed  in  those  seas,  Captain  Bainbridge  en 
tered  into  stipulations  on  the  subject.  He  consented  to  carry  the 
agent  and  presents  of  Algiers,  on  condition  that  peace  should  be 
maintained,  that  the  Dey  should  deem  the  act  one  of  friendly  con 
cession  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  and  not  one  of  right,  and  that, 
on  his  return  from  Constantinople,  no  further  demands  should  be 
preferred. 

When  the  ship  was  about  to  sail  from  Algiers  a  new  difficulty 
arose  on  the  subject  of  the  flag ;  the  Dey  insisting  that  his  own  should 
be  hoisted  at  the  main,  while  that  of  the  United  States  should  be 
shown  forward.  In  maintaining  this  claim,  lie  affirmed  that  it  was 
a  compliment  always  paid  him  by  the  English,  French,  and  Spanish 
captains,  who  had  been  employed  on  similar  service  in  his  behalf. 
After  a  strong  remonstrance,  Captain  Bainbridge  yielded  in  appear 
ance,  but  as  he  refused  to  make  any  pledges  on  the  subject,  as  soon 
as  he  was  beyond  the  reach  of  the  guns  of  the  works,  he  set  his  own 
ensign  as  usual.  Under  these  circumstances  the  George  Washing 
ton  sailed. 

At  this  distance  of  time  from  the  event,  a  dispassionate  opinion 
may  perhaps  be  formed  concerning  the  propriety  of  the  course  pur 
sued  by  the  officer  in  command  of  the  George  Washington.  On  the 
one  hand  was  the  war  with  France,  which  might  have  rendered  the 
management  of  a  war  with  Algiers  more  difficult  than  common,  and 
the  probability  that  the  latter  would  ensue  in  the  event  of  a  refusal. 
But,  if  France  was  at  war  with  America,  she  was  also  at  war  with 
England,  and  the  appearance  of  the  George  Washington  in  the 
Mediterranean  was  a  proof  that  cruisers  mi^ht  be  employed  in  that 
sea,  although  the  nation  was  without  ports,  or  arsenals.  As  opposed 
to  the  general  ha/ards  of  war,  and  the  particular  risks  incurred  by  the 
crew  of  the  George  Washington,  were  those  common  and  enduring 
principles  of  honour  and  right,  by  maintaining  which,  nations,  in  the 
end,  assert  their  claims  in  the  promptest,  cheapest,  and  most  efficient 
manner.  It  is  the  peculiar  province  of  the  officers  and  men  of  a  ves 
sel  of  war  to  incur  risks  equally  of  life  and  liberty,  as  on  all  other 
occasions,  no  man  manifested  more  of  the  true  spirit,  in  this  respect, 
than  Captain  Bainbridge,  the  consideration  of  his  own  peculiar  dan 
ger,  or  that  of  his  crew,  probably  had  no  influence  on  his  decision. 


1800-]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  187 

The  true  question  is,  whether  an  officer  in  his  situation  ought  to 
have  taken  the  responsibility  of  producing  a  war  by  a  refusal  to  com 
ply  with  the  demand  of  the  Dey,  or  whether  his  duty  pointed  out  the 
course  pursued  by  Captain  Bainbridge.  No  one  can  hesitate  about 
saying  that  the  first  should  be  the  decision  of  a  commander  of  a  ves 
sel  of  war,  in  our  own  time.  But  Captain  Bainbridge  was  not  before 
Algiers  in  an  age  when  America  was  as  ready  as  she  is  to-day  to 
assert  all  those  great  principles  of  right  which  nations  must  maintain 
with  their  blood  and  treasure,  if  they  are  to  be  maintained  at  all.  He 
had  himself  just  been  employed  in  transporting  tribute  to  Algiers, 
under  a  solemn  law  of  his  country,  and  it  would  have  been  a  violent 
presumption  indeed,  to  suppose  that  a  government,  which  had  so  far 
neglected  the  just  feelings  of  national  pride,  and  the  first  and  simplest 
principles  of  policy,  as  to  expend  in  tribute  the  money  that  would 
nearly,  if  not  quite,  extort  justice  by  force,  would  look  with  favour  on 
an  act  that  should  produce  a  war,  on  a  naked  point  of  honour.  We 
dislike  the  decision  of  Captain  Bainbridge,  while  we  distinctly  see, 
that  in  requiring  him  to  have  acted  otherwise,  we  require  him  to  have 
been  in  advance  of  the  opinion  of  his  day,  and  of  the  policy  of  his 
government.* 

It  is  understood  that  Captain  Bainbridge  was  much  influenced  by 
the  advice  and  opinions  of  Mr.  O'Brien,  the  consul.  This  gentleman 
had  been  one  of  the  first  prisoners  taken  by  Algiers  in  1785,  and  he 
had  passed  many  weary  years  in  captivity,  almost  abandoned  by 
hope,  and  apparently,  though  not  really,  forgotten  by  his  country. 
He  had  probably  little  faith  in  the  existence  of  that  patriotism  which 
is  ready  to  sacrifice  immediate  interest  to  future  good,  and  saw  in 
perspective  a  piratical  warfare,  and  captivities  like  his  own,  which, 
unrelieved  by  any  feelings  of  humanity,  would  be  nearly  allied  to 
despair.  This  gentleman  is  not  to  be  censured  ;  for  bitter  experi 
ence  had  taught  him  how  little  is  the  care  taken  of  individual  rights, 
by  popular  governments,  when  the  evil  does  not  present  itself  to  the 
senses  of  bodies  of  men,  and  how  strong  is  the  desire  to  shrink  from 
responsibility  in  those  who  are  subject  to  their  judgment  and  clam 
our.  This  is  the  weak  side  of  the  polity,  and  were  it  not  redeemed 
by  so  much  that  is  superior  to  the  effects  of  all  other  systems,  it  is 
one  that  would  totally  unfit  a  nation  to  maintain  the  respect  of  man 
kind.  Mr.  O'Brien,  too,  had  been  educated  as  a  ship-master,  and 
probably  reasoned  more  like  the  agent  of  a  commercial  house,  than 
the  agent  of  a  government  that  wanted  none  of  the  elements  of  great 
ness  but  the  will.  That  neither  he  nor  Captain  Bainbridge,  frank 
seamen,  discovered  much  of  the  finesse  of  diplomacy,  is  evident ;  for 
a  practised  negotiator,  detecting  the  necessity  of  submission,  would 
have  anticipated  the  final  demand,  and  averted  the  more  disagreea- 

*  It  has  been  conjectured  that  Captain  Bainbridge  consented  to  go  to  Constantinople, 
with  a  view  to  show  the  American  flag  to  the  Ottoman  Porte,  and  to  open  the  way  for  a 
treaty,  and  a  trade  in  the  Black  Sea  ;  but  we  know  of  no  evidence  of  the  truth  of  this 
supposition.  It  ought  to  be  added,  moreover,  that  the  ships  of  the  greatest  powers  of 
Europe,  often  performed  offices  like  that  required  of  Captain  Bainbridge,  for  the  Dey, 
and  that  the  former  was  perfectly  aware  of  the  fact. 


188  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1800. 

ble  features  of  compulsion,  by  apparently  conceding  that  to  solicita 
tion,  which  was  finally  yielded  to  menace. 

When  the  Americans,  feeble,  scattered  colonists,  without  military 
stores,  posts,  fortified  towns  or  navy,  determined  to  resist  the  usurpa 
tions  of  the  British  Parliament,  they  were  influenced  by  those  lofty 
principles  of  right,  which  are  certain  to  lead  to  greatness.  It  is  not 
pretended  that  the  taxation  of  England  bore  heavily  on  America  in 
practice,  but  the  resistance  grew  out  of  the  maintenance  of  a  princi 
ple;  arid  the  result  of  sacrificing  immediate  interests  to  the  true  and 
elevating  policy  of  the  right,  is  before  the  world.  Even  many  of  the 
well-disposed,  who  belonged  to  the  school  of  those  who  are  for  con 
sulting  temporary  good,  and  whose  political  wisdom  too  often  savours 
of  the  expedient,  thought  the  contest  premature  ;  but,  happily,  a  bet 
ter  temper  prevailed  in  the  country,  and  the  nation  escaped  the  risks 
of  losing  its  spirit  under  the  gradual  operation  of  usage,  as  might  have 
attended  delay.  Immediate  good  was  sacrificed  to  the  great  objects 
of  a  more  liberal  policy,  and  we  now  find  that  England,  so  far  from 
persevering  in  a  wish  to  tax  colonies  over  which  she  does  not  possess 
the  right,  even  hesitates  about  taxing  those,  which,  in  the  way  of 
principle,  lie  at  her  mercy  by  conquest. 

It  was  the  9th  of  October,  1800,  when  the  George  Washington  left 
Algiers.  She  entered  the  Bosphorus  with  a  fresh  breeze  at  the  south 
ward,  and  on  approaching  the  Dardanelles,  where  are  two  castles 
that  command  the  passage,  and  where  ships  are  obliged  to  exhibit 
passports  in  order  to  proceed,  Captain  Bainbridge  felt  some  embar 
rassment  as  to  the  course  he  ought  to  take.  He  had  no  firman,  his 
country  was  scarcely  known  at  the  Ottoman  Porte,  and  he  might  be 
delayed  weeks,  negotiating  for  permission  to  go  up  to  the  town. 
From  this  dilemma  he  relieved  himself  by  the  happy  and  prompt 
expedient  of  a  seaman.  The  castles  stand  nearly  opposite  each 
other,  on  the  European  and  Asiatic  shores,  and  guns  carrying  stone 
balls,  that  weigh,  in  some  instances,  eight  hundred  pounds,  are 
pointed  in  a  manner  to  command  the  channel.  These  guns,  how 
ever,  are  stationary  like  mortars,  and  become  nearly  useless  the  mo 
ment  a  ship  is  out  of  their  regulated  ranjje.  The  rest  of  the  defences, 
at  that  time,  were  very  immaterial.  The  width  of  the  Bosphorus, 
here,  a  little  exceeds  three  thousand  feet.  As  his  ship  approached 
the  castle,  Captain  Bainbridge  hauled  up  his  courses,  clewed  up  his 
top-gallant  sails,  and  made  the  usual  preparations  for  anchoring. 
When  nearly  up  with  them,  she  commenced  firing  a  salute,  which 
was  instantly  returned  from  the  shore,  and,  at  this  moment,  when 
the  vessel  was  partly  concealed  in  smoke,  sail  was  made,  and  before 
the  Turks  recovered  from  their  surprise,  being  totally  unprepared  for 
a  thing  so  unusual,  she  was  beyond  their  reach. 

Captain  Bainbridge  now  pursued  his  way  to  Constantinople,  where 
he  arrived  as  much  unexpected  as  he  was  unannounced  and  un 
known.  The  George  Washington  anchored  the  9th  of  November, 
in  the  outer  harbour,  where  she  was  soon  visited  by  an  officer,  to 
demand  under  what  flag  she  sailed.  The  usual  reply  was  given, 
and  the  officer  took  his  leave.  An  hour  or  two  afterwards  he  return- 


1800.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  189 

ed,  to  say  that  his  government  had  never  heard  of  such  a  nation  as 
the  United  States  of  America,  and  to  request  some  more  explicit  an 
swer.  The  officer  was  now  sent  back  with  the  information  that  the 
George  Washington  belonged  to  the  "  New  World,"  which  was 
received  as  satisfactory,  the  Turkish  government  extending  to  the 
strangers  much  of  that  polished  hospitality  for  which  it  is  justly 
esteemed. 

The  George  Washington  remained  at  Constantinople  until  the 
30th  of  December,  when  she  again  sailed  for  Algiers,  which  port  she 
reached  on  the  21st  of  January,  1801.  Though  much  solicited  to 
do  so,  Captain  Bainbridge  now  refused  to  carry  his  ship  within  the 
mole,  but  kept  her  out  of  the  reach  of  the  batteries.  The  Dey  made 
a  new  request  that  he  would  return  to  Constantinople  with  his  agent, 
and  though  the  old  threats  were  not  exactly  resorted  to,  the  ship  being 
beyond  his  reach,  war  was  still  held  in  perspective  as  the  alternative. 
Captain  Bainbridge,  however,  peremptorily  refused  to  put  himself 
and  ship  again  at  the  mercy  of  the  Dey. 

Having  borrowed  some  ballast,  Captain  Bainbridge  was  about  to 
have  it  landed  in  lighters,  when  the  Dey,  affecting  to  be  indignant  at 
his  want  of  confidence,  forbade  the  lightermen  to  undertake  the  job, 
announcing  at  the  same  time,  unless  the  ballast  was  returned,  that 
he  would  declare  war.  The  consul  again  so  earnestly  entreated 
Captain  Bainbridge  to  comply,  that  the  latter,  on  receiving  a  solemn 
stipulation  that  no  more  should  be  said  on  the  subject  of  a  new  voyage 
to  Constantinople,  took  the  George  Washington  into  the  mole,  and 
landed  the  ballast,  which  consisted  of  a  number  of  old  guns. 

Captain  Bainbridge  soon  after  had  an  audience  with  the  Dey, 
when  the  latter  got  into  such  a  rage  as  to  threaten  personal  violence. 
Fortunately,  the  Capudan  Pacha  had  became  pleased  with  the 
manly  conduct  and  tine  personal  appearance  of  the  American  offi 
cer,  while  the  latter  was  at  Constantinople,  and,  at  parting,  he  had 
given  him  a  firman  of  protection.  This  paper  was  now  presented, 
and  it  immediately  changed  the  savage  ferocity  of  a  barbarian  into 
expressions  of  friendship  and  offers  of  service.  From  that  moment 
the  tone  of  the  Dey  was  altered  ;  and  the  man,  whom  a  minute  be 
fore  he  had  threatened  with  irons,  was  converted  into  a  person  of 
influence  and  authority.  Such  was  the  effect  of  Asiatic  despotism 
and  a  ruthless  discipline. 

A  good  opportunity  now  offered  to  relieve  some  of  the  mortifica 
tion  which  Captain  Bainbridge  had  experienced,  by  affording  him  an 
occasion  to  be  the  instrument  of  rescuing  many  Christians  from 
slavery.  One  of  the  causes  of  quarrel  between  the  Regency  and  the 
Porte,  as  has  been  stated,  was  the  separate  peace  made  by  the  for 
mer  with  France.  To  expiate  for  that  crime,  the  Dey,had  been  com 
pelled  to  cut  down  the  flag-staff  of  the  French  consul,  to  declare  war 
against  his  country,  and  to  condemn  him  and  fifty  or  sixty  of  his 
countrymen  to  slavery.  Notwithstanding  the  war  which  still  existed 
between  America  and  France,  Captain  Bainbridge  interfered  in  be 
half  of  these  unfortunate  people,  and,  profiting  by  the  unexpected 
influence  of  his  firman,  he  obtained  a  stipulation  from  the  Dey,  that 


190  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1801. 

all  who  could  get  out  of  his  dominions  within  eight-and-forty  hours, 
might  go  away,  while  those  who  could  not,  should  be  slaves.  No 
other  vessel  offering,  the  George  Washington  was  employed  in  this 
grateful  office,  and  by  great  exertions  she  went  to  sea  within  the  stip 
ulated  time,  carrying  with  her  all  the  French  in  Algiers.  The  pas 
sengers  were  landed  at  Alicant,  and  the  ship  returned  home,  where 
the  conduct  of  her  commander,  throughout  these  novel  and  trying 
circumstances,  met  with  the  fullest  approbation  of  the  government, 
and  he  was  immediately  transferred  to  a  much  finer  ship,  the  Essex  32. 

While  these  events  were  taking  place  in  the  Mediterranean,  the 
negotiations  for  peace  with  France  had  been  going  on  at  Paris,  and 
a  treaty  to  that  effect  was  ratified  by  the  Senate  on  the  3d  of  Feb 
ruary,  1801.  All  the  necessary  forms  having  been  complied  with  on 
both  sides,  the  Herald  18,  Captain  Russel,  was  sent  to  the  West 
Indies,  with  orders  of  recall  for  the  whole  force. 

Thus  ended  the  short  and  irregular  struggle  with  France,  in  which 
the  present  marine  of  the  United  States  was  founded,  most  of  the 
senior  officers  now  in  service  having  commenced  their  careers  as 
midshipmen  during  its  existence. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Reduction  of  the  navy — The  navy  as  reduced — Vessels  sold — Of  the  war  with  France, 
asitaft'ected  the  navy — Gallant  defence  of  the  Louisa. 

EVERY  form  of  government  has  evils  peculiar  to  itself.  In  a  de 
mocracy  there  exists  a  standing  necessity  for  reducing  every  thing  to 
the  average  comprehension,  the  high  intelligence  of  a  nation  usually 
conceding  as  much  to  its  ignorance,  as  it  imparts.  One  of  the  worst 
consequences  in  a  practical  sense,  of  this  compromise  of  knowledge, 
is  to  be  found  in  the  want  of  establishments  that  require  foresight  and 
liberality  to  be  well  managed,  for  the  history  of  every  democracy  has 
shown  that  it  has  been  deficient  in  the  wisdom  which  is  dependent  on 
those  expenditures  that  foster  true  economy,  by  anticipating  evils 
and  avoiding  the  waste  of  precipitation,  want  of  system,  and  a  want 
of  knowledge.  The  new  government  of  the  Union  was  now  to  expe 
rience  evils  of  this  nature,  that  are  perhaps  inseparable  from  popular 
power,  and  to  contend  with  the  cry  of  extravagance,  as  extravagance 
is  usually  viewed  by  those  who  have  not  sufficient  information  to  un 
derstand  that,  as  in  ordinary  transactions,  the  highest  pay  commands 
the  best  services,  so  in  public  things,  the  expenditures  made  in  a  time 
of  peace  are  the  surest  means  of  obtaining  economy  in  a  time  of  war. 

The  commencement  of  the  year  1801,  was  distinguished  by  a 
change  of  administration,  for  the  first  time  since  the  adoption  of  the 
constitution ;  Mr.  Jefferson  and  his  political  friends,  who  were  usually 
known  by  the  name  of  the  republican  party,  expelling  the  federalists 


1801.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  191 

from  power,  with  Mr.  Adams  at  their  head,  by  a  large  majority  of 
the  electoral  votes.  One  of  the  charges  brought  against  the  federalist 
was  an  undue  love  for  unnecessarily  large  and  expensive  establish 
ments,  in  imitation  of  the  English  school  of  politicians,  while  the  re 
publicans  were  accused  of  a  wish  to  deceive  the  ignorant,  by  pretend 
ing  to  a  nakedness  of  legislation  and  an  absence  of  precautionary 
measures,  which,  while  they  would  save  money  at  the  moment,  might 
involve  the  country  in  eventual  ruin,  and  which  would  unfit  the 
people  for  the  great  exertions  certain  to  be  required  in  the  hour  of 
danger. 

In  this  controversy,  as  is  commonly  the  case,  both  parties  main 
tained  principles  that  were  false,  and  insisted  on  measures,  which,  if 
not  utterly  impracticable,  were  at  least  impolitic.  The  federalists  held 
the  doctrine  that  the  people  ought  to  be  taxed,  if  it  were  merely  to 
accustom  them  to  pay  for  the  support  of  government;  and  the  demo 
crats,  or  republicans  applied  to  the  management  of  political  interests 
the  notion  that  all  that  was  necessary  was  to  provide  for  the  demands 
of  the  day,  virtually  leaving  the  future  to  attend  to  its  own  wants. 
The  first  theory  was  like  that  which  would  prescribe  periodical  de 
pletion  to  the  young  soldier,  in  order  that  he  might  be  ready  to  shed 
his  blood  in  the  hour  of  trial ;  while  the  other  may  be  likened  to  the 
folly  of  the  agriculturist  who  should  expect  a  crop,  without  taking 
the  precaution  to  sow  the  seed. 

In  addition  to  the  extremes  into  which  political  struggles  are  apt 
to  push  political  controversialists,  Mr.  Jefferson  is  known  to  have 
been  averse  to  most  of  the  measures  taken  by  his  predecessor  against 
France,  and  he  probably  entered  into  the  exercise  of  his  duties,  with 
a  strong  disposition  to  erase  as  many  of  the  evidences  of  their  ex 
istence  as  possible,  from  the  statutes  of  the  nation.  A  president  of 
the  United  States,  however,  is  little  more  than  an  executive  officer 
while  confined  to  the  circle  of  his  constitutional  powers,  and  the 
Congress  that  terminated  on  the  4th  of  March,  1801,  the  day  he 
came  into  office,  had  passed  a  law,  in  some  measure  regulating  a 
peace  establishment  for  the  navy.  This  law  gave  great  discretionary 
authority  to  the  president,  it  is  true,  for  it  empowered  him,  whenever 
he  should  deem  it  expedient,  to  sell  any,  or  all  of  the  vessels  of  the 
navy,  with  the  exception  of  thirteen  of  the  frigates,  wrhich  were  named 
in  the  act,  as  in  his  opinion  the  good  of  the  country  might  require. 
To  this  part  of  the  law  no  great  objections  could  be  taken,  even  by 
the  friends  of  an  enlarged  and  liberal  policy,  as  most  of  the  vessels 
not  exceptedhad  been  bought  into,  and  were  unsuited  to  the  service, 
more  especially  at  a  period,  when  new  improvements  in  naval  archi 
tecture,  that  had  been  borrowed  from  the  French,  were  fast  super 
seding  the  old  mode  of  construction. 

The  law  also  directed  the  guns  and  stores  of  the  vessels  sold  to  be 
preserved,  a  provision  that  proved  singularly  unprofitable  in  the  end, 
as  the  carronade  now  began  to  supersede  the  small  long  gun,  in  naval 
warfare,  and  two  of  the  sloops  would  probably  have  supplied  all 
the  nines  and  sixes  that  have  been  used  in  the  navy  for  the  last  five- 
and-thirty  years.  But  the  most  capital  error  of  this  law  was  in  the 


192  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1801. 

limitation  it  set  to  the  list  of  the  different  ranks  of  officers.  The 
whole  of  the  sea-officers,  sailing-masters  excepted,  were  confined  to 
nine  captains,  thirty-six  lieutenants,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  mid 
shipmen;  the  rank  of  master  commandant  being  abolished,  should 
the  president  see  fit  to  discharge  those  then  in  commission.  The 
phraseology,  as  well  as  the  provisions  of  this  law,  betrayed  that  ig 
norance  of  the  details  of  the  service,  which  has  been  so  common  in 
the  legislation  of  the  country,  omitting  many  directions  that  were 
indispensable  in  practice,  and  laying  stress  on  others  that  were  of 
little  or  no  moment. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  accusations  brought  against  it,  at  the  time, 
the  administration  of  1801  exercised  its  authority  under  the  statute, 
which,  it  will  be  well  remembered,  was  enacted  previously  to  its  ac 
cession  to  office,  with  a  reasonable  discretion,  and  though  it  may  have 
made  a  few  of  those  mistakes  that  are  incidental  to  the  discharge  of 
all  such  trusts,  it  conformed  to  the  spirit  of  the  law,  with  a  due  re 
gard  ^to  liberality.  Mr.  Jefferson  soon  discovered,  as  it  falls  to  the 
lot  of  all  strong  oppositionists  to  discover,  when  they  attain  their 
wishes,  that  he  must  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  his  predecessor  in 
managing  most  of  the  ordinary  interests  of  the  nation,  though  the 
party  that  went  out  of  power  did  not  appear  to  recognise  the  whole 
some  but  unanswerable  truth,  that,  in  the  nature  of  things,  all  ad 
ministrations  must  be  right  in  their  mode  of  treating  a  vast  majority 
of  the  concerns  entrusted  to  their  care.  The  selection  of  the  officers 
to  be  retained  was  one  of  great  delicacy  and  importance,  as  the  future 
character  of  the  navy  depended  more  on  the  proper  discharge  of  this 
duty  than  on  that  of  any  other.  The  great  defect  of  the  law,  indeed, 
was  the  narrow  limits  to  which  the  list  of  the  superior  sea-officers  was 
confined,  it  being  at  all  times  easier  to  build  ships  than  to  form  pro 
fessional  men  fit  to  command  them.  This  part  of  his  delegated  du 
ties  the  president  discharged  in  perfect  good  faith,  apparently  alto 
gether  disregarding  party  considerations.  We  give  in  notes*  the 
names  of  the  superior  officers  who  were  in  service,  at  the  close  of  the 
war  with  France,  as  a  subject  of  historical  interest  with  the  country, 
and  we  add  the  names  of  all  the  quarter-deck  officers  who  were  re 
tained,  to  which  gentlemen  the  nation  must  look  for  those  who  per 
fected  the  school  which  has  since  reflected  so  much  credit  on  the 
American  name. 

Although  some  meritorious  officers  were  necessarily  dismissed,  on 
this  occasion,  there  is  no  question  that  the  navy  was  greatly  benefited 
by  the  reduction;  the  hurried  manner  in  which  the  appointments 
were  originally  made,  having  been  the  means  of  introducing  many 
persons  into  the  service  who  were  unfitted  for  its  duties.  There  was 
also  some  irregularity  in  the  mode  of  reduction,  the  name  of  Captain 
M'Niell  not  appearing  on  the  list  of  the  retained  captains,  though  it 
is  certain  that  he  commanded  the  Boston  as  late  as  1802.  This 
discrepancy  can  only  be  accounted  for  by  supposing  that  a  discretion 
was  used  in  retaining  a  few  more  officers  than  the  legal  number,  with 
a  view  to  ascertain  if  all  those  who  were  first  selected  might  choose 

*  See  Note  C,  Appendix. 


1801.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  193 

to  serve.     In  the  case  of  Captain  M'Niell,  he  was  on  foreign  service 
at  the  time  the  reduction  was  made. 

The  law  of  Congress  directed  that  thirteen  vessels,  named  in  the 
act,  should  not  be  disposed  of,  leaving  it  discretionary  with  the  presi 
dent  to  sell  the  remainder  or  not.  The  following  were  the  ships 
retained,  viz: 

Constitution  44,  New  York  36, 

United  States          44,  Essex  32, 

President  44,  General  Greene     28, 

Congress  38,  Boston'  28, 

Constellation          38,  Adams  28, 

Chesapeake  38,  John  Adams          28. 

Philadelphia  38, 

We  have  set  down  the  rates  of  these  ships  at  what  they  ought  to 
have  been,  in  order  to  give  a  more  accurate  comparative  idea  of  the 
true  force  of  the  different  vessels,  taking  the  English  system  as  a 
guide.  The  only  vessel  that  the  president  desired  to  retain,  in  addi 
tion  to  the  ships  named  in  the  law,  was  the  Enterprise  12,  and  by 
adding  this  schooner  to  the  list  just  given,  the  reader  will  obtain  an 
accurate  idea  of  the  navy,  as  reduced  in  1801. 

The  remainder  of  the  ships  were  sold.  Wegivealistoftheir 
names  and  rates,  marking  those  which  were  expressly  built  for  the 
public  service  with  an  asterisk,  to  distinguish  them  from  those  that 
were  not,  viz : 

Georo-e  Washington  24,  Herald  18, 

Ganges  24,  *Trumbull        18, 

*  Portsmouth  24,  *  Warren  18, 

*M«rrimaek  24,  *Norfolk  18, 

*C  .nnecticut  24,  *Richmond       18, 

Baltimore  20,  *Pinckney         18, 

Delaware  20,  *Eagle  14, 

Montezuma  20,  *Augusta          14, 

*Maryland  18,  *Scammel         14, 

*Patapsco  18,  *Experiment    12, 

And  nine  galleys. 

While  it  is  certain  that  a  navy  with  only  one  small  cruiser,  must 
be  very  insufficient  for  a  service  like  that  of  the  United  States,  the 
government  ought  not  to  be  censured  for  its  selection  though  it  was 
loudly  condemned  at  the  time.  In  nothing  had  the  art  of  naval 
architecture  made  greater  progress,  within  the  few  preceding  years, 
than  in  the  mode  of  constructing  vessels  of  war  below  the  class  of 
frigates.  The  carronade  was  now  fast  superseding  the  light  long 
gun  every  where,  and  it  became  the  aim  of  those  who  were  charged 
with  the  duty  of  preparing  armaments,  to  put  guns  that  would  throw 
as  heavy  a  shot  as  possible,  into  the  sloops  of  war.  The  ships  that 
rated  eighteen,  instead  of  carrying  sixes,  or  nines,  or  even  twelves, 
began  to  carry  thirty -two  pound  carronades,  and  they  required  greater 
strength,  thicker  bulwarks,  and  larger  ports  than  it  had  been  the 
custom  formly  to  give  to  vessels  of  their  class.  Many  of  the  ships 
sold,  had  been  constructed  in  a  hurry,  and  of  inferior  timber,  and  it 

VOL.    I.  13 


194  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1801. 

is  as  unprofitable  to  continue  expending  money  in  repairs  on  a  vessel 
with  a  defective  frame,  as  it  is  to  waste  it  on  a  house  that  is  known 
to  be  without  a  sufficient  foundation. 

The  reduction  of  the  navy,  moreover,  was  greatly  exaggerated  at 
the  time,  so  far  as  the  vessels  alone  were  concerned.  At  the  peace 
with  France,  the  cruising  vessels  in  service  were  thirty-four  in  number, 
and  of  these,  fourteen  of  the  best  were  retained.  No  frigate,  unless 
the  George  Washington  could  be  considered  one,  was  sold,  and  this 
ship  had  been  purchased  into  the  service,  and  not  built  for  the  public. 
As  regards  force,  materially  more  than  half,  perhaps  four-fifths,  was 
preserved,  the  eight  largest  frigates  retained  being  more  than  strong 
enough  to  contend  with  all  the  vessels  sold.  This  was  not  the  opinion 
of  the  day,  however,  for  interested  political  clamour  was  directed  by 
ignorance,  and  most  men  counted  one  gun  as  aixother,  without  re 
ference  to  its  weight,  or  its  disposition  in  the  vessel.  The  most  im 
politic  of  the  measures  of  the  government,  and  it  was  one  of  which  it 
soon  had  reason  to  repent,  was  the  law  suspending  the  construction 
of  the  six  ships,  to  carry  not  less  than  seventy-four  guns  each,  author 
ised  by  the  act  of  1798.* 

The  recklessness  of  political  opposition  soon  made  itself  apparent, 
in  its  usual  inconsiderate  and  acrimonious  forms;  a  recommendation 
that  emanated  from  the  government,  for  the  establishment  of  dry- 
docks,  one  of  the  first  and  most  important  measures  in  the  formation 
of  a  serviceable  marine,  meeting  with  all  the  ridicule  that  ignorance 
and  hostility  could  invent,  even  from  those  who  professed  to  be  the 
strongest  friends  of  the  navy.  Profiting  by  the  most  vulgar  associa 
tion  that  a  want  of  knowledge  could  connect  with  the  word  "  dry," 
the  papers  of  the  day  kept  ringing  the  changes  on  this  tune,  virtually 
accusing  the  administration  of  wishing  to  have  a  navy  on  shore!  It 
is,  however,  just  to  add,  that  the  views  of  the  president  extended  a 
little  beyond  the  common  practice,  his  recommendation  going  so  far 
as  to  advise  docks  for  the  preservation,  as  well  as  for  the  repairs,  of 
ships.  Thus  did  the  gallant  little  service,  which  already  merited  so 
much  from  the  nation,  and  which  is  so  inseparably  connected  with 
all  the  great  considerations  of  national  character,  national  rights,  and 
even  of  national  existence,  find  itself  compelled  to  struggle  through 
its  infancy,  equally  assailed  by  its  nominal  friends,  who  were  in 
juring  its  vitals  while  loudest  in  their  professions  of  amity,  and  dis 
trusted  by  those  who,  having  made  the  cry  of  economy  a  stalking 
horse  in  their  way  to  power,  shrunk  from  the  heavy  charges  that  this, 
like  all  other  complete  means  of  national  defence,  must  unavoidably 
entail  on  the  public.  Still  it  preserved  its  spirit,  and  finding  itself 
relieved  from  the  association  of  those  who  were  never  worthy  to  wear 
its  livery,  and  believing,  with  truth,  that  in  passing  a  peace  without 
dissolution,  it  saw  a  flattering  perspective  of  service  before  it,  the 
gallant  corps  that  remained,  prepared  itself  to  enter  on  its  new  duties 

*  The  materials  collected  for  these  vessels,  principally  live-oak  timber,  were  to  have 
been  preserved ;  but  much  of  the  latter  was  subsequently  used  in  the  construction  of 
smaller  ships,  and  frequently  to  great  waste. 


1801.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  195 

with  the   confidence  and  zeal  of  men  who  felt  that  they  had  fairly 
embarked  in  an  honourable  profession  for  life. 

This  period  may  be  deemed  that  which  produced  the  crisis  in  the 
fate  of  the  American  navy.  At  the  peace  of  1783,  the  service  had 
been  entirely  disbanded,  and  even  the  preparations  commenced  in 
1794,  had  been  suspended  when  peace  was  made  with  Algiers,  leav 
ing  little  besides  the  name  of  a  marine  behind  them.  The  relations 
of  the  country  with  Tripoli,  one  of  the  Barbary  powers,  doubtless, 
had  its  influence  on  the  fortunes  of  the  service  at  this  particular  mo 
ment,  the  government  feeling  the  necessity  of  being  in  readiness  to 
resist  the  aggressions  of  another  of  those  semi-pirates  who  then  infested 
the  Mediterranean. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  proper  officers  proceeded  to  carry  out  the 
conditions  of  the  recent  treaty  entered  into  with  France,  agreeably  to 
the  conditions  of  which,  all  the  vessels  of  war  captured  on  either  side 
were  to  be  restored.  The  Insurgente  having  been  lost,  this  stipu 
lation  became  impracticable  as  regarded  her;  but  leBerceau,  and  la 
Vengeance,  the  small  cruiser  taken  by  the  Trumbull,  were  returned 
to  the  French.  In  the  whole,  eighty  prizes  had  been  brought  into 
the  American  ports,  and  of  these,  three  were  the  vessels  of  war  al 
ready  mentioned.  Most  of  the  remainder  were  privateers.  Of  the 
latter,  eight  were  acquitted  as  illegal  captures,  one,  le  Croyable,  was 
retaken,  and  the  remaining  sixty-eight  were  condemned  and  sold. 

The  loss  of  American  shipping  in  this  war  was  considerable  ;  but 
fewer  vessels  were  taken,  in  proportion,  after  hostilities  had  com 
menced  on  the  side  of  this  country,  than  had  been  previously  seized. 
No  vessel  of  war  but  the  Retaliation,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  French, 
under  any  circumstances. 

On  the  whole,  the  country  was  satisfied  with  the  results  of  the 
exertions  it  had  made  during  this  irregular  and  informal  contest,  and 
a  strong  feeling  was  awakened  in  favour  of  a  permanent  navy. 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  private  opinions  of  the  new  president 
on  this  important  branch  of  national  policy, — and  it  is  believed  they 
were  neither  as  liberal,  nor  as  far-sighted,  as  comported  with  his 
views  in  general,  though  they  were  far  from  meriting  all  the  re 
proaches  they  received, — he  put  at  the  head  of  the  department,  Mr. 
Robert  Smith,  of  Maryland,  a  gentleman  who  rendered  himself  justly 
popular  with  the  service,  who  continued  for  the  long  space  of  nine 
years  to  serve  its  interests  with  zeal  and  intelligence,  and  who  has 
left  behind  him,  in  the  breasts  of  all  who  then  composed  the  navy,  a 
feeling  that  while  their  interests  were  in  his  care,  they  were  intrusted 
to  one  well  disposed  to  serve  the  country  and  themselves. 

In  the  war  with  France  very  few  privateers  went  to  sea,  that 
country  having  little  trade  to  suffer  by  such  enterprises,  though 
scarcely  a  merchantman  sailed  without  an  armament,  and  a  crew  at 
least  double  that  she  would  have  carried  in  a  time  of  peace.  The 
years  1798,  1799,  and  1800,  were  virtually  years  of  a  general  mari 
time  war,  and  the  English  navy,  that  great  drain  of  seamen  for  the 
entire  civilized  world,  was  as  actively  employed  as  at  any  previous  or 
subsequent  period  of  its  teeming  history.  Notwithstanding  these 


196  NAVAL   HISTORY.  [1801 

circumstances,  the  American  government,  while  it  suffered  many  in- 
conveniencies  from  the  shortness  of  the  enlistments,  found  no  difficulty 
in  obtaining  men  during  this  struggle,  although  a  number  but  little 
short  of  ten  thousand  must  have  been  constantly  employed  during 
the  year  1800.  At  that  time,  the  tonnage  of  the  country  was  about 
half  what  it  is  to-day,  as  was  also  the  total  number  of  seamen.  The 
enemy  was  very  active,  a  fact  that  is  proved  by  the  circumstance  that 
moyb  French  privateers  were  taken  and  destroyed  by  the  vessels  of 
the  American  navy  alone,  in  the  West  Indies,  than  the  country  se»t 
cruisers  to  sea,  at  any  period  of  the  war.  Including  the  revenue 
vessels  employed  in  1798  and  1799,  America  had  at  sea  forty -two 
different  cruisers  during  the  three  years  of  this  contest;  and  their 
captures,  limiting  them  to  the  vessels  that  were  actually  taken  into 
port,  amounted  within  two  to  double  this  number;  and  of  these,  con 
siderably  more  than  half  were  privateers  of  the  enemy.  Still  we  find 
the  trade  but  little  interrupted,  after  the  armaments  were  made.  In 

1797,  when  America  had  not  a  vessel  of  war  in  commission,  the  ex 
ports  of  the  country  amounted  to  a  little  more  than  $57,000,000;  in 

1798,  when  the  coast  was  cleared  of  the  French  privateers,  arid  the 
war  was  carried  first  into  the  West  Indies,  these  exports  reached  to 
$61,327,411;  in  1799,  to  $78,665,528;  and  in   1800,  to  $70,971,- 
780.     Some  fluctuations  in  trade  probably  produced  the  diminution 
of  the  latter  year,  as  the  American  coast  was  then  nearly  unapproach- 
ed  by  the  French.     This  truth,  indeed,  quite  clearly  appears  by  the 
revenue  on  imports,  which,  in  the  same  three  years,  was  as  follows: 
1798,  $7,106,061 ;  1799,  $6,610,449;  1800,  $9,080,932. 

This  war,  like  every  maritime  contest  in  which  America  has  been 
engaged  with  any  civilised  nation,  was  also  distinguished  by  many 
obstinate  actions  between  letters  of  marque  and  cruisers  of  the  ene 
my.  The  papers  of  the  day  are  full  of  accounts  of  this  nature,  and, 
although  they  are  not  altogether  free  from  the  suspicion  of  exagger 
ations,  or  from  the  boastful  representations  of  most  similar  ex  parte 
statements,  it  is  known  that  some  are  essentially  true.  Among  other 
combats  of  this  nature,  was  one  which  deserves  to  be  mentioned,  not 
only  on  account  of  the  general  gallantry  of  the  defence,  but  of  the 
presence  of  mind  displayed  at  a  most  critical  moment  by  a  young 
man  of  Philadelphia,  under  age,  who,  we  regret  to  add,  was  lost  at 
sea,  in  the  succeeding  voyage,  and,  because  the  facts  are  derived  from 
a  source  that  puts  them  beyond  dispute. 

In  the  course  of  the  year  1800,  a  lightly  armed  letter  of  marque 
brig,  belonging  to  Philadelphia,  called  the  Louisa,  was  standing  into 
Gibraltar,  when  several  privateers  came  out  of  Algesiras,  as.  was  the 
practice  of  the  French  in  that  day,  to  cut  her  off  from  her  port.  A 
long  and  desultory  action  ensued,  in  the  course  of  which  one  latine- 
rigged  vessel,  full  of  men,  pressed  the  Louisa  hard,  and  made  several 
bold  efforts  to  board,  in  all  of  which,  however,  she  was  frustrated. 
The  crew  of  the  Louisa  consisted  of  only  a  few  men,  and  when  their 
captain  fell,  with  a  shot  through  his  shoulder,  and  the  mate  went  be 
low  for  a  moment  to  lay  him  in  the  cabin,  believing  that  the  battle 
was  over,  they  deserted  their  guns  in  a  body,  going  down  into  the 


1801.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  197 

forecastle,  with  the  exception  of  the  man  at  the  wheel.  At  that  mo- 
ment  the  enemy  was  at  a  little  distance,  keeping-  up  his  fire,  and  it 
was  thought,  making  preparations  for  a  fresh  attempt  to  board.  With 
a  view  to  meet  this  effort,  the  quarter-deck  guns  of  the  brig  had  been 
properly  loaded  and  trained,  but  when  the  mate,  after  an  absence  of 
only  three  or  four  minutes,  re-appeared  on  deck,  one  passenger  ex- 
cepted,  there  was  not  a  soul  to  sustain  him,  while  the  enemy  was 
luffing  up  under  his  lee  quarter,  with  his  forecastle  crowded,  and  a 
long  bowsprit  lined  with  boarders,  ready  to  take  the  leap.  He  knew 
if  the  latter  gained  the  brig's  deck,  resistance  would  be  out  of  the 
question,  even  if  all  on  board  were  at  their  stations.  This  was  a 
critical  instant  for  so  young  a  man  ;  but  he  was  a  seaman  of  Phila 
delphia,  the  port  that  then  furnished  the  readiest,  the  best,  and  many 
of  the  bravest  mariners  that  sailed  out  of  America.  He  ran  to  the 
fore-scuttle  and  summoned  the  people  up,  "  to  get  a  last  shot  at  the 
Frenchmen,  before  they  should  get  out  of  their  reach  !"  Such  an 
appeal  admitted  of  no  delay.  The  men  rushed  on  deck  with  cheers, 
were  instantly  ordered  to  their  guns,  and  were  in  time  to  meet  the 
enemy.  A  raking  fire  was  poured  in,  the  bowsprit  was  swept  of  its 
boarders,  the  privateer  tacked  and  hauled  oflf,  and  the  brig  was  per 
mitted  to  proceed  without  further  molestation.  The  Louisa  entered 
the  roads  of  Gibraltar  in  triumph,  the  engagement  having  been  wit 
nessed  by  thousands  on  the  rock. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Assumptions  of  the  Bashaw  of  Tripoli — The  American  flag-staff  is  cut  down — A  squad- 
ronis  fitted  out  under  Com.  Dale — His  instructions — Action  with,  and  capture  of  the 
ship  Tripoli,  by  Lieut.  Comdt.  Sterrett — Com.  Dale  overhauls  a  Greek  vessel — takes 
out  an  officer  and  twenty  Tripolitan  soldiers — attempts  an  exchange  of  prisoners — 
The  President  is  near  being  lost — Leaving  the  Philadelphia  and  the  Essex,  Com.  Dale 
proceeds  home. 

WE  have  now  reached  the  period  when  the  American  marine 
assumed  a  fixed  and  permanent  character.  No  more  reductions 
were  anticipated  by  those  who  understood  the  necessities  of  the  coun 
try,  nor  have  any  ever  been  seriously  attempted.  Some  little  time 
necessarily  elapsed  before  it  could  be  ascertained  which  of  the  offi 
cers  selected  might  choose; to  remain  in  service,  and  resignations  were 
frequent  for  many  succeeding  years,  in  consequence  of  the  narrow 
limits  to  which  the  policy  of  the  day  had  reduced  this  important 
branch  of  the  public  service,  but,  from  that  time  to  this,  no  officer  has 
ever  been  compelled  to  abandon  the  profession,  in  consequence  of 
the  wish  to  retrench,  or  of  a  disposition  to  reduce  the  establishment. 
The  security  which  this  state  of  things  tended  to  create  has  been 
gradually  increasing,  until  it  would  be  scarcely  too  much  to  say,  that 
both  the  country  and  the  navy,  have  got  to  consider  the  relation 


198  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1801 

which  exists  between  them  as  permanent  and  indissoluble.  This 
confidence  on  the  one  hand,  and  fostering-  policy  on  the  other,  have 
not  been  the  work  of  a  day,  however,  but  are  the  consequences  of  a 
long  train  of  historical  events,  that  it  has  become  our  duty  to  record. 

It  has  already  been  said  that  the  necessities,  rather  than  the  fore 
sight  of  the  new  government  prevented  it  from  at  once  incurring  the 
expense  of  a  marine,  and  it  is  probable  that,  in  causing  such  ships 
to  be  built  as  those  which  were  laid  down  under  the  law  of  1794,  it 
looked  forward  to  their  forming  the  commencement  of  a  navy  suited 
to  the  wants  and  dignity  of  a  country,  that  all  but  those  who  were 
blinded  by  passion  and  malignancy,  could  easily  see  was  destined 
early  to  become  powerful.  Something,  notwithstanding,  must  be 
attributed  to  the  peculiar  condition  of  the  relations  between  one  or 
two  of  the  Barbary  States  and  the  young  republic,  at  the  precise  mo 
ment  when  peace  was  made  with  France,  and  in  pursuing  the  regu 
lar  chain  of  events  connected  with  our  subject,  we  are  next  to  turn 
our  eyes  towards  the  Mediterranean  and  to  the  coast  of  Africa,  as 
their  scene. 

As  early  as  in  1800,  the  Bashaw  of  Tripoli,  Jussuf  Caramalli,  who 
had  deposed  his  brother  Hamet,  and  now  sat  on  the  throne  of  this 
dependency  of  the  Porte,  manifested  a  disposition  to  war.  He  had 
learned  the  concessions  made  to  Algiers,  the  manner  in  which  the 
Dey  of  that  regency  had  been  bribed  to  do  justice,  and,  by  a  course 
of  reasoning  that  was  certainly  plausible,  if  not  true,  he  inferred  that 
the  government  which  had  been  induced  to  pay  tribute  to  one  pirate, 
miii'ht  be  induced  to  pay  tribute  to  another.  The  complaints  on 
which  this  semblance  of  royalty  grounded  his  justification  for  war, 
are  such  as  ought  to  be  generally  known.  He  accused  the  Ameri 
can  government  of  having  bribed  the  subordinates  of  Tunis  at  a 
higher  price  than  it  had  bribed  him  ;  he  added,  that  Algiers  had  re 
ceived  a  frigate,  while  he  had  received  none  ;  and  even  in  a  letter  to 
the  president  he  said  significantly,  in  reply  to  some  of  the  usual 
diplomatic  professions  of  friendship,  "  we  could  wish  that  these  your 
expressions  were  followed  by  deeds,  and  not  by  empty  words.  You 
will  therefore  endeavour  to  satisfy  us  by  a  good  manner  of  proceed 
ing" — "  But  if  only  flattering  words  are  meant,  without  performance, 
every  one  will  act  as  he  finds  convenient.  We  beg  a  speedy  answer, 
without  neglect  of  time,  as  a  delay  on  your  part  cannot  but  be  pre 
judicial  to  your  interests." 

Shortly  after,  the  Bashaw  informed  the  American  consul  at  Tri 
poli,  that  he  would  wait  six  months  for  a  present  in  money,  and  if  it 
did  not  arrive  within  that  time,  he  would  formally  declare  war  against 
the  United  States.  Jussuf  Caramalli  was  as  good  as  his  word.  No 
tidings  of  the  money  haying  reached  Tripoli,  the  flag-staff  of  the 
American  consulate  was  cut  down  on  the  14th  day  of  May,  1801, 
and  war  was  proclaimed  in  the  act. 

While  Tripoli  went  so  directly  to  work,  difficulties  existed  with  the 
other  states  of  Barbary.  Algiers  complained  that  the  tribute  was  in 
arrears,  and  Tunis  found  fault  with  the  quality  of  various  articles 
that  had  been  sent  to  her.  by  way  of  bribing  her  not  to  seize  Aineri- 


1801.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  199 

can  vessels.  Certain  planks  and  oars  were  too  short,  and  guns  of  a 
particular  description  were  much  wanted.  Morocco  was  also  dis 
trusted,  although  the  prince  of  that  country  had  not  yet  deigned  to 
intimate  his  wishes. 

Timid  as  was  the  policy  of  the  United  States,  and  disgraceful  as 
was  that  of  all  Christendom,  at  that  period,  in  reference  to  the  Bar- 
bary  powers,  the  former  was  too  much  flushed  with  its  recent  suc 
cesses  airainst  France,  and  too  proud  of  its  infant  marine,  to  submit 
to  all  these  exactions  without  resistance.  Before  it  was  known  that 
Tripoli  had  actually  declared  war,  a  squadron  was  ordered  to  be 
fitted  for  the  Mediterranean,  with  a  view  to  awe  the  different  sover 
eigns  of  Barbary,  by  its  presence.  The  vessels  selected  for  this  pur 
pose  consisted  of  the  President  44,  Captain  J.  Barron,  Philadelphia 
38,  Captain  S.  Barron,  Essex  32,  Captain  Bainbridge,  and  Enter 
prise  12,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Sterrett.  At  the  head  of  this 
force  was  Captain  Dale,  an  officer  whose  career  we  have  had  fre 
quent  occasion  to  notice,  in  the  course  of  past  events,  and  who  now 
hoisted  his  broad  pennant  in  the  President  44. 

The  instructions  given  to  Commodore  Dale,  directed  him  to  pro 
ceed  to  Gibraltar,  where  he  could  ascertain  the  state  of  things  among 
the  distrusted  regencies,  when  he  was  to  be  governed  by  circum 
stances.  Had  either  power  declared  war,  he  was  to  act  against  it, 
under  certain  restrictions  ;  otherwise  he  was  to  go  off  Algiers,  Tunis, 
and  Tripoli,  in  succession,  to  deliver  presents  and  promises  at  each 
place,  and  in  the  event  of  his  succeeding  in  maintaining  the  peace,  he 
was  to  make  the  circuit  of  the  Mediterranean,  in  the  course  of  the 
summer,  re-appear  off  the  ports  of  Tripoli,  Tunis,  and  Algiers,  and 
the  peace  still  continuing,  he  was  ordered  to  sail  for  home  in  Octo 
ber.  Should  either  of  the  regencies  have  commenced  hostilities, 
however,  he  had  discretionary  authority  as  to  the  disposition  of  the 
ships,  but  was  ordered  to  leave  the  Mediterranean  on  the  1st  of  De 
cember,  at  the  latest,  it  having  been  deemed  unsafe  to  cruise  in  that 
sea  in  the  winter. 

Soon  after  these  orders  were  received,  the  ships  rendezvoused  in 
Hampton  Roads,  and  sailed  for  their  place  of  destination.  On  the 
1st  of  July  they  anchored  at  Gibraltar,  where  they  found  the 
Tripolitan  admiral,  a  renegado  of  the  name  of  Lisle,  in  a  ship  of  26 
guns,  with  a  brig  of  16,  in  company.  There  is  no  question  that  the 
timely  appearance  of  the  American  squadron  prevented  these  two 
vessels  from  getting  into  the  Atlantic,  where  they  mi<rht  have  struck 
a  severe  blow  at  the  commerce  of  the  country.  The  admiral,  how 
ever,  protested  there  was  no  war,  though  the  information  derived  from 
other  sources,  induced  Commodore  Dale  to  distrust  his  sincerity. 
The  Essex  was  sent  along  the  north  shore  to  collect  the  American 
trade,  and  to  give  it  convoy,  the  Philadelphia  was  ordered  to  cruise 
in  the  straits  to  watch  the  two  Tripolitans,  while  the  President  and 
Enterprise  shaped  their  course  towards  Algiers,  as  ordered.  The 
latter,  however,  soon  parted  company  from  the  President  on  duty. 

The  apperance  of  a  ship  of  the  President's  force  at  Algiers  and 
Tunis,  had  an  extremely  quieting  effect  on  the  resentments  of  their 


200  NAVAL   HISTORY.  [1801. 

two  princes ;  and  Mr.  O'Brien,  the  consul  at  the  former  regency, 
gave  it  as  his  opinion,  that  the  arrival  of  the  squadron  in  the  Med 
iterranean,  had  more  weight  in  preserving  the  peace,  than  if  the 
George  Washington,  which  vessel  was  soon  expected,  had  come  in 
with  the  tribute. 

On  the  1st  of  August,  while  running  for  Malta,  the  Enterprise  12, 
Lieutenant  Commandant  Sterrett,  fell  in  with  and  spoke  a  polacre- 
rigged  ship  of  14  guns  and  80  men,  belonging  to  Tripoli,  that  was 
known  to  be  out  on  a  cruise  against  the  American  commerce.  Run 
ning  close  alongside,  an  action  was  commenced  within  pistol-shot, 
and  it  continued  with  little  intermission  for  three  hours,  when  the 
Turk  submitted.  During  the  combat,  however,  the  Tripolitan  struck 
three  several  times,  twice  re-hoisting  his  colours,  and  opening  his  fire 
again,  when  he  thought  an  advantage  might  be  obtained  by  attack 
ing  the  Americans  unprepared.  Irritated  by  this  treachery,  on. the 
last  occasion  the  Enterprise  resumed  her  tire,  with  an  intention  to 
sink  her  opponent,  but  after  some  further  though  fruitless  resistance, 
the  Turkish  captain  appeared  in  the  waist  of  his  ship,  and  threw  his 
ensign  into  the  sea,  bending  his  body  and  supplicating  for  quarter  by 
sign*,  when  the  fire  of  the  schooner  was  stopped. 

The  name  of  the  captured  ship  was  the  Tripoli,  and  that  of  her 
rais,  or  commander,  Mahomet  Sous.  Although  the  Turks  showed 
courage,  or  desperation  would  be  a  better  term,  this  first  trial  of  skill 
with  their  trans-atlaiitic  enemies  was  far  from  creditable  to  them. 
The  Enterprise  raked  her  enemy  repeatedly,  and  the  consequences 
were  dreadfully  apparent  in  the  result,  50  of  the  corsair's  people  hav 
ing  been  killed  and  wounded  in  the  battle  The  ship  herself  was  a 
wreck,  and  her  mizen-mast  was  shot  away.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Enterprise  sustained  but  little  injury  even  aloft,  and  had  not  a  man 
hurt.  Neither  did  she  suffer  materially  in  her  hull. 

The  instructions  of  Lieutenant  Sterrett  did  not  permit  him  to  carry 
the  Tripoli  in,  and  Lieutenant  David  Porter  took  possession,  and 
proceeded  to  dismantle  her.  Her  armament  was  thrown  overboard, 
and  she  was  stripped  of  every  thing  but  one  old  sail,  and  a  single  spar, 
that  were  left  to  enable  her  to  reach  port.  After  attending  to  the 
wounded,  the  prize  was  abandoned,  and  it  is  understood  a  longtime 
elapsed  before  she  got  in.  When  her  unfortunate  rais  appeared  in 
Tripoli,  even  his  wounds  did  not  avail  him.  He  was  placed  on  a 
jackass,  paraded  through  the  streets,  and  received  the  bastinado. 
The  effect  of  this  punishment  appears  to  have  been  different  from 
what  was  expected,  for  it  is  said  the  panic  among  the  sailors  became 
so  great,  in  consequence,  that  it  was  found  difficult  to  obtain  men 
for  the  corsairs  that  were  then  fitting  for  sea.  One  thing  is  certain, 
that,  though  this  war  lasted  three  years,  and  in  the  end  became  both 
spirited  and  active,  very  few  Tripolitan  cruisers  ventured  from  port 
during  its  continuance  ;  or  if  they  quitted  port,  they  were  cautious  to 
an  extreme  about  venturing  from  the  land. 

By  a  message  of  Mr.  Jefferson's,  sent  to  Congress  on  the  8th  of 
December,  1801,  we  learn  the  reason  why  the  powers  given  in  the 
instructions  to  Commodore  Dale,  did  not  extend  to  captures.  In 


1801.]  NAVAL 'HISTORY.  201 

alluding  to  the  action  between  the  Enterprise  and  the  Tripoli,  after 
relating  the  facts,  the  president  adds — "  Unauthorised  by  the  con 
stitution  without  the  sanction  of  Congress,  to  go  beyond  the  line  of 
defence,  the  vessel,  being  disabled  from  committing  further  hostilities, 
was  liberated,  with  its  crew.  The  legislature  will  doubtless  consider, 
whether,  by  authorising  measures  of  offence  also,  it  will  place  our 
force  on  an  equal  footing  with  that  of  its  adversaries." 

It  must  be  admitted  that  this  was  carrying  the  doctrine  of  literal 
construction  to  extremes.  While,  in  the  nature  of  things,  it  may 
require  the  consent  of  two  independent  sovereignties  to  change  the 
legal  relations  of  the  people  of  different  countries,  from  those  of  a 
state  of  warfare  to  those  of  a  state  of  peace,  it  is  opposed  to  reason 
and  practice  to  say  it  is  not  competent  for  either  of  these  sovereign 
ties,  singly,  to  change  these  relations,  from  those  of  a  state  of  peace 
to  those  of  a  state  of  war.  The  power  to  commence  hostilities,  as  it 
belongs  to  states,  depends  on  international  law,  and  in  no  degree  on 
the  subordinate  regulations  of  particular  forms  of  government.  It  is 
both  an  affirmative  and  a  negative  right :  the  first,  as  it  is  used  by  the 
party  that  declares  the  war ;  and  the  latter,  as  it  vests  the  nation  as 
sailed  with  all  the  authority  and  privileges  of  a  belligerent.  It  surely 
cannot  be  contended  that  the  American  citizen  who  should  aid  a  hos 
tile  force  sent  against  his  country,  would  not  be  guilty  of  treason,  be 
cause  Congress  had  not  yet  declared  war,  though  the  enemy  had ; 
and  it  is  equally  fallacious  to  maintain  that  one  nation  can  carry  on 
war,  clothed  with  all  the  powers  of  a  belligerent,  without,  by  the  very 
act,  vesting  its  enemy  with  the  same  rights.  The  provision  of  the 
constitution  which  places  the  authority  to  declare  war  in  Congress, 
can  only  allude  to  the  exercise  of  the  affirmative  authority  ;  and  to 
advance  a  contrary  doctrine,  is  to  impair  that  absolute  and  govern 
ing  principle  of  reciprocity  on  which  all  international  law  depends. 
As  it  would  be  possible  for  a  nation  in  Europe  to  declare  war  against 
a  nation  in  America  many  weeks  before  the  fact  could  be  known  to 
the  party  assailed,  the  former,  if  the  doctrine  of  Mr.  Jefferson  were 
true,  would  evidently  be  enjoying  a  privilege  all  that  time,  to  the  dis 
advantage  of  the  latter,  that  is  equally  opposed  to  common  sense  and 
justice.  The  error  of  this  opinion  was  in  supposing  that,  by  cur 
tailing  and  dividing  the  powers  of  their  servants,  the  people  of  the 
United  States  meant  to  limit  the  rights  of  the  nation.  What  renders 
the  course  of  the  executive  still  more  singular,  is  the  fact  that  Com 
modore  Dale  had  established  a  blockade,  and  actually  captured  neu 
trals  that  were  entering  Tripoli,  as  will  be  presently  seen. 

The  President  appeared  off  Tripoli  on  the  24th  of  August,  when 
an  ineffectual  attempt  was  made  to  establish  a  truce.  Remaining 
eighteen  days  in  the  vicinity  of  the  town,  and  discovering  no  move 
ment  in  or  aloutthe  port,  Commodore  Dale  ran  down  the  coast  some 
distance,  when  he  crossed  over  to  Malta,  in  order  to  water  his  ship. 
As  soon  as  this  necessary  duty  was  performed,  the  President  returned 
to  Tripoli,  and  on  the  30th  of  August,  she  overhauled  a  Greek  ship 
bound  in,  with  a  cargo  of  merchandise  and  provisions.  On  board 
this  vessel  was  an  officer  and  twenty  Tripolitan  soldiers  besides 


202  NAVAL  HISTORY.  1801. 


twenty  other  subjects  of  the  regency.  All  these  persons  were  taken 
on  board  the  frigate,  and  an  attempt  was  made,  by  means  of  this 
lucky  capture,  to  establish  a  system  of  exchange.  The  negotiations 
were  carried  on  through  Mr.  Nissen,  the  Danish  consul,  a  gentleman 
whose  name,  by  means  of  his  benevolence,  philanthropy,  and  pro 
bity,  has  become  indissolubly  connected  with  the  history  of  the  Amer 
ican  marine. 

It  was  soon  discovered  that  the  Bashaw  cared  very  little  about  his 
subjects,  as  he  declared  that  he  would  not  exchange  one  American 
for  all  the  soldiers.  There  was  a  little  of  the  art  of  the  negotiator  in 
this,  however,  as  he  agreed  in  the  end,  to  give  three  Americans  for  all 
the  soldiers,  the  officer  included,  and  three  more  for  eight  of  the 
merchants,  disclaiming  the  remaining  six  merchants  as  his  subjects. 
Commodore  Dale  appears  tQ  have  become  disgusted  with  this  un 
worthy  mode  of  bargaining,  for  he  sent  his  prisoners  on  board  the 
Greek  again,  and  allowed  the  ship  to  go  into  Tripoli,  relinquishing 
his  claim  on  the  merchants  altogether  as  non-combatants,  and  con 
senting  to  take  the  three  Americans  for  the  soldiers. 

Finding  it  necessary  to  go  down  to  Gibraltar,  the  commodore  now 
left  Tripoli,  and  proceeded  direct  to  the  former  place.  He  was  soon 
succeeded  by  the  Essex,  which  also  appeared  off"  the  different  Bar- 
bary  posts. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  two  Tripolitan  cruisers  at  Gibraltar,  on  its 
being  ascertained  that  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  get  out  while  they 
were  so  closely  watched,  were  dismantled,  and  their  crews  were 
privately  sent  across  to  Tetuan  in  boats,  to  find  their  way  home  by 
land  ;  just  men  enough  being  left  to  take  care  of  the  ships,  and  to 
navigate  them,  should  an  opportunity  occur  to  get  to  sea.  The 
Bashaw  complained  loudly  of  the  blockade,  as  an  innovation  on  the 
received  mode  of  warfare,  and  the  governments  of  Algiers  and  Tunis, 
which  appeared  to  distrust  the  precedent,  manifested  a  disposition  to 
join  in  the  protest.  The  Dey  of  Algiers  even  went  so  far  as  to  ask 
passports  for  the  crews  of  the  two  vessels  at  Gibraltar,  with  a  view  to 
aid  his  neighbour  ;  but  the  request  was  denied. 

While  passing,  in  the  manner  described,  from  one  port  to  another, 
an  accident  occurred,  by  which  the  President  came  near  being  lost. 
She  had  gone  into  Mahon,  and  the  pilot,  miscalculating  his  draught 
of  water,  struck  a  rock  on  the  starboard  hand  of  that  narrow  passage, 
in  quitting  the  harbour.  The  ship  had  five  or  six  knots  way  on  her 
at  the  time,  and  she  ran  up  three  or  four  feet  before  her  motion  was 
lost.  It  was  a  breathless  instant,  and  the  first  impression  was  very 
general,  that  she  must  infallibly  go  down.  Rolling  heavily,  the  hull 
settled  off  towards  the  passage,  slid  from  the  rock,  and  again  floated. 
These  are  moments  that  prove  the  training  of  the  sea-officer,  as  much 
as  the  more  brilliant  exploits  of  battle.  The  commodore  instantly 
appeared  on  deck,  and  issued  his  orders  with  coolness  and  discretion. 
The  ship  stood  through  the  narrow  outlet,  and  having  got  room,  she 
was  brought  to  the  wind,  until  the  extent  of  the  danger  could  be 
ascertained.  On  sounding  the  pumps,  no  more  than  the  usual 
quantity  of  water  was  found,  and  confidence  began  to  be  restored. 


1802.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  203 

Still  it  was  deemed  imprudent  to  run  off  the  land,  as  the  working  of 
so  large  a  ship,  in  a  heavy  sea,  might  open  seams  that  were  yet  tight. 
But  the  elements  were  against  the  vessel,  for  heavy  weather  set  in, 
and  that  night  it  blew  a  gale  of  wind.  Under  the  circumstances, 
Commodore  Dale  decided  to  run  for  Toulon,  as  the  most  eligible  port 
in  which  to  repair  his  damages.  This  place  was  reached  in  safety, 
when  the  ship  was  stripped,  lightened,  hove  out,  and  examined. 

As  soon  as  a  view  was  obtained  of  the  stem  as  low  as  its  junction 
with  the  keel,  every  one  became  conscious  of  the  danger  that  the  ves 
sel  had  run.  A  large  piece  forward  had  been  literally  twisted  off, 
and  a  part  of  the  keel,  for  several  feet,  was  broomed  like  a  twig. 
Nothing  saved  the  ship  but  the  skilful  manner  in  which  the  wood- 
ends  had  been  secured.  Instead  of  the  ends  of  the  planks  having 
been  let  into  a  rabbetting  grooved  in  the  stem  itself,  they  had  been 
fastened  into  one  made  by  the  junction  of  the  apron-piece  and  the 
stem,  so  that  when  the  piece  was  wrenched  off,  the  seams  of  the  wood- 
ends  remained  tight.  The  French  officers,  who  discovered  great 
science  and  mechanical  skill  in  making  the  repairs,  expressed  their 
delight  at  the  mode  of  fastening  that  had  been  adopted,  which  it  is 
believed  was  then  novel,  and  they  were  so  much  pleased  with  the 
model  of  the  frigate  generally,  that  they  took  accurate  measurements 
of  all  her  lines.* 

It  has  been  said  that  the  return  of  Commodore  Dale's  squadron 
was  ordered  to  take  place  on  the  1st  of  December,  at  the  latest,  but 
discretionary  powers  appear  to  have  been  subsequently  given  to  him,  as 
he  left  the  Philadelphia  and  Essex  behind  him,  and  proceeded  home 
with  his  own  ship  and  the  Enterprise.  The  practice  of  entering  men 
for  only  a  twelvemonth  still  prevailed,  and  it  was  often  imperative 
on  vessels  to  quit  stations  at  the  most  unfortunate  moments.  The 
Philadelphia  was  left  to  watch  the  Tripolitans,  making  Syracuse  in 
Sicily  her  port  of  resort,  while  the  Essex  was  kept  at  the  straits,  to 
blockade  the  two  vessels  at  Gibraltar,  and  guard  the  passage  into  the 
Atlantic.  Both  ships  gave  convoys  when  required. 

Thus  ended  the  first  year  of  the  war  with  Tripoli.  Although  little 
had  been  effected  towards  bringing  the  enemy  to  terms,  much  was 
done  in  raising  the  tone  and  discipline  of  the  service.  At  Gibraltar, 
Malta,  and  other  ports,  the  finest  cruisers  of  Great  Britain  were  con 
stantly  met,  and  the  American  ships  provingto  be  entirely  their  equals, 
in  construction,  sailing,  and  manoauvring,  a  strong  desire  was  soon 
excited  to  render  them,  in  all  other  respects,  as  good  as  those  that 
were  then  deemed  the  model-ships  of  the  world.  A  similar  opportu 
nity  had  occurred  while  cruising  in  the  West  Indies  ;  but  then  a  large 
proportion  of  the  vessels  employed  were  of  inferior  qualities,  and 

*  On  this  occasion,  the  President  was  hove  out  on  one  s'<ie  only.  In  order  to  fasten, 
carulk,  and  copper  underneath  the  keel,  the  following  ingenious  plan  was  adopted :  A 
deep  punt,  or  scow,  was  sunk,  by  means  of  ballast,  until  its  upper  edge  was  brought 
nearly  a-wash.  This  scow  had  three  compartments,  one  in  the  centre  to  hold  the  ballast, 
and  one  in  each  end  to  contain  a  workman.  When  sufficiently  down  in  the  water,  the 
scow  was  floated  beneath  the  keel,  and  as  the  workman  stood  erect,  and  had  sufficient 
room  to  use  his  limbs  and  his  tools,  it  is  evident  that  he  could  execute  his  task  as  readily 
as  any  ordinary  shipwright  on  a  staging,  who  was  obliged  to  work  above  his  own  head. 


204  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1802. 

some  of  the  officers  were  unfit  to  hold  commissions  in  any  service. 
All  the  purchased  ships  had  now  been  sold,  and  the  reduction  law 
had  cleared  the  lists  of  those  who  would  be  likely  to  lessen  the  am 
bition,  or  alarm  the  pride  of  an  aspiring  and  sensitive  marine.  Each 
day  added  to  the  knowledge,  tone,  esprit  de  corps,  and  seamanship 
of  the  younger  officers  ;  and  as  these  opportunities  continued  to 
increase  throughout  the  whole  of  the  Mediterranean  service,  the  navy 
rapidly  went  on  improving,  until  the  commander  of  an  American 
ship  was  as  ready  to  meet  comparisons,  as  the  commander  of  any 
vessel  of  war  that  floated. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

Mediterranean  squadron,  under  Com.  Morris — Resignation  of  Com.  Truxtnn — Sketch 
of  his  life — The  Boston,  Capt.  M'Niell,  carries  out  Mr.  Livingston  minister  to  France — 
joins  the  Mediterranean  squadron — Notice  of  Capt.  M'Niell — Attack  on  gun-boats  off 
Tripoli — Explosion  on  board  the  New  York — Intrepid  conduct  of  Capt.  Chamicey — 
The  John  Adams,  Capt.  Rodgers,  blockades  Tripoli — detains  the  Meshouda — Bravery 
of  Capt.  Porter  at  Old  Tripoli — description  of  the  town  and  port — Unsuccessful  attempt 
to  negotiate  a  peace — Attack  on  a  Tripolitan  corsair,  by  Capt.  Rodgers — After  a  smart 
cannonade  she  blows  up — Recall  of  Com.  Morris — He  is  dismissed  from  the  navy — 
Remarks — Sketch  of  his  life — Notice  of  Com.  Barry — of  Com.  Dale. 

EARLY  in  the  year  1802,  Congress  enacted  laws  that  obviated  all 
the  constitutional  scruples  of  the  executive,  and  which  fully  author 
ised  the  capture  and  condemnation  of  any  Tripolitan  vessels  that 
might  be  found.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  this  law  itself  did  not 
contain  a  formal  declaration  of  war,  while  it  provided  for  all  the 
contingencies  of  such  a  state  of  things,  even  to  empowering  the  presi 
dent  to  issue  commissions  to  privateers  and  letters  of  marque;  and  it 
may  be  inferred  from  the  fact,  that  it  was  supposed  the  act  of  the 
enemy  was  sufficient  to  render  the  country  technically  a  belligerent. 
One  of  the  sections  of  this  law,  however,  was  of  great  service  to  the 
navy,  by  enabling  crews  to  be  shipped  for  two  years. 

As  the  President  and  Enterprise  had  returned  home,  and  the  time 
of  service  of  the  people  of  the  two  ships  that  were  left  in  the  Mediter 
ranean  was  nearly  up,  preparations  were  now  made  to  send  out  a 
relief  squadron.  For  this  service  the  following  ships  were  commis 
sioned,  viz.  the  Chesapeake  38,  Lieutenant  Chauncey,  acting  cap 
tain  ;  Constellation  38,  Captain  Murray ;  New  York  36,  Captain 
James  Barren ;  John  Adams  28,  Captain  Rodgers ;  Adams  28, 
Captain  Campbell ;  and  Enterprise  12,  Lieutenant  Commandant 
Sterrett.  Commodore  Truxtun  was  selected  to  command  this 
squadron,  and  he  had  proceeded  to  Norfolk  for  that  purpose, 
when  a  question  arising  about  allowing  him  a  captain  in  the  flag 
ship,  he  was  induced  to  resign.*  Commodore  Morris  was  ap- 

*  Thomas  Truxtun,  who  will  appear  no  more  in  our  pages,  was  born  on  Lone:  Island, 
New  York,  February  the  17th,  1755,  and  went  early  to  sea.  At  the  commencement  of 


1802.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  205 

pointed  to  succeed  Commodore  Truxtun,  and  shortly  after  he  hoisted 
his  broad  pennant  in  the  Chesapeake. 

The  vessels  fitting  for  the  Mediterranean  being  in  different  states 
of  forwardness,  and  there  existing  a  necessity  for  the  immediate  ap 
pearance  of  some  of  them  in  that  sea,  they  did  not  sail  in  a  squadron, 
but  as  each  was  ready.  The  Enterprise  was  the  first  that  left  home, 
sailing  in  February,  and  she  was  followed,  in  March,  by  the  Con 
stellation.  The  Chesapeake  did  not  get  out  until  April,  and  the 
Adams  followed  her  in  June.  The  two  other  ships  were  detained 
until  September.  There  was,  however,  one  other  vessel  at  sea,  all 
this  time,  to  which  it  will  be  necessary  to  make  a  brief  allusion. 

Shortly  after  his  accession  to  office,  in  1801,  Mr.  Jefferson  ap 
pointed  Mr.  Robert  R.  Livingston  minister  to  France,  and  the  Boston 
28,  Captain  M'Niell,  was  directed  to  carry  the  new  envoy  to  his 
place  of  destination.  This  duty  performed,  the  ship  had  been  or 
dered  to  join  the  squadron  in  the  Mediterranean,  for  service  in  that 
sea.  The  departure  of  the  Boston  was  so  timed  as  to  bring  her  on 
the  station  under  both  commands,  that  of  Commodore  Dale,  and  that 
of  Commodore  Morris.  This  cruise  has  become  memorable  in  the 
service,  on  account  of  the  eccentricities  of  the  officer  in  command  of 
the  ship.  After  encountering  a  heavy  gale  of  wind  in  the  Bay  of 
Biscay,  in  which  he  discovered  perfect  seamanship,  and  the  utmost 
coolness,  under  circumstances  particularly  trying,  Captain  M'Niel1 
landed  his  passengers,  and  proceeded  to  the  Mediterranean.  Here 
he  cruised  for  some  time,  avoiding  his  senior  officers,  whenever  he 
could,  passing  from  port  to  port,  appearing  off  Tripoli,  and  occasion 
ally  affording  a  convoy.  After  a  time,  the  Boston  returned  home, 
and  was  put  out  of  commission,  her  commander  quitting  the  service 

the  Revolution,  he  entered  on  board  a  heavy-armed  privateer,  in  the  capacity  of  a  lieu 
tenant,  and  was  frequently  engaged  with  the  enemy's  letters  of  marque  and  privateers. 
In  1777,  he  commanded  a  private  cruiser,  called  the  Independence,  with  success,  and 
shortly  after,  he  was  transferred  to  the  Mars,  a  ship  of  some  force,  in  -which  he  made 
many  captures.  In  1782,  he  sailed  for  France,  in  the  letter  of  marque  St.  James,  with  an 
American  agent  on  board,  and  had  a  combat  with  a  heavier  vessel,  that  had  been 
expressly  sent  out  of  New  York  to  capture  him,  which  ship  he  beat  off  with  loss.  Captain 
Truxtun  commanded  Indiamen  after  the  peace  of  1783,  and  in  1794,  he  was  commissioned 
in  the  navy,  as  the  fifth  captain,  and  ordered  to  superintend  the  construction  of  the  Con 
stellation  38,  then  just  laid  down  at  Baltimore.  In  tins  ship  he  went  to  sea,  in  the  war 
against  France,  and  in  1799,  he  captured  1'Insurgente  36.  The  following  year,  he  had 
the  well-known  and  bloody  combat  with  la  Vengeance  ;  and  soon  after,  he  was  trans 
ferred  to  the  President  44.  In  this  vessel,  Commodore  Truxtun  made  cruises  in  the  West 
Indies  until  the  warciided. 

Commodore  Truxtun  twice  commanded  on  the  Guadaloupe  station;  previously  to 
quitting  the  Constellation,  and  subsequently  to  his  hoisting  his  broad  pennant  in  the 
President.  At  one  time,  he  had  as  many  as  ten  vessels  under  his  orders ;  a  force  that  he 
directed  with  zeal,  efficiency  and  discretion.  He  was  a  good  seaman,  and  a  very  brave 
man.  To  him  belongs  the  credit  of  having  fought  the  first  battle  under  the  present  or 
ganisation  of  the  navy,  in  which  he  acquitted  himself  skillfully  and  with  success.  The 
action  with  la  Vengeance  has  always  been  considered  one  of  the  warmest  combats  be 
tween  frigates  that  is  on  record  ;  and  there  is  not  the  smallest  doubt  that  he  would  have 
brought  his  enemy  into  port,  but  for  the  loss  of  his  main-mast.  Congress  awarded  him 
a  gold  medal  for  his  conduct  on  that  occasion. 

It  is  said  Commodore  Truxtun  did  not  intend  to  resign  his  commission  in  the  navy,  in 
1802,  but  simply  the  command  of  the  squadron  to  which  he  had  been  appointed.  The 
construction  put  upon  his  communication  by  the  department,  however,  was  opposed  to 
this  idea,  and  he  consequently  retired  to  private  life. 

After  his  resignation.  Commodore  Truxtun  filled  one  or  two  civil  offices.  He  died 
in  1822,  aged  67". 


206  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1802. 


under  the  reduction  law.*  The  Essex  and  Philadelphia  also  re 
turned  home,  as  soon  as  relieved. 

We  have  now  reached  the  summer  of  1802,  and  must  confine  the 
narrative  of  events  to  the  movements  of  the  different  vessels  that 
composed  the  squadron  under  the  orders  of  Commodore  Morris.  In 
some  respects,  this  was  the  best  appointed  force  that  had  ever  sailed 
from  America.  The  ships  were  well  officered  and  manned,  and  the 
crews  had  been  entered  for  two  years,  or  double  the  usual  period. 
The  powers  given  to  the  commanding  officer,  appear  to  have  been 
more  ample  than  common;  and  so  strong  was  the  expectation  of  the 
government  that  his  force  was  sufficient  to  bring  the  enemy  to  terms, 
that  Commodore  Morris  was  associated  with  Mr.  Cathcart,  the  late 
consul  at  Tripoli,  in  a  commission  to  negotiate  a  peace.  He  was 
also  empowered  to  obtain  gun-boats,  in  order  to  protect  the  American 
trade  in  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar. 

As  there  were  no  means  of  bringing  the  Bashaw  of  Tripoli  to  terms 
but  blockade  and  bombardment,  two  material  errors  seem  to  have 
been  made  in  the  composition  of  the  force  employed,  which  it  is 
necessary  to  mention.  There  was  no  frigate  in  this  squadron  that 
carried  a  long  gun  heavier  than  an  eighteen-pounder,  nor  was  there 
any  mortar  vessel.  Heavy  carronades  had  come  into  use,  it  is  true, 
and  most  ships  carried  more  or  less  of  them;  but  they  are  guns  un- 
suited  to  battering  under  any  circumstances,  and  were  particularly 
unfitted  for  an  assault  on  works  that  it  is  difficult  to  approach  very 
near,  on  account  of  reefs  of  rocks.  There  was  also  a  singular  defi 
ciency  in  small  vessels,  without  which  a  close  blockade  of  a  port  like 
Tripoli,  was  extremely  difficult,  if  not  impossible.  It  will  be  remem 
bered,  that  the  schooner  Enterprise  was  the  only  vessel  left  in  the 
navy  by  the  reduction  law,  that  was  not  frigate-built,  and  none  had 
yet  been  launched  to  supply  the  defect.  The  government,  however, 
had  become  aware  of  the  great  importance  of  light  cruisers,  and 
several  were  laid  down  in  the  summer  of  this  year,  under  authority 
granted  for  that  purpose. 

As  has  been  seen,  the  Enterprise  12,  Lieutenant  Commandant 
Sterrett,  was  the  first  vessel  of  the  new  squadron  that  reached  the 
Mediterranean.  She  was  soon  followed  by  the  Constellation  38, 
Captain  Murray,  which  ship  arrived  off  Tripoli  early  in  May,  where 
she  found  the  Boston  28,  Captain  M'Niell,  blockading  the  port. 
The  latter  ship,  in  a  few  days,  quitted  the  station,  and  never  re- 

*  The  eccentricities  of  Captain  M'Niell  have  become  traditional  in  the  service.  While 
at  Sicily  during  this  cruise,  a  band  belonging  to  one  of  the  regiments  quartered  at 
Massina,  was  sent  on  board  the  ship,  and  he  brought  the  musicians  to  America,  it  is  said, 
without  their  consent.  A  portion  of  these  men  were  on  their  way  back  in  the  Chesapeake, 
in  1807,  when  that  ship  was  attacked  by  the  Leopard.  On  another  occasion  he  is  said 
to  have  sailed  from  Toulon,  leaving  three  of  his  own  officers  on  shore,  and  carrying  off 
three  French  officers  who  had  been  dining  on  board,  -with  a  view  to  keep  up  his  com 
plement  !  The  latter  were  carried  across  to  the  African  coast,  and  put  in  a  fishing  vessel : 
but  many  months  elapsed  before  all  his  own  officers  could  rejoin  their  ship.  Captain 
M'Niell  subsequently  commanded  a  revenue  cutter,  and  performed  a  gallant  thing  in  the 
war  of  1812.  He  is  said  to  have  been  the  son  of  the  Captain  M'Niell  who  commanded 
the  Boston  24,  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  though  we  possess  no  other  evidence  of  this 
fact  than  common  report.  Neither  his  seamanship,  nor  his  gallantry,  was  ever  questioned. 


1802.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  207 

appeared  on  it.     A  Swedish  cruiser  was  also  off  the  port,  assisting 
to  blockade.* 

After  being- off  the  port  some  time,  the  Constellation  was  lying 
three  or  four  leagues  from  the  town,  when  the  look-out  aloft  reported 
several  small  vessels  to  the  westward,  stealing  along  shore.  The 
wind  was  quite  light,  and  the  Swedish  frigate,  at  the  moment,  was  a 
longdistance  outside.  Sail  was  got  on  the  Constellation,  and  towards 
noon  the  strangers  were  made  out  to  be  seventeen  Tripolitan  gun 
boats,  which,  as  it  was  afterwards  ascertained,  had  gone  out  at  night, 
with  the  intention  of  convoying  into  port,  an  American  prize  that 
was  expected  from  Tunis,  but  which  had  failed  to  appear.  Fortu 
nately  the  wind  freshened  as  the  Constellation  drew  in  with  the  land, 
and  about  one  o'clock,  hopes  were  entertained  of  cutting  off  all,  or  a 
portion  of  the  enemy.  The  latter  were  divided  into  two  divisions, 
however,  and  that  which  led,  by  pulling  directly  to  windward,  effected 
its  escape.  The  division  in  the  rear,  consisting  often  boats,  was  less 
fortunate,  the  Constellation  being  enabled  to  get  it,  for  a  short  time, 
under  her  fire. 

The  wind  blew  nearly  from  the  direction  of  the  town,  and  the 
Tripolitans  still  endeavoured  to  cross  the  bows  of  the  ship,  as  she 
was  standing  in ;  but  Captain  Murray,  having  run  into  ten  fathoms, 
opened  upon  the  enemy,  time  enough  to  cut  off  all  but  one  boat  of 
the  rear  division.  This  boat,  notwithstanding  a  hot  discharge  of 
grape,  succeeded  in  getting  to  windward,  and  was  abandoned  to 
attend  to  the  remainder.  The  enemy  now  opened  a  fire  in  return, 
but  the  Constellation  having,  by  this  time,  got  the  nearest  boats  fairly 
under  her  broadsides,  soon  compelled  the  whole  nine  to  bear  up, 
and  to  pull  towards  the  shore.  Here  they  got  into  nooks  behind  the 
rocks,  or  in  the  best  places  of  refuge  that  offered,  while  a  large  body 
of  cavalry  appeared  on  the  sand-hills  above  them,  to  prevent  a  landing. 
Deeming  it  imprudent  to  send  in  the  boats  of  a  single  frigate  against 
so  formidable  a  force,  Captain  Murray  wore  and  stood  offshore,  soon 
after  speaking  the  Swede,  who  had  not  been  able  to  close  in  time  to 
engage. 

.  This  little  affair  was  the  first  that  occurred  off  the  port  of  Tripoli, 
in  this  war,  and  it  had  the  effect  of  rendering  the  enemy  very  cautious 
in  his  movements.  The  gun-boats  were  a  good  deal  cut  up,  though 
their  loss  was  never  ascertained.  The  cavalry,  also,  suffered  ma 
terially,  and  it  was  said  that  an  officer  of  high  rank,  nearly  allied  to 
the  Bey,  was  killed.  The  Constellation  sustained  some  trifling 
damage  aloft,  but  the  gun-boats  were  too  hard  pressed  to  render  their 
fire  very  serious.  The  batteries  opened  upon  the  ship,  also,  on  this 
occasion,  but  all  their  shot  fell  short. 

After  waiting  in  vain  for  the  re-appearance  of  the  Boston,  Captain 
Murray  was  compelled  to  quit  the  station  for  want  of  water,  when 
Tripoli  was  again  left  without  any  force  before  it. 

The  Chesapeake  38,  Acting  Captain  Chauncey,  wearing  the  broad 
pennant  of  Commodore  Morris,  reached  Gibraltar  May  25th,  1802, 

*  Sweden  was  at  war  with  Tripoli,  at  this  time,  also,  but  peace  was  made  in  the  course 
of  the  summer. 


208  NAVAL   HISTORY.  [1803. 


where  she  found  the  Essex  32,  Captain  Bainbridge,  still  blockading 
the  Tripolitan  cruisers.  The  latter  vessel  was  sent  home,  and  the 
Chesapeake,  which  had  need  of  repairs,  having  sprung  her  mainmast, 
continued  in  the  straits,  for  the  purpose  of  refitting,  and  of  watching 
the  enemy.  Commodore  Morris  also  deemed  it  prudent  to  observe 
the  movements  of  the  government  of  Morocco,  which  had  manifested 
a  hostile  disposition.  The  arrival  of  the  Adams  28,  Captain  Camp 
bell,  late  in  July,  however,  placed  the  flag-ship  at  liberty,  and  she 
sailed  with  a  convoy  to  various  ports  on  the  north  shore,  having  the 
Enterprise  in  company  This  long  delay  below,  of  itself,  almost  de 
feated  the  possibility  of  acting  efficiently  against  the  town  of  Tripoli 
that  summer,  since,  further  time  being  indispensable  to  collect  the 
different  vessels  and  to  make  the  necessary  preparations,  it  would 
bring  the  ships  before  that  place  too  late  in  the  season.  The  fault, 
however,  if  fault  there  was,  rested  more  with  those  who  directed  the 
preparations  at  home,  than  with  the  commanding  officer,  as  the  delay 
at  Gibraltar  would  seem  to  have  been  called  for,  by  circumstances. 
The  Chesapeake,  following  the  north  shore,  and  touching  at  many 
ports,  anchored  in  the  roads  of  Leghorn,  on  the  12th  of  October.  At 
Leghorn  the  Constellation  was  met,  which  ship  shortly  after  returned 
home,  in  consequence  of  a  discretionary  power  that  had  been  left 
with  the  commodore.*  Orders  were  now  sent  to  the  different  vessels 
of  the  squadron  to  rendezvous  at  Malta,  whither  the  commodore  pro 
ceeded,  with  his  own  ship.  Here,  in  the  course  of  the  month  of 
January,  1803,  were  assembled  the  Chesapeake  38,  Acting  Captain 
Chauncey;  New  York  36,  Captain  J.  Barron;  John  Adams  28, 
Captain  Rodgers,  and  Enterprise  12,  Lieutenant  Commandant 
Sterrett.  Of  the  remaining.vessels  that  had  been  put  under  the  orders 
of  Commodore  Morris,  the  Constellation  38,  Captain  Murray,  had 
gone  into  a  Spanish  port  to  repair  some  damages  received  in  a  gale 
of  wind,  and  she  shortly  after  sailed  for  home;  the  Boston  28,  Cap 
tain  M'Niell  had  not  joined,  and  the  Adams  28,  Captain  Campbell 
was  cruising  off  Gibraltar.  On  the  30th  of  January,  1803,  the  ships 
first  named  left  Malta  with  an  intention  to  go  off  Tripoli,  but  a  se 
vere  gale  coming  on,  which  lasted  eleven  days,  the  commodore  was 
induced  to  bear  up,  and  to  run  down  to  Tunis,  where  it  was  under- 

*  While  the  ships  lay  at  Leghorn,  it  blew  a  gale.  The  officers  of  the  Constellation 
were  on  the  quarter-dqck  just  at  dusk,  and  they  observed  a  boat  of  the  Enterprise  going 
off  to  the  schooner,  carrying  sail  in  a  way  that  was  thought  dangerous.  At  that  moment, 
the  gentlemen  were  summoned  to  their  supper,  and  while  at  table,  an  alarm  was  given, 
of  a  man  overboard.  A  man,  in  fact,  was  found  hanging  to  the  rudder  chains,  and  he 
was  got  in  nearly  exhausted.  All  he  could  utter  was  "  Sterrett's  boat."  This  recalled 
the  boat  that  had  been  seen,  and  three  cutters  immediately  left  the  ship  to  search  for  the 
rest  of  the  crew.  Lieutenants  went  in  the  boats,  viz.  the  present  Commodore  Stewart, 
the  present  Commodore  J.  Jones,  and  the  regretted  Caldwell.  The  niirht  was  very  dark, 
h  blew  furiously,  and  the  object  was  almost  hopeless.  The  boats  pulled  ofF  in  different 
directions,  and  Mr.  Jones  picked  tip  a  man  outside  the  ship.  Mr.  Caldwell,  after  a  long 
pull,  found  no  one.  Mr.  Stewart  went  a  mile  to  leeward,  and  found  a  man  swimming 
towards  the  Melora,  and  on  returning,  agninst  the  wind  and  sea,  he  met  another,  sense 
less,  floating  with  his  arms  over  an  oar.  Thus  were  three  almost  miraculously  saved, 
but  the  midshipman,  Mr.  Innes,  and  three  others  were  drowned.  The  last  man  picked 
up  was  found  by  the  boat's  accidentally  hitting  the  oar  that  kept  him  from  sinking  !  The 
circumstance  proves  the  usefulness  of  exertions,  at  such  a  moment,  however  hopeless 
they  may  appear. 


1803.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  209 

stood  the  presence  of  the  squadron  would  be  useful.  On  the  llth  of 
March  he  left  Tunis,  touched  at  Algiers,  and  anchored  again  at 
Gibraltar  on  the  23d  of  the  month. 

The  reason  assigned  for  carrying  the  ships  below,  when  it  had  been 
the  original  design  to  appear  olf  the  enemy's  port,  was  the  want  of 
provisions,  as  well  as  to  make  the  transfers  and  arrangements  de 
pendent  on  shifting  the  pennant  of  the  commanding  officer,  from  the 
Chesapeake  to  the  New  York,  the  former  ship  having  been  ordered 
home  by  the  navy  department.  The  squadron  was  now  reduced  to 
the  New  York  36,  the  Adams  28,  the  John  Adams  28,  and  the  En 
terprise  12.  Acting  Captain  Chauncey  accompanied  the  commodore 
to  the  first  of  these  vessels,  and  Captain  Barren  was  transferred  to 
the  Chesapeake.  The  Adams  was  despatched  with  a  convoy,  with 
orders  to  go  off  Tripoli,  as  soon  as  the  first  duty  was  performed. 

On  the  10th  of  April  the  New  York,  John  Adams,  and  Enterprise 
sailed,  to  touch  at  Malta  on  their  way  to  the  enemy's  port.  While 
making  this  passage,  just  as  the  music  had  been  beating  to  grog,  a 
heavy  explosion  was  heard  near  the  cock-pit  of  the  flag-ship,  and  the 
lower  part  of  the  vessel  was  immediately  filled  with  smoke.  It  was 
an  appalling  moment,  for  every  one  on  board  was  aware  that  a  quan 
tity  of  powder  must  have  exploded,  riot  far  from  the  magazine,  that 
fire  was  necessarily  scattered  in  the  passages,  that  the  ship  was  in 
flames,  and  in  all  human  probability,  that  the  magazine  was  in  dan 
ger.  Acting  Captain  Chauncey  was  passing  the  drummer  when  the 
explosion  occurred,  and  he  ordered  him  to  beat  to  quarters.  The 
aiarm  had  not  been  given  a  minute,  when  the  men  were  going  steadily 
to  their  guns,  and  other  stations,  under  a  standing  regulation,  which 
directed  this  measure  in  the  event  of  a  cry  of  fire,  as  the  most  certain 
means  of  giving  the  officers  entire  command  of  the  ship,  and  of  pre 
venting  confusion.  The  influence  of  discipline  was  well  exhibited 
on  this  trying  occasion  ;  for,  while  there  is  nothing  so  fearful  to  the 
seaman  as  the  alarm  of  fire,  the  people  went  to  their  quarters,  as 
regularly  as  in  the  moments  of  confidence. 

The  sea  being  smooth,  and  the  weather  moderate,  the  commodore 
himself  now  issued  an  order  to  hoist  out  the  boats.  This  command, 
which  had  been  given  under  the  influence  of  the  best  feelings  of  the 
human  heart,  was  most  unfortunately  timed.  The  people  had  no 
sooner  left  the  guns  to  execute  it,  than  the  jib-boom,  bow-sprit,  sprit- 
sail-yard,  knight-heads,  and  every  spot  forward  was  lined  with  men, 
under  the  idea  of  getting  as  far  as  possible  from  the  magazine. 
Some  even  leaped  overboard  and  swam  for  the  nearest  vessel. 

The  situation  of  the  ship  was  now  exceedingly  critical.  With  a 
fire  known  to  be  kindled  near  the  magazine,  and  a  crew  in  a  great 
measure  disorganised,  the  chances  of  escape  were  much  diminished. 
But  Acting  Captain  Chauncey  rallied  a  few  followers,  and  reminding 
them  that  they  might  as  well  be  blown  up  through  one  deck  as  three, 
he  led  the  way  below,  into  passages  choked  with  smoke,  where  the 
danger  was  rapidly  increasing.  There,  by  means  of  wetted  blankets, 
taken  from  the  purser's  store-room,  and  water  thrown  by  hand,  he 
began  to  contend  with  the  fire.,  in  a  spot  where  a  spark  scattered 

VOL.  i.  14 


210  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1803. 

even  by  the  efforts  made  to  extinguish  the  flames,  might,  in  a  single 
instant,  have  left  nothing  of  all  on  board,  but  their  names.  Mr.  Da 
vid  Porter,  the  first  lieutenant,  who  meets  us  in  so  many  scenes  of 
trial  and  danger,  had  ascended  from  the  ward-room,  by  means  of  a 
stern  ladder,  and  he  and  the  other  officers  seconded  the  noble  efforts 
of  their  intrepid  commander.  The  men  were  got  in  from  the  spars 
forward,  water  was  abundantly  supplied  and  the  ship  was  saved. 

This  accident  was  supposed  to  have  occurred  in  consequence  of  a 
candle's  having  been  taken  from  a  lantern,  while  the  gunner  was 
searching  some  object  in  a  store-room  that  led  from  the  cock-pit.  A 
quantity  of  marine  cartridges,  and  the  powder-horns  used  in  priming 
the  guns,  and  it  is  thought  that  some  mealed  powder,  exploded.  Two 
doors  leading  to  the  magazine  passage  were  forced  open,  and  nearly 
all  the  adjoining  bulkheads  were  blown  down.  Nineteen  officers  and 
men  were  injured,  of  whom,  fourteen  died.  The  sentinel  at  the  mag 
azine  passage,  was  driven  quite  through  to  the  filling-room  door. 

After  the  panic  caused  by  quitting  the  guns  to  hoist  out  the  boats, 
all  the  officers  and  people  of  the  ship,  appear  to  have  behaved  well. 
The  order  to  hoist  out  the  boats,  might  be  explained  by  natural  affec 
tion  ;  but  we  have  recorded  the  whole  transaction,  as  it  is  replete 
with  instruction  to  the  young  officer,  on  the  subject  of  system,  sub 
mission  to  orders,  and  the  observance  of  method.* 

The  ships  appear  to  have  been  detained  some  time  at  Malta  by  the 
repairs  that  were  rendered  necessary  in  consequence  of  the  accident 
just  mentioned.  On  the  3d  of  May,  however,  the  John  Adams  was 
sent  off  Tripoli,  alone,  with  orders  to  blockade  that  port.  Shortly 
after  this  ship  reached  her  station,  she  made  a  sail  in  the  offing,  which 
she  intercepted.  This  vessel  proved  to  be  the  Meshouda,  one  of  the 
cruisers  that  had  been  so  long  blockaded  at  Gibraltar,  and  which  was 
now  endeavouring  to  get  home  under  an  assumed  character.  She 
had  been  sold  by  the  Bashaw  to  the  Emperor  of  Morocco,  who  had 
sent  her  to  Tunis,  where  she  had  taken  in  supplies,  and  was  now 
standing  boldly  for  the  harbour  of  Tripoli.  The  reality  of  the  trans 
fer  was  doubted,  and  as  she  was  attempting  to  evade  a  legal  blockade, 
the  Meshouda  was  detained. 

About  the  close  of  the  month,  Commodore  Morris  hove  in  sight, 
in  the  New  York,  with  the  Adams  and  Enterprise  in  company.  As 
the  flag-ship  neared  the  coast,  several  small  vessels,  convoyed  by  a 
number  of  gun-boats,  were  discovered  close  in  with  the  land,  making 
the  best  of  their  way  towards  the  port.  Chase  was  immediately 
given,  and  finding  themselves  cut  off  from  the  harbour,  the  merchant 
vessels,  eleven  in  all,  took  refuge  in  Old  Tripoli,  while  the  gun-boats, 
by  means  of  their  sweeps,  were  enabled  to  pull  under  the  batteries  of 
the  town  itself.  No  sooner  did  the  vessels,  small  latine-rigged 

*  It  is  a  tradition  of  the  service,  we  know  not  on  what  foundation,  that,  when  an  order 
was  given  to  a  quarter-master  to  hoist  the  signal  of  "  a  fire  on  hoard,"  in  the  hurry  of  the 
moment  he  bent  on  a  wrong  flag,  and  the  signal  for  "  a  mutiny  on  board,"  was  shown. 
Captain  Rodgers  of  the  John  Adams,  observing  an  alarm  in  the  New  York,  and  perceiv 
ing  smoke  issuing  from  her  ports,  beat  to  quarters,  and  ranged  up  under  the  stern  of  the 
commodore,  with  his  guns  trained,  in  readiness  to  fire.  The  threatened  consummation  to 
i.  calamity  that  was  already  sufliciently  grave,  was  prevented  by  explanations. 


1803.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  211 

coasters  loaded  with  wheat,  get  into  Old  Tripoli,  than  preparations 
were  made  to  defend  them.  A  large  stone  building  stood  on  a  bank 
some  twelve  or  fifteen  feet  from  the  shore,  and  it  was  occupied  by  a 
considerable  body  of  soldiers.  In  the  course  of  the  night  breast 
works  were  erected  on  each  side  of  this  building,  by  means  of  the 
sacks  of  wheat  which  composed  the  cargoes  of  the  feluccas.  The 
latter  were  hauled  upon  the  beach,  high  and  dry,  immediately  beneath 
the  building,  and  a  large  force  was  brought  from  Tripoli,  to  man  the 
breast-works. 

Mr.  Porter,  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  flag-ship,  volunteered  to  go 
in  that  night,  with  the  boats  of  the  squadron,  and  destroy  the  enemy's 
craft ;  but,  unwilling  to  expose  his  people  under  so  much  uncer 
tainty,  the  commodore  decided  to  wait  for  daylight,  in  order  that  the 
ships  might  co-operate,  and  in  the  hope  of  intimidating  the  Tripoli- 
tans  by  a  show  of  all  his  force.  Mr.  Porter,  however,  went  in  alone 
and  reconnoitered  in  the  dark,  receiving  a  heavy  fire  from  the  mus 
ketry  of  the  troops  when  discovered. 

Next. morning,  the  offer  of  Mr.  Porter  was  accepted,  and  sustained 
by  Lieutenant  James  Lawrence  of  the  Enterprise,  and  a  strong  party 
of  officers  and  men  from  the  other  ships,  he  went  boldly  in,  in  open 
day.  As  the  boats  pulled  up  within  reach  of  musketry,  the  enemy 
opened  a  heavy  fire,  which  there  was  very  little  opportunity  of  return 
ing.  Notwithstanding  the  great  superiority  of  the  Turks  in  numbers, 
the  party  landed,  set  fire  to  the  feluccas,  and  regaining  their  boats, 
opened  to  the  right  and  left,  to  allow  the  shot  of  the  ship  to  complete 
the  work.  The  enemy  now  appeared  as  desperately  bent  on  pre 
serving  their  vessels  as  their  assailants,  a  few  minutes  before  had 
been  bent  on  destroying  them.  Regardless  of  the  fire  of  the  ships, 
they  rushed  on  board  the  feluccas,  succeeded  in  extinguishing  the 
flames,  and,  in  the  end,  preserved  them. 

This  attack  was  made  in  the  most  gallant  manner,  and  reflected 
high  credit  on  all  engaged.  The  parties  were  so  near  each  other, 
that  the  Turks  actually  threw  stones  at  the  Americans,  and  their  fire 
was  sharp,  heavy  and  close.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  could  never  be 
ascertained,  but  a  good  many  were  seen  to  fall.  Of  the  Americans, 
12  or  15  were  killed  and  wounded  ;  and  among  the  latter,  was  Mr. 
Porter,  who  received  a  slight  wound  in  the  right,  and  a  musket-ball 
through  the  left  thigh,  while  advancing  to  the  attack,  though  he  con 
tinued  to  command  to  the  last.  Mr.  Lawrence  was  particularly  dis 
tinguished,  as  was  Mr.  John  Downes,  one  of  the  midshipmen  of  the 
New  York.* 

Commodore  Morris  determined  to  follow  up  this  attack  on  the 
wheat  vessels,  by  making  one  on  the  gun-boats  of  the  enemy.  The 
harbour  of  Tripoli  is  formed  by  an  irregularly  shaped  indentation 
of  the  coast,  which  opens  to  the  north.  The  greatest  depth  is  about 
a  mile  and  a  half,  and  the  width  maybe  a  little  more.  On  its  western 
side,  this  indentation  runs  off  at  an  angle  of  about  25  degrees  with 

*  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  this  is  rt»e  fifth  instance  in  which  we  have  had  occasion  to 
record  the  good  conduct  of  Lieutenant  David  Porter,  in  four  years  and  the  third  time  he 
was  wounded. 


212  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1803. 

the  coast,  while  on  the  eastern,  the  outline  of  the  bay  melts  into  that 
of  the  main  shore  much  less  perceptibly,  leaving  the  anchorage  within 
a  good  deal  exposed  to  northeast  winds.  But  at  the  point  where  the 
western  angle  of  the  bay  unites  with  the  main  coast,  there  is  a  small 
rocky  peninsula  that  stretches  off  in  a  northeast  direction  a  consider 
able  distance,  forming  a  sort  of  natural  mole,  and,  at  the  end  of  this 
again,  an  artificial  mole  has  been  constructed  in  a  line  extending 
nearly  east-south-east.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add,  that  the  real 
port  is  behind  this  mole,  in  which  there  is  water  for  galleys,  and 
where  vessels  are  sufficiently  protected  from  any  winds.  The  town, 
which  is  small,  crowded,  and  walled,  stretches  along  the  shore  of  this 
port,  for  less  than  a  mile,  then  retires  inland  about  a  thousand  feet, 
and  following  the  general  direction  of  the  wall  along  the  harbour,  i* 
strikes  the  sea  again  at  the  distance  of  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from 
the  angle  at  the  point  of  junction  between  the  bay  and  the  coast.  Of 
course,  the  town  extends  the  latter  distance  along  the  open  sea.  The 
shore,  however,  is  rocky,  though  low,  and  rocks  lie  in  sight  at  some 
distance  from  the  beach.  On  one  of  these  rocks,  in  front  of  the  end 
of  the  town  that  lies  exposed  to  the  sea,  a  work  has  been  built  some 
distance  off  in  the  water,  which  is  called  the  French  Fort.  On  the 
natural  mole  are  batteries,  one  of  which  is  in  two  tiers ;  at  the  end 
of  the  artificial  mole  is  another,  and  several  are  distributed  along  the 
walls  of  the  place. 

Near  the  southeastern  angle  of  the  town,  and  immediately  on  the 
shore  of  the  port,  stands  the  Bashaw's  castle  ;  the  entrance  into  the 
inner  harbour,  or  galley  mole,  lying  necessarily  between  it  and  the 
mole-head  ;  the  distance  between  the  two  being  about  a  quarter  of  a 
mile.  The  advanced  peninsula,  which  forms  what  we  have  termed 
the  natural  mole,  is  surrounded  by  broken  rocks,  which  show  them 
selves  above  the  water,  but  which  suddenly  cease  within  pistol-shot 
of  its  batteries.  At  a  distance  of  a  few  hundred  feet,  however,  the 
line  of  these  rocks  re-appears,  stretching  off  in  a  northeasterly  direc 
tion,  about  a  mile  further.  These  rocks  are  broken,  and  have  many 
small  passages  between  them  through  which  it  is  possible  for  boats  to 
pull.  They  form  a  sort  of  breakwater  to  the  bay,  and  the  eastern 
portion  of  the  latter  being  covered  with  shoals,  the  two  together  make 
a  tolerably  safe  anchorage  within. 

A  little  east  of  south,  from  the  northeasterly  extremity  of  the  rocks, 
stands  Fort  English,  distant  rather  more  than  a  mile,  on  an  angle  of 
the  coast,  that  may  be  said  to  form  the  eastern  point  of  the  bay, 
though  it  is  by  no  means  as  much  advanced  as  the  western.  The 
main  entrance  is  between  the  end  of  the  rocks  and  the  shoals  towards 
Fort  English,  the  water  being  deep,  and  the  passage  near  half  a  mile 
wide.  Thus  a  vessel  coming  from  sea,  would  steer  about  southwest 
in  entering,  and  would  be  exposed  to  a  raking  fire  from  the  castle,  the 
mole,  and  all  the  adjacent  batteries,  and  a  cross  fire  from  Fort  Eng 
lish.  There  is,  however,  an  entrance  by  the  passage  between  the 
natural  mole  and  the  rocks,  or  through  the  open  space  already  men 
tioned.  This  is  called  the  western,  or  the  little  entrance  ;  it  may  be 
six  or  eio-ht  hundred  feet  in  width  ;  and  the  vessels  using  it  are  oblig- 


1803.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  213 

ed  to  pass  close  to  the  batteries  of  the  natural  and  the  artificial  moles. 
As  they  round  the  mole-head,  they  open  those  of  the  castle  and  of 
the  town  also. 

In  addition  to  the  fixed  batteries  of  the  place,  were  the  gun-boats 
and  galleys.  These  boats  were  large  vessels  of  their  class,  latine- 
rigged,  capable  of  going  to  sea  on  emergencies,  as  one  of  their  princi 
pal  occupations  had  been  to  convoy  along  the  coast.  Several  that 
were  subsequently  examined  by  the  American  officers,  had  a  brass 
gun  llj  feet  long,  with  a  bore  to  receive  a  shot  that  weighed  29 
pounds,  mounted  in  the  bows,  besides  two  brass  howitzers  aft.  The 
guns  were  fine  pieces,  and  weighed  6600  pounds.  When  not  other 
wise  engaged,  the  gun-boats  were  commonly  moored  just  within  the 
rocks,  and  without  the  artificial  mole,  where  they  answered  the  pur 
pose  of  additional  batteries  to  command  the  entrance.  By  this  dis 
position  of  his  means  of  defence,  the  Bashaw  could,  at  all  times  open 
afire  of  heavy  guns  afloat,  on  any  vessel  that  ventured  close  in,  in 
addition  to  that  of  his  regular  works.  There  were  two  or  three  light 
cruisers  moored  in  the  upper  part  of  the  harbour,  that  could  be  of 
little  use  except  as  against  attacks  within  the  rocks,  and  two  galleys. 
On  emergencies,  the  smaller  vessels  could  take  shelter  behind  the 
rocks,  where  they  were  nearly  protected  from  fire. 

At  the  time  of  which  we  are  writing,  the  gun-boats  were  stationed 
well  out,  near  the  rocks  and  the  mole,  in  a  manner  to  admit  of  their 
giving  and  receiving  a  fire  ;  and  on  the  afternoon  of  the  28th  of  May, 
the  preparations  having  been  previously  made,  a  signal  was  shown 
from  the  New  York,  for  the  John  Adams  to  bear  down  upon  the  en 
emy  and  commence  an  attack.  Captain  Rodders  obeyed  the  order 
with  promptitude,  taking  a  position  within  reach  of  grape,  but  owing 
to  the  lightness  of  the  wind,  the  two  other  ships  were  unable  to  second 
her,  as  was  intended.  In  consequence  of  these  unforeseen  circum 
stances,  the  attack  proved  a  failure,  in  one  sense,  though  the  boats 
soon  withdrew  behind  the  rocks,  and  night  brought  the  affair  to  an 
end.  It  is  believed  that  neither  party  suffered  much  on  this  occasion. 

The  next  day  Commodore  Morris  made  an  attempt  to  negotiate  a 
peace,  through  the  agency  of  M.  Nissen,  the  Danish  consul,  a  gen 
tleman  who,  on  all  occasions,  appears  to  have  been  the  friend  of  the 
unfortunate,  and  active  in  doing  good.  To  this  proposal  the  Bey 
listened,  and  one  of  his  ministers  was  empowered  to  meet  the  Amer 
ican  commander  on  the  subject.  Having  received  proper  pledges 
for  his  safe  return,  Commodore  Morris  landed  in  person,  and  each 
party  presented  its  outlines  of  a  treaty.  The  result  was  an  abrupt 
ending  of  the  negotiation. 

This  occurred  on  the  8th  of  June,  and  on  the  10th,  the  New  York 
and  Enterprise  left  the  station,  for  Malta.  At  the  latter  place,  Com 
modore  Morris  received  intelligence  concerning  the  movements  of  the 
Algerine  and  Tunisian  corsairs,  that  induced  him  to  despatch  the 
Enterprise,  with  orders  to  Captain  Rodgers  to  raise  the  blockade  of 
Tripoli,  and  to  join  him,  as  soon  <xs  circumstances  would  permit,  a*" 
Malta. 

After  the  departure  of  the  flag-ship,  the  John  Adams  28,  Captnin 


214  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1803. 

Rodgers,  and  the  Adams  28,  Captain  Campbell,  composed  the  force 
left  before  the  enemy's  port.  The  speedy  return  of  the  Enterprise 
12,  which  was  then  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Commandant  Hull, 
who  had  succeeded  Lieutenant  Commandant  Sterrett,  added  that 
light  vessel  to  the  squadron.  Some  movements  in  the  harbour,  on 
the  evening  of  the  21st  of  June,  induced  Captain  Rodgers,  the  senior 
officer  present,  to  suspect  that  it  was  intended  to  get  a  cruiser  to  sea 
that  night,  or  to  cover  the  return  of  one  to  port.  With  a  view  to 
defeat  either  of  these  plans,  the  Adams  was  sent  to  the  westward,  the 
Enterprise  to  the  eastward,  while  the  John  Adarns  remained  in  the 
offing. 

On  the  following  morning,  about  7  o'clock,  the  Enterprise  was 
seen  to  the  southward  and  eastward  with  a  signal  flying  of  an  enemy. 
At  that  moment,  the  John  Adams  was  a  few  leagues  out  at  sea,  and 
it  was  8  o'clock  before  the  two  vessels  could  speak  each  other.  Cap 
tain  Rodgers  now  found  that  a  large  ship  belonging  to  the  Bashaw, 
had  run  into  a  deep  narrow  bay,  about  seven  leagues  to  the  eastward 
of  Tripoli,  where  she  had  taken  a  very  favourable  position  for  defence, 
and  anchored  with  springs  on  her  cable.  At  the  same  time  it  was 
ascertained  that  nine  gun-boats  were  sweeping  along  the  shore,  to 
aid  in  defending  her,  while,  as  usual,  a  large  body  of  cavalry  was 
hovering  about  the  coast,  to  resist  any  attack  by  means  of  boats.  The 
ship  was  known  to  be  the  largest  of  the  Bey's  remaining  corsairs, 
mounting  22  guns,  and  she  was  very  full  of  men. 

Captain  Rodgers  owed  the  opportunity  that  now  offered  to  attack 
his  enemy,  to  the  steadiness  and  gallantry  of  Lieutenant  Command 
ant  Hull,  who,  on  making  his  adversary  at  daylight,  had  cut  him  off 
from  the  town,  with  a  spirit  that  did  infinite  credit  to  that  officer. 
The  Tripohtan  was  treble  the  force  of  the  Enterprise,  and  had  he 
chosen  to  engage  the  schooner,  Mr.  Hull  would,  probably,  have  been 
obliged  to  sacrifice  his  little  vessel,  in  order  to  prevent  his  enemy  from 
getting  into  port. 

The  dispositions  of  Captain  Rodgers  were  soon  made.  He  stood 
in,  with  the  Enterprise  in  company,  until  the  John  Adams  was  within 
point-blank  shot  of  the  enemy,  when  she  opened  her  fire.  A  smart 
cannonade  was  maintained  on  both  sides,  for  forty-five  minutes,  when 
the  people  of  the  corsair  abandoned  their  guns,  with  so  much  pre 
cipitation,  that  great  numbers  leaped  overboard,  and  swam  to  the 
sljore.  The  John  Adams  was  now  in  quarter-less-five,  by  the  lead, 
and  she  wore  with  her  head  off  shore.  At  the  same  time,  the  En 
terprise  was  ordered  to  occupy  the  attention  of  the  enemy  on  the 
beach,  while  boats  could  be  got  out  to  take  possession  of  the  aban 
doned  ship.  But  a  boat  returning  to  the  corsair,  the  John  Adams 
tacked  and  renewed  her  fire.  In  a  few  minutes  the  colours  of  the 
corsair  were  hauled  down,  and  all  her  guns  were  discharged  ;  those 
which  were  pointed  towards  the  Americans,  nnd  those  which  were 
pointed  towards  the  land.  At  the  next  moment  she  blew  up. 

The  explosion  was  very  heavy,  and  it  tore  the  hull  of  the  Tripoli- 
tan  entirely  to  pieces.  The  two  after-masts  were  forced  into  the  air 
to  twice  their  usual  height,  with  all  the  yards,  rigging,  and  hamper 


1804.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  215 

attached.  The  cause  of  this  explosion  is  unknown,  though  it  might 
have  been  thought  intentional,  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  the  people 
of  the  boat  that  had  returned  to  her,  were  blown  up  in  the  ship,  none 
having  left  her  after  their  arrival.  As  the  shot  of  the  John  Adams 
were  seen  to  hull  the  enemy  repeatedly,  the  corsair  is  also  supposed 
to  have  sustained  a  severe  loss  before  her  people  first  abandoned  her. 

The  John  Adams  and  Enterprise  attempted  to  cut  off  the  division 
of  gun-boats,  but  found  the  water  shoal  too  far  to  seaward  of  them, 
to  render  the  fire  of  their  guns  effective.  Knowing  the  whole  coast 
intimately,  the  latter  were  enabled  to  escape. 

The  ships  before  Tripoli,  in  obedience  to  the  orders  of  Commodore 
Morris,  now  sailed  for  Malta  to  join  that  officer,  when  the  whole 
squadron  proceeded  to  different  ports  in  Italy,  together.  From  Leg 
horn,  the  John  Adams  was  sent  down  to  the  straits  with  a  convoy  ; 
the  Adams  to  Tunis  and  Gibraltar,  and  the  Enterprise  back  to  Malta, 
in  quest  of  despatches.  Soon  after,  the  New  York,  herself,  wen* 
below,  touching  at  Malaga,  where  Commodore  Morris  found  letters 
of  recall.  The  command  was  left  temporarily  with  Captain  Rodgers, 
who  hoisted  a  broad  pennant  in  the  New  York,  while  Commodore 
Morris  took  charge  of  the  Adams,  to  proceed  to  America.  Captain 
Campbell,  late  of  the  Adams,  was  transferred  to  the  John  Adams. 

Commodore  Morris  reached  home  on  the  21st  of  November,  1803; 
and  the  government,  which  professed  great  dissatisfaction  at  the 
manner  in  which  he  had  employed  the  force  intrusted  to  his  discre 
tion,  demanded  the  usual  explanations.  These  explanations  no* 
proving  satisfactory,  a  Court  of  Inquiry*  was  convened,  by  order  of 
the  department,  dated  March  10th,  1804,  and  the  result  was  an  opin 
ion  that  this  officer  had  not  discovered  due  diligence  and  activity  in 
annoying  the  enemy,  on  various  occasions,  between  the  8th  of  Janu 
ary,  1803,  and  the  period  of  the  expiration  of  his  command.  In 
consequence  of  the  finding  of  the  Court  of  Inquiry,  the  president  dis 
missed  Commodore  Morris  from  the  navy. 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  justice  of  the  opinion  of  the 
court,  there  can  be  little  question  that  the  act  of  the  executive,  in  this 
instance,  was  precipitate  and  wrong.  The  power  of  removal  from 
office  is  given  to  the  president  to  be  exercised  only  on  important 
occasions,  and  for  the  public  good  ;  and  it  has  been  much  question 
ed,  whether  the  power  itself  is  salutary,  in  the  cases  of  military  men. 
The  civilian  who  does  not  do  his  duty,  must  be  replaced  immedi 
ately,  or  the  office  virtually  becomes  vacant,  but  no  such  pressing 
necessity  exists  in  the  army  and  navy,  as  subordinates  are  always 
ready  temporarily  to  discharge  the  duties  of  their  superiors.  In  the 
navy,  this  necessity  is  still  less  striking  than  in  the  army,  since  offi 
cers  of  the  same  rank  are  never  wanting  to  fill  vacancies. 

But  there  is  a  far  higher  consideration  why  no  military  man  should 
ever  be  deprived  of  his  commission,  except  in  very  extraordinary 
instances,  unless  by  a  solemn  trial  and  a  formal  finding  of  a  court. 
His  profession  is  the  business  of  a  life  ;  his  conduct  is  at  all  times 

*  Thi.s  court  consisted  of  Captain  S.  Barron,  President ;  Captain  Hugh  G.  Campbell, 
and  Lieutenant  John  Cassin.  Walter  Jones,  Jun.  Esquire,  Judge  Advocate. 


216  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1804. 

subject  to  a  severe  and  exacting  code,  and  dismission  infers  disgrace. 
So  general,  indeed,  is  the  opinion  that  every  officer  is  entitled  to  be 
tried  by  his  peers,  that  greater  disgrace  is  apt  to  attach  itself  to  an 
arbitrary  dismission,  by  an  exercise  of  executive  power,  than  to  the 
sentence  of  a  court  itself,  since  the  first  ought  only  to  proceed  from 
conduct  so  flagrantly  wrong,  as  to  supersede  even  the  necessity  of 
trial.  There  was  another  motive  that  ought  to  have  weighed  with 
the  government,  before  it  resorted  to  the  use  of  so  high  a  power. 
The  gentlemen  who  composed  the  Court  of  Inquiry  on  Commodore 
Morris,  were  his  juniors  in  rank,  and  one  was  his  inferior.  Although 
the  characters  of  these  officers  were  above  suspicion,  as  to  motives, 
the  accused,  on  general  principles,  had  a  perfect  right  to  the  benefit 
of  the  exception,  and  was  entitled  to  demand  all  the  forms  of  the  ser 
vice,  before  he  was  finally  condemned. 

It  has,  more  or  less,  been  a  leading  defect  of  the  civil  administra 
tion  of  the  military  affairs  of  the  American  government,  that  too  little 
of  professional  feeling  has  presided  in  its  councils,  the  men  who  are 
elevated  to  political  power,  in  popular  governments,  seldom  entering 
fully  into  the  tone  and  motives  of  those  who  are  alive  to  the  sensibil 
ities  of  military  pride.  One  of  the  consequences  of  this  influence  of 
those  who  have  merely  the  habits  of  civilians,  on  the  fortunes  of  men 
so  differently  educated,  is  to  be  traced  in  the  manner  in  which  the 
executive  authority  just  alluded  to  has  been  too  often  wielded  ;  pre 
senting  on  one  side  exparte  decisions  that  have  been  more  character 
ised  by  precipitation  and  petulance,  than  by  dignity,  justice,  or  dis 
cretion  ;  and  on  the  other,  by  a  feebleness  that  has  too  often  shrunk 
from  sustaining  true  discipline,  by  refusing  to  confirm  the  decisions 
of  courts  that  have  deliberately  heard  and  dispassionately  sentenced. 

The  death  of  Commodore  Barry,*  the  resignations  of  Commodore 
Dale,t  and  Commodore  Truxtun,  with  the  dismissals  of  Commodore 

*  John  Barry  was  a  native  of  the  county  of  Wexford,  Ireland,  where  he  was  born  in 
1745.  He  came  to  America  a  youth,  having  adopted  the  life  of  a  seaman  as  a  profession. 
Circumstances  early  brought  him  into  notice,  and  he  was  one  of  the  first  officers  appoint 
ed  to  a  command  in  the  navy  of  the  united  colonies.  In  command  of  the  Lexington  14, 
he  took  the  Edward  tender,  after  a  smart  action,  in  1776.  In  1777,  he  performed  ahand- 
some  exploit  in  the  Delaware,  at  the  head  of  four  boats,  carrying  an  enemy's  man-of-war 
schooner  without  the  loss  of  a  man.  For  a  short  time,  he  also  served  with  the  army, 
during  the  eventful  campaign  in  New  Jersey,  In  1778,  he  made  a  most  gallant  resistance 
against  a  superior  force,  in  the  Raleiorh  32,  losing  his  ship,  but  saving  most  of  his  crew. 
In  1781,  in  the  Alliance  32,  he  look  the  Atalanta  and  Trepassy,  after  a  bloody  combat,  in 
which  he  was  severely  wounded.  In  1782,  he  fought  a  close  battle  with  an  English  ship 
in  the  "West  Indies,  being  driven  oft'by  a  superior  force  that  was  in  sight.  At  the  estab 
lishment  of  the  new  marine,  under  the  present  government  in  1794,  Captain  Barry  was 
named  the  senior  officer,  in  which  station  he  died. 

Commodore  Barry,  as  an  officer  and  a  man,  ranked  very  high.  His  affection  to  his 
adopted  country  was  never  doubted,  and  vos  put  to  the  proof,  as  the  British  government 
is  said  to  have  bid  high  to  detach  him  from  its  service,  during  the  Revolution.  He  died 
childless  and  greatly  respected,  September  18th,  1803,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  where 
he  had  made  his  home,  from  the  time  of  his  arrival  in  the  country,  and  where  he  had 
married. 

t  Richard  Dale  was  born  in  the  year  1757,  at  a  short  distance  from  Norfolk  in  the  col 
ony  of  Virginia.  He  went  to  sea  young,  and  was  mate  of  a  vessel  in  1775.  After  serv 
ing  a  short  lime  irregularly  Mr.  Dale  joined  the  United  States  brig  Lexington  in  July, 
1776,  as  a  midshipman.  When  the  Lexington  was  taken  by  the  Pearl,  Mr.  Dale  was  left 
in  the  brig,  and  he  was  active  in  her  recapture.  The  succeeding  year  he  sailed,  as  a  mas- 
ter's  mate,  in  the  Lexington  ;  was  in  her,  in  her  cruise  round  Ireland,  and  was  captured 
in  her  by  the  Alert,  after  a  long  action.  Mr.  Dale  escaped  from  Mill  prison  in  February, 


1804.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  217 

Morris,*  and  Captain  M'Niell,  reduced  the  list  of  captains  to  nine, 
the  number  named  in  the  reduction  law,  for  tha-t  act  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  rigidly  regarded  from  the  moment  of  its  passage.  After 
the  death  of  Commodore  Barry,  Commodore  S.  Nicholson  became 
the  senior  officer  of  the  service,  making  the  second  member  of  the 
same  family  who  had  filled  that  honourable  station. 

1778,  was  retaken  in  London,  and  sent  back  to  confinement.  For  an  entire  year  he 
remained  a  captive,  when  he  escaped  a  second  time, and  succeeded  in  reaching  France. 
Here  he  joined  the  celebrated  squadron  fitting  under  Paul  Jones,  an  officer  who  soon 
discovered  his  merit,  and  made  him  first  lieutenant  of  his  own  ship,  the  Bon  Homme 
Richard.  The  conduct  of  Mr.  Dale  in  that  capacity,  is  recorded  in  the  text.  After  the 
cruise  in  the  squadron  he  went  through  the  British  Channel  with  his  commander  in  the 
Alliance  32,  and  subsequently  came  to  America  with  him  in  the  Ariel  20,  in  1780.  Mr. 
Dale  was  not  yet  twenty-three  years  old,  and  he  appears  now  to  have  first  obtained  the 
commission  of  a  lieutenant  in  the  navy  from  the  government  at  home,  that  under  which 
he  had  previously  acted  having  been  issued  in  Europe. 

Mr.  Dale  does  not  appear  to  have  served  any  more,  in  public  vessels,  during  the  war 
of  the  Revolution,  but  in  1794,  he  was  commissioned  as  the  fourth  captain,  in  the  present 
marine.  Captain  Dale  commanded  the  Ganges  20,  the  first  vessel  that  -went  to  sea  un 
der  the  new  organisation.  He  continued  but  a  short  time  in  this  ship,  getting  a  furlough 
in  1799,  to  make  an  East  India  voyage.  In  1801,  he  made  the  cruise  in  the  Mediterrane 
an  which  has  been  related  in  the  body  of  this  work,  as  commander  of  the  squadron,  and 
the  following  year  he  resigned. 

Few  men  passed  youths  more  chequered  with  stirring  incidents  than  Commodore 
Dale,  and  few  men  spent  the  evening  of  their  days  more  tranquilly.  On  quitting  the 
navy,  he  remained  in  Philadelphia,  in  the  enjoyment  of  a  spotless  name,  a  competency, 
and  a  tranquil  mind,  up  to  the  hour  of  his  death,  which  event  occurred  February  24th, 
1826,  in  the  69th  year  of  his  age. 

Commodore  Dale  had  the  reputation  of  being  both  a  good  officer  and  a  good  seaman. 
He  was  cool,  brave,  modest,  and  just.  Notwithstanding  his  short  service  in  the  present 
marine,  he  has  left  behind  him  a  character  that  all  respected,  while  none  envy. 

*  Richard  Valentine  Morris  belonged  to  one  of  the  historical  families  of  the  country, 
•which  ha«  been  seated  a  century  and  a  half  at  Morrissania,  in  "West  Chester  county,  New 
York.  He  was  the  youngest  son  of  Lewis  Morris,  of  Morrissania,  who  was  one  of  the 
signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  he  early  adopted  the  sea  as  a  profession. 
Without  having  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  much  service,  the  great  influence  and  fair 


pretensions  of  his  family,  caused  him  to  be  appointed  to  the  station  of  the  ninth  captain 
in  the  new  navy,  his  commission  haA ' 


iving  been  dated  June  7th,  1798.     Captain  Morris  was 

probably  the  youngest  man,  among  those  originally  named  to  the  rank  he  held,  but  he 
acquitted  himself  with  credit,  in  the  command  of  the  Adams  28,  during  the  war  with 
France.  At  the  reduction  of  the  navy,  in  1801,  Captain  Morris  was  retained  as  the  fifth 
in  rank,  and  his  selection  to  command  the  Mediterranean  squadron  was  due  to  his  place 
on  the  list ;  the  age  and  state  of  health  of  the  few  officers  above  him,  rendering  them  in 
disposed  to  actual  service  of  the  nature  on  which  he  was  sent. 

The  fault  of  Commodore  Morris  in  managing  the  force  entrusted  to  him,  was  merely 
one  of  judgment,  for  neither  his  zeal  nor  his  courage  was  ever  questioned.  Had  he  been 
regularly  tried  by  a  court-martial,  a  reprimand,  in  all  probability,  would  have  been  the 
extent  of  the  punishment ;  and  it  is  due  to  his  character,  to  add,  that  his  dismissal  from 
the  navy  has  usually  been  deemed  a  high-handed  political  measure,  rather  than  a  mili 
tary  condemnation.  He  lived  respected,  and  died  in  his  original  position  in  life,  while 
attending  the  legislature  at  Albany,  in  1814.  He  was  considered  a  good  officer,  in  gen 
eral,  and  was  a  seaman  of  very  fair  pretensions. 


218  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1803 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Four  small  cruisers  built — Mediterranean  squadron,  under  Com.  Preble— -Capt.  Bain- 
bridge  takes  the  Barbary  crniser,  Meshboha — afterwards  re-takes  her  prize  the  Celia 
of  Boston — Difficulties  with  Morocco  settled — Remarks  on  the  appointment  of  Com. 
Preble — Anecdote  respecting  him. 

THE  government  soon  became  aware  of  the  necessity  of  possess 
ing  some  light  cruisers,  which  to  a  marine,  are  what  the  eyes  and 
nerves  are  to  men.  Without  vessels  of  this  character,  a  commander 
could  never  conduct  a  vigorous  blockade,  like  that  required  before 
Tripoli,  in  particular  ;  and  a  law  passed  February,  1803,  authorising 
the  construction  of  two  brigs  arid  two  schooners.  In  the  course  of 
the  spring  of  that  ^ear,  these  vessels  were  built,  and  the  navy  received 
an  addition  to  its  list,  of  the  Argus  16,  Siren  16,  Nautilus  12,  and 
Vixen  12.  The  two  former  were  beautiful  and  very  efficient  brigs, 
mounting  16  twenty-four-pound  carronades,  and  2  long  twelves  ; 
and  the  two  latter  were  schooners,  carrying  12  eighteen-pound  car 
ronades,  and  2  light  long  guns,  each.  They  were  all  finely  mod 
elled  and  serviceable  vessels  of  their  size,  and  are  intimately  associated 
with  the  earlier  traditions  of  the  navy.  There  was  a  singular  con 
formity  in  their  fates,  also,  the  whole. four  in  the  end,  falling  into  the 
hands  of  their  enemies. 

When  Commodore  Morris  was  recalled,  the  necessity  of  sending 
out  a  new  squadron  was  foreseen,  the  time  of  the  crews  belonging  to 
the  ships  left  under  the  orders  of  Commodore  Rodgers  being  so 
nearly  up.  Indeed  the  latter  officer,  when  he  hoisted  his  broad 
pennant,  was  notified  that  a  successor  must  necessarily  soon  arrive. 
The  new  squadron  was  so  differently  organised  from  the  two  which 
had  preceded  it,  as  to  leave  little  doubt  that  the  administration  had 
discovered  the  error  which  had  been  made  in  sending  so  many  light 
frigates  on  this  service  ;  vessels  that  were  nearly  useless  in  a  bom 
bardment,  while  they  could  not  command  the  shores,  and  that  had 
no  other  quality  particularly  suited  to  the  warfare  in  which  they  were 
engaged,  than  a  fitness  to  convoy.  For  the  latter  employment,  even, 
the  same  force  distributed  in  twice  the  number  of  vessels,  would  have 
been  much  more  efficient  and  safe. 

The  ships  now  selected  to  carry  on  the  war  against  Tripoli,  were 
of  an  entirely  different  description.  They  consisted  of  the  Constitu 
tion  44,  Philadelphia  38,  Argus  16,  Siren  16,  Nautilus  12,  Vixen 
12,  and  Enterprise  12.  The  latter  was  already  on  the  station,  and  it 
was  intended  to  keep  her  there,  by  sending  out  men  to  supply  the 
places  of  those  who  declined  to  enter  anew.  As  usual,  these  vessels 
sailed  as  they  were  ready  ;  the  Nautilus  12,  Lieutenant  Commandant 
Somers,  being  the  first  that  got  to  sea.  This  schooner  reached 
Gibraltar  on  the  27th  of  July,  1803.  She  was  soon  followed  by  the 
Philadelphia  38,  Captain  Bainbridge,  which  anchored  at  the  same 
place,  August  24th.  The  Constitution  44,bearing  the  broad  pennant 


1803.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  219 

of  Commodore  Preble,  who  had  been  chosen  to  command  the  squad 
ron,  arrived  September  12th  ;  the  Vixen  12,  Lieutenant  Command 
ant  Smith,  September  14th  ;  the  Siren  16,  Lieutenant  Command 
ant  Stewart,  October  1st,  and  the  Argus  16,  Lieutenant  Command 
ant  Decatur,  November  1st.  When  the  last  fell  in  with  the  Enterprise, 
Mr.  Decatur  took  command  of  that  schooner,  giving  up  the  brig,  by 
arrangement,  to  Mr.  Hull,  who  was  his  senior  officer. 

The  Philadelphia  barely  touched  at  Gibraltar,  but  hearing  that 
two  Tripolitans  were  cruising  off  Cape  de  Gatt,  Captain  Bainbridge 
proceeded,  without  dely,  in  quest  of  them.  On  the  night  of  the  26th 
of  August,  blowing  fresh,  two  sail  were  made  from  the  Philadelphia, 
under  Cape  de  Gatt ;  the  largest  of  which,  a  ship,  was  carrying  noth 
ing  but  a  fore  course.  On  running  alongside  this  vessel,  and  hailing, 
with  a  good  deal  of  difficulty,  Captain  Bainbridge  learned  that  the 
stranger  was  a  Barbary  cruiser.  Further  examination  discovered 
that  this  vessel  belonged  to  the  Emperor  of  Morocco,  and  that  she 
was  the  Meshboha  22,  commanded  by  Ibrahim  Lubarez,  and  had  a 
crew  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  men. 

The  Moors  were  made  to  believe  that  the  Philadelphia  was  an 
English  frigate,  and  they  admitted  that  the  brig  in  company  was  an 
American.  The  suspicions  of  Captain  Bainbridge  were  now  awak 
ened,  for  he  could  not  well  account  for  the  brig  being  under  so  little 
sail,  and  he  sent  Mr.  Cox,  his  first  lieutenant,  on  board  the  Moor,  to 
ascertain  if  there  were  any  prisoners  in  his  ship.  When  the  boat, 
with  the  ordinary  unarmed  crew,  reached  the  Meshboha,  the  Moors 
refused  to  let  the  officer  come  over  the  side.  Captain  Bainbridge 
now  directed  an  armed  force  to  go  into  the  boat,  when  Mr.  Cox  suc 
ceeded  in  executing  his  orders,  without  further  opposition. 

Below  deck,  the  boarding  officer  found  the  master  and  crew  of  the 
brig  in  company,  which  was  ascertained  to  be  the  Celia  of  Boston, 
a  pri/e  to  the  Meshboha.  The  brig  had  been  captured  near  Malaga, 
nine  days  before ;  and  there  was  no  doubt  that  the  Moors  were 
waiting  for  other  vessels,  Cape  de  Gatt  being  a  headland  commonly 
made  by  every  thing  that  keeps  the  north  shore  of  the  Mediterranean 
aboard. 

Captain  Bainbridge  on  receiving  this  intelligence,  did  not  hesitate 
about  taking  possession  of  the  Meshboha.  Her  people  could  not  all 
be  removed  until  near  daylight ;  and  during  the  time  that  was  occu 
pied  in  transferring  them  to  the  frigate,  the  brig  had  disappeared.  On 
the  afternoon  of  the  27th,  however,  she  was  seen  doubling  the  cape, 
coming  from  the  eastward,  and  hugging  the  land,  while  she  steered 
in  the  direction  of  Almeria,  probably  with  the  hope  of  getting  to  the 
westward  of  the  ships,  in  order  to  run  to  Tangiers.  Owing  to  light 
winds,  it  was  midnight  before  she  could  be  re-taken. 

It  was  now  all  important  to  discover  on  what  authority  this  capture 
had  been  made.  The  Moorish  commander,  at  first,  stated  that  he 
had  taken  the  Celia,  in  anticipation  of  a  war,  a  serious  misunder 
standing  existing  between  the  Emperor  and  the  American  consul, 
when  he  left  port.  This  story  seemed  so  improbable  that  it  was  not 
believed,  and  Captain  Bainbridge  could  only  get  at  the  truth  by 


220  NAVAL   HISTORY.  [1803. 

threatening  to  execute  his  prisoner  as  a  pirate,  unless  he  showed  his 
commission.  This  menace  prevailed,  and  Ibrahim  Lubarcz  pre 
sented  an  order  from  the  Governor  of  Tangiers,  to  capture  all  Amer 
icans  that  he  might  fall  in  with. 

The  Philadelphia  returned  to  Gibraltar  with  her  prizes,  and  leav 
ing  the  latter,  she  went  off  Cape  St.  Vincent,  in  quest  of  a  Moorish 
frigate  that  was  said  to  be  cruising  there.  Not  succeeding  in  finding 
the  Moor,  Captain  Bainbridge  ran  through  the  straits  again,  and 
went  aloft.  While  at  Gibraltar,  Mr.  David  Porter  joined  him  as  first 
lieutenant.* 

Shortly  after  the  Philadelphia  had  gone  to  her  station  off  Tripoli, 
the  New  York  36,  Commodore  Rodgers,  and  the  John  Adams  28, 
Captain  Campbell,  reached  Gibraltar,  in  the  expectation  of  meeting 
the  new  flag-ship.  In  a  day  or  two  the  Constitution  came  in,  as  did 
the  Nautilus,  which  had  been  giving  convoy  up  the  Mediterranean. 
As  soon  as  Commodore  Preble  was  apprised  of  the  facts  connected 
with  the  capture  of  the  Meshboha,  he  saw  the  necessity  of  disposing 
of  the  question  with  Morocco,  before  he  left  the  entrance  of  the  Med 
iterranean  again  open,  by  going  off  Tripoli.  Commodore  Rodgers 
was  the  senior  officer,  and  his  authority  in  those  seas  had  properly 
ceased,  but,  in  the  handsomest  manner,  he  consented  to  accompany 
Commodore  Preble  to  Tangiers,  leaving  the  latter  his  power  to  act, 
as  negotiator  and  commander-in-chief.  Accordingly  the  Constitution 
44,  New  York  36,  John  Adams  28,  and  Nautilus  12,  went  into  the 
Bay  of  Tangiers,  October  the  6th,  1803.  Commodore  Preble,  on 
this  occasion,  discovered  that  promptitude,  spirit  and  discretion, 
which  were  afterwards  so  conspicuous  in  his  character  ;  and  after  a 
short  negotiation,  the  relations  of  the  two  countries  were  placed  on 
their  former  amicable  footing.  The  commodore  had  an  interview 
with  the  Emperor,  which  terminated  in  the  happiest  results.  On  the 
part  of  Morocco,  the  act  of  the  Governor  of  Tangiers  was  disavowed; 
an  American  vessel  that  had  been  detained  at  Mogadore,  was 
released ;  and  the  Emperor  affixed  his  seal  anew  to  the  treaty  of 
1786.  The  commodore  then  gave  up  the  Meshboha,  and  it  was  also 
agreed  to  return  the  Meshouda,  the  ship  taken  by  the  John  Adams. 
Congress,  in  the  end,  however,  appropriated  an  equivalent  to  the 
captors  of  those  two  vessels,  in  lieu  of  prize-money. 

As  soon  as  the  difficulties  with  Morocco  were  settled,  Commodore 
Rodgers  sailed  for  America;  and  Commodore  Preble  devoted  him 
self  with  energy  and  prudence  in  making  his  preparations  to  bring 
Tripoli  to  terms.  The  latter  had  an  arduous  task  before  him;  and 
its  difficulties  were  increased  by  the  circumstance  that  lie  was  per 
sonally  known  to  scarcely  an  officer  under  his  command.  During 
the  war  with  France,  the  ships  had  been  principally  officered  from 
the  states  in  which  they  had  been  built,  and  Captain  Preble,  a  citizen 
of  New  Hampshire,  had  hitherto  commanded  vessels  under  these 
circumstances.  He  had  sailed  for  the  East  Indies  in  1800,  in  the 
Essex  32,  and  had  been  much  removed  from  the  rest  of  the  navy,  in 

"While  the  ship  lay  at  Gibraltar,  tliroo  broad  pennants  were  flying  on  board  them, 
that  of  Commodore  Preble,  that  of  Commodore  Morris,  and  that  of  Commodore  Rodgers. 


1803.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  221 

the  course  of  his  service.  By  one  of  those  accidents  that  so  often  in 
fluence  the  affairs  of  life,  all  the  commanders  placed  under  the  orders 
of  Commodore  Preble,  with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Hull,  came  from 
the  middle  or  the  southern  states ;  and  it  is  believed  that  most  of  them 
had  never  even  seen  their  present  commander,  until  they  went  in 
person  to  report  themselves  and  their  vessels.  This  was  not  only 
true  of  the  commanders,  but  a  large  portion  of  the  subordinate  officers, 
also,  were  in  the  same  situation;  even  most  of  those  in  the  Consti 
tution  herself,  having  been  personally  strangers  to  the  commander 
of  the  squadron.*  The  period  was  now  approaching  when  the  force 
about  to  be  employed  before  Tripoli,  was  to  assemble,  and  a  service 
was  in  perspective  that  promised  to  let  the  whole  squadron  into  the 
secret  of  its  commander's  character.  Previously  to  relating  the 
events  that  then  occurred,  however,  it  will  be  necessary  to  return  to 
the  movements  of  the  Philadelphia  38,  Captain  Bainbridge. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

Blockade  of  Tripoli  resumed — Loss  of  the  Philadelphia  on  a  reef— Captain  Bainbridge 
and  all  his  crew  made  prisoners— List  of  the  officers'  names — Humane  conduct  of  Mr. 
Nissen,  the  Danish  consul — The  Philadelphia  is  got  off  by  the  enemy — her  guns  and 
anchors  -weighed — Capture  of  the  ketch  Mastico,  by  Lieut.  Comdt.  Decatur — His 
unsuccessful  attempt  to  destroy  the  Philadelphia — His  second  attempt — Mr.  Charles 
Morris  is  the  first  on  her  deck — She  is  recaptured  and  burnt — Lieut.  Comdt.  Decatur 
is  raised  to  the  rank  of  Captain. 

IT  has  been  seen  that  the  Philadelphia  captured  the  Meshboha,  on 
the  night  of  the  26th  of  August,  1803.  The  return  to  Gibraltar,  the 
run  off  Cape  Vincent,  and  the  passage  up  the  Mediterranean  brought 
it  late  in  the  season,  before  that  ship  could  reach  her  station.  Here 
the  Vixen  12,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Smith,  which  schooner  had 
arrived  at  Gibraltar  about  the  middle  of  September,  appeared  also, 

*  Commodore  Preble  was  a  man  of  high  temper,  and  a  rigid  disciplinarian.  At  first 
he  was  disliked  in  his  own  ship  ;  the  younger  officers  in  particular,  feeling  the  effect  of 
his  discipline  without  having  yet  learned  to  respect,  the  high  professional  qualities  for 
which  he  afterwards  became  so  distinguished.  One  night  while  the  Constitution  was 
near  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  she  suddenly  found  herself  alongside  a  large  ship.  Some 
hailing  passed,  without  either  party's  giving  an  answer.  Commodore  Preble  now  hailed 
himself,  saying,  "  I  now  hail  you  for  the  last  time  ;  if  you  do  not  answer,  I'll  fire  a  shot 
into  you!"  "If  you  fire,  I'll  return  a  broadside,"  was  the  reply.  "I  should  like  to 
catch  you  at  that !  I  now  hail  for  an  answer— what  ship  is  that '?"  "  This  is  H.  B.  M. 
S.  Donegal  84,  Sir  Richnrd  Strachan,  an  English  commodore.  Send  a  boat  on  board." 
To  which  Preble  answered,  "  This  is  the  U.  S.  S.  Constitution  44,  Edward  Preble,  an 
American  commodore,  and  1 11  be  d — d  if  I  send  a  boat  on  board  any  ship.  Blow  your 
matches,  boys!"  After  a  short  pause,  Preble  next  told  the  stranger  he  doubted  his 
statement,  and  should  lie  by  him,  until  morning,  in  order  to  ascertain  his  real  character. 
He  was  as  good  as  hid  word,  but  in  a  short  time  a  boat  came  from  the  other  vessel  to  ex 
plain.  It  was  the  English  frigate,  Maidstone,  and  the  Constitution  had  got  so  suddenly 
and  unexpectedly  alongside  of  her,  that  the  hesitation  about  answering,  and  the  fictitious 
name,  proceeded  from  a  desire  to  gain  time,  in  order  to  clear  the  ship,  and  to  get  to 
quarters.  The  spirit  of  Commodore  Preble  on  this  occaion,  produced  a  very  favourable 
impression  in  his  own  ship;  the  young  men  pithily  remarking,  that  if  he  was  wrong  in 
his  temper,  be  was  right  in  his  heart. 


222  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1803. 

and  the  blockade  was  resumed  by  these  two  vessels,  the  Enterprise 
having  gone  below.  Unfortunately,  soon  after  his  arrival,  Captain 
Bainbridge  sent  the  schooner  in  quest  of  a  Tripolitan  cruiser,  that  he 
learned  from  the  master  of  a  neutral  had  got  to  sea  a  short  time  pre 
viously.  This  left  the  frigate  alone,  to  perform  a  very  delicate  ser 
vice,  the  blockading  vessels  being  constantly  compelled  to  chase 
in-shore. 

Towards  the  last  of  the  month  of  October,  the  wind,  which  had 
been  strong  from  the  westward,  for  some  time  previously,  drove  the 
Philadelphia  a  considerable  distance  to  the  eastward  of  the  town, 
and  on  Monday,  October  the  31st,  as  she  was  running  down  to  her 
station  again,  with  a  fair  breeze,  about  nine  in  the  morning,  a  vessel 
was  seen  in-shore  and  to  windward,  standing  for  Tripoli.  Sail  was 
made  to  cut  her  off.  Believing  himself  to  be  within  long  gun-shot  a 
little  before  eleven,  arid  seeing  no  other  chance  of  overtaking  the 
stranger  in  the  short  distance  that  remained,  Captain  Bainbridge 
opened  a  fire,  in  the  hope  of  cutting  something  away.  For  near  an 
hour  longer,  the  chase  and  the  fire  were  continued;  the  lead,  which 
was  constantly  kept  going,  giving  from  seven  to  ten  fathoms,  and  the 
ship  hauling  up  and  keeping  away,  as  the  water  shoaled  or  deepened. 
At  half  past  eleven,  Tripoli  then  being  in  plain  sight,  distant  a  little 
more  than  a  league,  satisfied  that  he  could  neither  overtake  the  chase, 
nor  force  her  ashore,  Captain  Bainbridge  ordered  the  helm  a-port,  to 
haul  directly  off  the  land  into  deep  water.  The  next  cast  of  the 
lead,  when  this  order  was  executed,  gave  but  eight  fathoms,  and  this 
was  immediately  followed  by  casts  that  gave  seven,  and  six  and  a 
half.  At  this  momment,  the  wind  was  nearly  abeam,  and  the  ship 
had  eight  knots  way  on  her.  When  the  cry  of  "  half-six"  was  heard, 
the  healm  was  put  hard  down,  and  the  yards  were  ordered  to  be 
braced  sharp  up.  While  the  ship  was  coming  up  fast  to  the  wind, 
and  before  she  had  lost  any  of  her  way,  she  struck  a  reef  forwards, 
and  shot  up  on  it,  until  she  lifted  between  five  and  six  feet. 

This  was  an  appalling  accident  to  occur  on  the  coast  of  such  an 
enemy,  at  that  season  of  the  year,  and  with  no  other  cruiser  near  !  It 
was  first  attempted  to  force  the  vessel  ahead,  under  the  impression 
that  the  best  water  was  to  sea-ward;  but  on  sounding  around  the  ship, 
it  was  found  that  she  had  run  up  with  such  force,  as  to  lie  nearly 
cradled  on  the  rocks,  there  being  only  14  feet  of  water  under  the 
fore  chains,  while  the  ship  drew^  before  striking,  18 J  feet  forward. 
Astern  there  were  not  18  feet  of  water,  instead  of  20J,  which  the 
frigate  needed.  Such  an  accident  could  only  have  occurred  by  the 
vessel's  hitting  the  reef  at  a  spot  where  it  sloped  gradually,  and  where, 
most  probably  the  constant  washing  of  the  element,  had  rendered  the 
surface  smooth;  and  by  her  going  up,  on  the  top  of  one  of  those 
long,  heavy,  but  nearly  imperceptible  swells,  that  are  always  agi 
tating  the  bosom  of  the  ocean. 

The  vessel  of  which  the  Philadelphia  had  been  in  chase  was  a  large 
xebeck,  and  her  commander,  acquainted  with  the  coast,  stood  on, 
inside  of  the  reef,  doubled  the  edge  of  the  shoal,  and  reached  Tripoli 
in  safety.  The  firing,  however,  had  brought  out  nine  gun-boats, 


1803.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  223 


which  now  appeared,  turning  to  windward.  Not  a  moment  was  to 
be  lost,  as  it  would  shortly  be  in  the  power  of  these  vessels  to  assail 
the  frigate,  almost  with  impunity.  Finding,  on  further  examination, 
deep  water  astern,  the  yards  were  next  braced  aback,  and  the  guns 
were  run  aft,  in  the  equally  vain  hope  of  forcing  the  ship  astern,  or  to 
make  her  slide  off  the  sloping  rocks  on  which  she  had  run  so  hard. 
It  was  some  time,  before  this  project  was  abandoned,  as  it  was  the 
most  practicable  means  of  getting  afloat. 

On  a  consultation  with  his  officers,  Captain  Bainbridge  next  gave 
orders  to  throw  overboard  the  guns,  reserving  a  few  aft,  for  defence; 
the  anchors,  with  the  exception  of  the  larboard  bower,  were  cut  from 
the  bows.  Before  this  could  be  effected  the  enemy  came  within  gun 
shot,  and  opened  his  fire.  Fortunately,  the  Tripolitans  were  igno 
rant  of  the  desperate  condition  of  the  Philadelphia,  and  were  kept  a* 
a  respectful  distance,  by  the  few  guns  that  remained  ;  else  they  miglr 
have  destroyed  most  of  their  crew,  it  being  certain  that  the  colour" 
would  not  be  struck,  so  long  as  there  was  any  hope  of  getting  the  ship 
afloat.  The  cannonade,  which  was  distant  and  inefficient,  and  the 
business  of  lightening  the  frigate  went  on  at  the  same  time,  and  oc 
cupied  several  hours. 

The  enemy  finally  became  so  bold,  that  they  crossed  the  stern  of 
the  frigate,  where  alone  they  were  at  all  exposed  to  her  fire,  and  took 
a  position  on  her  starboard,  or  weather  quarter.  Here  it  was  im 
possible  to  touch  them,  the  ship  having  heeled  to  port,  in  away  to 
render  it  impracticable  to  bring  a  single  gun  to  bear,  or,  indeed,  to 
use  one  at  all,  on  that  side. 

Captain  Bainbridge  now  called  another  council  of  his  officers,  and 
it  was  determined  to  make  a  last  effort  to  get  the  vessel  off.  The 
water  casks,  in  the  hold,  were  started,  and  the  water  was  pumped 
out.  All  the  heavy  articles  that  could  be  got  at,  were  thrown  over 
board,  and  finally  the  fore-mast  was  cut  away,  bringing  down  with  it 
the  main-top-gallant-mast.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  the  vessel  re 
mained  as  immovable  as  the  rocks  on  which  she  lay. 

The  gun-boats  were  growing  bolder  every  minute,  others  were  ap 
proaching,  and  night  was  at  hand.  Captain  Bainbridge,  after  con 
sulting  again  with  his  officers,  felt  it  to  be  an  imperious  duty  to  haul 
down  his  flag,  to  save  the  lives  of  the  people.  Before  this  was  done, 
however,  the  magazine  was  drowned,  holes  were  bored  in  the  ship's 
bottom,  the  pumps  were  choked,  and  every  thing  was  performed  that 
it  was  thought  would  make  sure  of  the  final  loss  of  the  vessel.  About 
five  o'clock  the  colours  were  lowered. 

It  is  a  curious  circumstance  that  this  was  the  second  instance  in 
which  an  American  vessel  of  war  had  been  compelled  to  haul  down 
her  flag,  since  the  formation  of  the  new  marine,  and  that  in  each  case 
the  same  officer  commanded.  After  the  accounts  given  in  this  work, 
it  is  unnecessary  to  add  that  on  both  occasions  an  imperious  neces 
sity  produced  this  singular  coincidence. 

The  ship  had  no  sooner  struck  than  the  gun-boats  ran  down  along 
side  of  her,  and  took  possession.  The  barbarians  rushed  into  the 
vessel  and  began  to  plunder  their  captives.  Not  only  were  the 


224  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1803. 

clothes  which  the  Americans  had  collected  in  their  bags  and  in  bun 
dles,  taken  from  them,  but  many  officers  and  men  were  stripped  half 
naked.  They  were  hurried  into  boats,  and  sent  to  Tripoli,  and 
even  on  the  passage  the  business  of  plundering  went  on.  The 
officers  were  respected  little  more  than  the  common  men,  and,  while 
in  the  boat,  Captain  Bainbridjje  himself,  was  robbed  of  his  epaulets, 
gloves,  watch,  and  money.  His  cravat  was  even  torn  from  his  neck. 
He  wore  a  miniature  of  his  wife,  and  of  this  the  Tripolitans  endeav 
oured  to  deprive  him  also,  but,  a  youthful  and  attached  husband,  he 
resisted  so  seriously  that  the  attempt  was  relinquished. 

It  was  near  10  o'clock  at  night,  when  the  boats  reached  the  town. 
The  prisoners  were  landed  in  a  body,  near  the  bashaw's  palace,  and 
they  were  conducted  to  his  presence.  The  prince  received  his  cap 
tives  in  an  audience  hall,  seated  in  a  chair  of  state,  and  surrounded 
by  his  ministers.  Here  Captain  Bainbridge  was  formally  presented 
to  him,  as  his  prisoner,  when  the  bashaw  himself,  directed  all  the 
officers  to  be  seated.  The  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  Mohammed 
D'Ghies,  spoke  French,  and  through  him,  the  bashaw  held  a  conver 
sation  of  some  length  witli  Captain  Bainbridge.  The  latter  was 
asked  many  questions  concerning  the  Philadelphia,  the  force  of  the 
Americans  in  the  Mediterranean,  and  he  was  civilly  consoled  for 
his  captivity,  by  being  reminded  that  it  was  merely  the  fortune  of  war. 

When  the  conversation  had  ended,  the  officers  were  conducted  to 
another  apartment,  where  a  supper  had  been  provided,  and  as  soon 
as  this  meal  had  been  taken  by  those  who  had  the  hearts  to  eat,  they 
were  lead  back  to  the  audience  hall,  and  paid  their  parting  compli 
ments  to  the  bashaw.  Here  the  captives  were  informed  that  they 
were  put  under  the  special  charge  of  Sidi  Mohammed  D'Ghies,  who 
conducted  them  to  the  house  that  had  lately  been  the  American 
consulate.  The  building  was  spacious  and  commodious,  but  almost 
destitute  of  furniture.  It  was  one  o'clock  in  the  morning,  but  at  that 
late  hour  even,  appeared  Mr.  Nissen,  the  Danish  consul,  bringing 
with  him  the  consolations  of  sympathy  and  hope.  This  benevolent 
man,  was  introduced  to  Captain  Bainbridge,  by  Mohammed  D'Ghies, 
as  his  personal  friend,  and  as  one  on  whose  honour,  humanity  and 
good  faith,  full  reliance  might  be  placed.  Mohammed  D'Ghies, 
himself,  was  known  by  reputation  to  Captain  Bainbridge,  and  he 
had  shown  delicacy  and  feeling  in  the  exercise  of  his  trust.  His 
recommendation,  which  was  pointedlv  significant,  coupled  with  the 
manner  of  Mr.  Nissen,  excited  a  confidence  that  in  the  end  proved  to 
be  most  worthily  bestowed.  Every  thing  that  could  be  devised  at. 
that  unseasonable  hour,  was  done  by  Mr.  Nissen.  This  was  but  the 
commencement  of  a  series  of  indefatigable  and  unwearying  kindness 
that  endured  to  the  last  moment  of  the  captivity  of  the  Americans. 

The  misfortunes  that  befell  the  Philadelphia,  made  a  material  dif 
ference  in  the  state  of  the  war.  Until  this  moment,  the  bashaw  had 
received  but  little  to  compensate  him  for  the  inconvenience  to  which 
he  was  put  by  the  blockade,  and  for  the  loss  of  his  different  cruisers. 
His  corsairs  had  captured  but  very  few  merchant  vessels,  and  they 
ran  the  greatest  risks,  whenever  they  appeared  out  of  their  own  ports. 


1803.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  225 

As  yet,  it  is  true,  nothing  had  been  attempted  against  his  town,  but 
he  knew  it  was  at  any  time  liable  to  a  bombardment.  It  was  thought, 
therefore,  that  he  was  not  indisposed  to  peace  when  accident  threw 
the  crew  of  the  Philadelphia  so  unexpectedly  into  his  power. 

The  bashaw,  however,  had  now  a  hold  upon  his  enemy,  that, 
agreeably  to  the  usages  of  Barbary,  enabled  him  to  take  much  higher 
ground  in  proposing  his  terms.  In  his  previous  negotiations,  he  had 
asked  a  large  sum  as  the  price  of  the  few  captives  he  then  held,  but 
the  demand  had  been  rejected  as  unreasonable  and  exorbitant.  On 
board  the  Philadelphia  were  three  hundred  and  fifteen  souls,  and 
among  them  were  no  less  than  twenty-two  quarter-deck  officers,* 
gentlemen  in  whose  fortunes  the  bashaw  well  knew  there  would  be  a 
lively  interest  felt,  to  say  nothing  of  the  concern  that  a  government 
like  that  of  America  was  expected  to  manifest  for  the  fate  of  its  sea 
men.  Under  these  circumstances,  therefore,  the  divan  of  Tripoli 
felt  strongly  encouraged  to  continue  the  war,  in  the  hope  of  receiving 
a  high  ransom  for  the  prisoners,  and  in  the  expectation  of  holding  a 
check  on  the  measures  of  its  enemy,  by  its  means  of  retaliation. 

The  Philadelphia  ran  on  a  reef  on  the  31st  of  October,  and  her 
people  were  landed  during  the  night  of  the  same  day.  The  Tripoli- 
tans  set  about  their  arrangements  to  get  the  ship  off,  next  morning, 
and  as  they  were  near  their  own  port,  had  so  many  gun-boats  and 
galleys  at  their  disposal,  and  were  unmolested  by  any  cruiser,  it  was 
announced  to  the  bashaw  that  there  were  hopes  of  saving  the  frigate. 
In  the  course  of  the  2d  of  November,  it  came  on  to  blow  fresh  from 
the  northwest,  and  the  wind  forcing  the  water  up  on  the  African  coast, 
while  it  bore  on  the  larboard  quarter  of  the  ship,  her  stern  was  driven 
round,  and  she  floated,  in  part,  though  she  continued  to  thump,  a» 
the  seas  left  her.  Anchors  were  now  carried  out,  all  the  disposable 
force  of  the  town  was  applied,  and  on  the  5th  November,  the  Phila 
delphia  was  got  into  deep  water.  The  same  day,  she  was  brought 
within  two  miles  of  the  city,  where  she  was  compelled  to  anchor,  on 
account  of  the  state  of  the  weather.  Here  she  was  kept  afloat  by 
means  of  pumping,  while  men  were  employed  in  stopping  the  leaks. 
The  business  of  scuttling  appears  to  have  been  but  imperfectly  per 
formed,  a  few  holes  having  been  merely  bored  in  the  bottom  of  the 
ship,  instead  of  cutting  through  the  planks,  as  had  been  ordered. 
The  weather  continuing  remarkably  fine,  the  Turks  finally  suc 
ceeded  in  not  only  getting  the  frigate  into  port,  but  in  weighing  all 
her  guns  and  anchors,  which  lay  in  shallow  water  on  the  reef,  as  well 
as  in  getting  up  nearly  every  thing  else  that  had  been  thrown  over 
board.  The  ship  was  partially  repaired,  her  guns  were  remounted, 

*  William  Bainbridge,  Captain;  David  Porter,  first  lieutenant;  Jacob  Jones,  second 
do. ;  Theodore'  Hunt,  third  do.  ;  Benjamin  Smith,  fourth  do.;  William  Osborn,  lieutenant 
of  marines  ;  John  Ridgely,  surgeon  ;  J.  Cowdery,  do.  mate  ;  Nicholas  Harwood,  do.  do. ; 
Keith  Spence,  purser;  and  Barnard  Henry,  James  Gibbon,  Benjamin  Franklin  Reed, 
James  Fu  n^haw,  Wallace  Wormley, Robert  Gamble,  James  Biddle,  Richard  R.  Jones, 
Daniel  T.  Patterson,  Simon  Smith,  and  William  Cutbush,  midshipmen  ;  William  An 
derson,  captain's  clerk.  Of  these  gentlemen,  Messrs.  J.  Jones,  Renshaw,  and  Biddle, 
are  still  in  service,  and  have  all  worn  broad  pennants.  Dr.  Cowdery  is  the  oldest  sar 
geon  now  in  the  navy. 

VOL.    J.  15 


226  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1803. 

and  she  was  moored  off  the  town,  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the 
bashaw's  castle. 

Leaving  Captain  Bainbridge,  and  his  fellow-sufferers,  to  endure 
the  privations  and  hardships  of  a  captivity  in  Barbary,  it  is  now 
necessary  to  return  to  the  other  vessels  of  the  American  squadron,  to 
do  which  we  must  go  back  a  few  days  in  the  order  of  time. 

Commodore  Preble,  on  his  return  from  Tangiers  to  Gibraltar,  on 
the  15th  of  October,  went  round  to  Cadiz ;  soon  after,  he  re-appeared 
at  the  former  place,  made  a  formal  announcement  of  the  blockade 
of  Tripoli,  on  the  12th  of  November,  on  which  day  the  ship  he  be 
lieved  to  be  in  the  active  execution  of  that  duty,  was  in  the  possession 
of  the  enemy,  and  on  the  13th  he  sailed  for  Algiers.  After  landing 
a  consul  at  the  latter  place,  he  proceeded  to  Malta,  off  which  port  he 
arrived  on  the  27th  of  November.  Here  he  was  met  by  letters  from 
Captain  Bainbridge,  and  he  obtained  a  confirmation  of  the  loss  of 
the  Philadelphia,  a  rumour  of  which  event  had  reached  him  lower 
down  the  coast.  The  Constitution  sailed  immediately  for  Syracuse, 
and  got  in  next  day. 

On  the  17th  of  December,  1803,  Commodore  Preble,  after  making 
his  preparations  and  disposing  of  his  force  in  different  ways,  sailed 
for  Tripoli,  with  the  Enterprise  in  company,  off  which  place  he  now 
appeared  for  the  firsttime.  The  23d  of  the  month,  the  Enterprise  12, 
Lieutenant CommandantDecatur,  fell  in  with  and  captured  a  ketch, 
called  the  Mastico,  with  seventy  souls  on  board.  The  Mastico  had 
been  a  French  gun-vessel  in  Egypt,  that  had  been  taken  by  the 
English  and  had  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Tripolitans.  She  was 
now  bound  to  Constantinople,  with  a  present  of  female  slaves  for  the 
Porte.  A  few  days  after  this  prize  was  taken,  it  came  on  to  blow 
heavily  from  the  northeast,  and  finding  the  frigate  in  danger  of  being 
lost  on  the  coast,  at  that  tempestuous  season,  Commodore  Preble 
returned  to  Syracuse;  not,  however,  until  he  had  reeonnoitered  his 
enemy,  and  formed  his  plan  of  operations  for  the  future.  Means  had 
been  found  to  communicate  with  Captain  Bainbridge,  also,  and 
several  letters  were  received  from  that  officer,  pointing  out  different 
methods  of  annoying  the  enemy. 

In  a  letter  of  the  date  of  the  5th  of  December,  1803,  Captain  Bain 
bridge  suggested  the  possibility  of  destroying  the  Philadelphia,  which 
ship  was  slowly  fitting  for  sea,  there  being  little  doubt  of  her  being 
sent  out  as  a  cruiser,  as  soon  as  the  mild  season  should  return.  Com 
modore  Preble  listened  to  the  suggestion,  and  being  much  in  the 
society  of  the  commander  of  the  vessel  that  was  most  in  company 
with  the  Constitution,  Lieutenant  Stephen  Decatur,  he  mentioned 
the  project  to  that  spirited  officer.  The  expedition  was  just  suited 
to  the  ardour  and  temperament  of  Mr.  Decatur,  and  the  possession 
of  the  Mastico  at  once  afforded  the  means  of  carrying  it  into  effect. 
The  ketch  was  accordingly  appraised,  named  the  Intrepid,  and  taken 
into  the  service,  as  a  tender.  About  this  time,  Lieutenant  Com 
mandant  Stewart,  of  the  Siren,  the  officer  who  was  then  second  in 
command  in  the  Mediterranean,  and  who  had  just  arrived  from  below, 
offered  to  cut  out  the  Philadelphia  with  his  own  brig  ;  but  Commo- 


1804.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  227 

dore  Preble  was  pledged  to  Mr.  Decatur,  who,  at  first,  had  proposed 
to  run  in  with  the  Enterprise  and  carry  the  ship.  The  more  experi 
enced  Preble  rejected  the  propositions  of  both  these  ardent  young 
men,  substituting  a  plan  of  his  own. 

Although  Commodore  Preble  declined  the  proposal  of  Mr.  Deca- 
tur  to  carry  in  the  Enterprise,  the  projected  service  whs  assigned  to 
the  commander  and  crew  of  that  schooner.  It  being  necessary,  how 
ever,  to  leave  some  of  her  own  officers  and  people  in  her,  a  selection 
of  a  few  gentlemen  to  join  in  the  expedition,  was  made  from  the  flag 
ship,  and  orders  to  that  effect  were  issued  accordingly.  These  orders 
were  dated  February  the  3d,  1804,  and  they  directed  the  different 
gentlemen  named  to  report  themselves  to  Lieutenant  Commandant 
Decatur,  of  the  Enterprise.  As  it  was  intended  that  the  crew  of  the 
schooner  should  furnish  the  entire  crew  of  the  ketch,  it  was  not 
thought  proper  to  add  any  men  to  this  craft.  In  short,  the  duty  was 
strictly  assigned  to  the  Enterprise,  so  far  as  her  complement  could 
furnish  the  officers  required.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  3d,  according 
to  the  orders  they  had  just  received,  Messrs.  Tzard,  Morris,  Laws, 
Davis,  and  Rowe,  midshipmen  of  the  Constitution,  went  on  board  the 
schooner,  and  reported  themselves  for  duty  to  her  commander.  All 
hands  were  now  called  in  the  Enterprise,  when  Lieutenant  Com 
mandant  Decatur  acquainted  his  people  with  the  destination  of  the 
ketch,  and  asked  for  volunteers.  Every  man  and  boy  in  the  schooner 
presented  himself,  as  ready,  and  willing  to  go.  Sixty-two  of  the 
most  active  men  were  selected,  and  the  remainder,  with  a  few  officers, 
were  left  to  take  care  of  the  vessel.  As  the  orders  to  destroy  the 
frigate,  and  not  to  attempt  to  bring  her  out,  were  peremptory,  the 
combustibles,  which  had  been  prepared  for  this  purpose,  were  imme 
diately  sent  on  board  the  Intrepid,  her  crew  followed,  and  that 
evening  the  ketch  sailed,  under  the  convoy  of  the  Siren  16,  Lieuten 
ant  Commandant  Stewart,  who  was  properly  the  senior  officer  of  the 
expedition,  though,  owing  to  the  peculiar  nature  of  the  service,  Mr. 
Decatur  was  permitted  to  conduct  the  more  active  part  of  the  duty, 
at  his  own  discretion. 

The  party  in  the  ketch  consisted  of  Lieutenant  Commandant  De 
catur  ;  Lieutenants  Lawrence,  Bainbridge,  and  Thorn;  Mr.  Thomas 
M'Donough,*  midshipman,  and  Dr.  Heerman,  surgeon  ;  all  of  the 
Enterprise  ; — Messrs.  Izard,  Morris,  Laws,  Davis,  and  Rowe,  mid 
shipmen,  of  the  Constitution  ;  and  Salvatore  Catalano  the  pilot,  with 
sixty-two  petty  officers  and  common  men,  making  a  total  of  seventy- 
four  souls. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  the  accommodations  were  none 
of  the  best,  with  so  many  persons  cooped  up  in  a  vessel  of  between 
forty  and  fifty  tons  ;  and  to  make  the  matter  worse,  it  was  soon  found 
that  the  salted  meat  put  on  board  was  spoiled,  and  that  there  was 
little  besides  bread  and  water  left  to  subsist  on.  The  weather,  how 
ever,  was  pleasant,  and  the  wind  favourable,  and  the  two  vessels  got 
in  sight  of  Tripoli  on  the  afternoon  of  the  9th.  To  prevent  suspi- 


*  Mr.  Thomas  M'Donough,  afterwards  so  distinguished,  had  belonged  t 
hia,  but  escaped  captivity  by  being  left  at  Gibraltar  in  the  prize  Meshbol 


to  the  Philadel 
phia,  hnt  Rsr.anfid  cantivitv  bv  beins'  left  at  (iibraltar  in  the  onze  Mesh  Doha. 


228  NAVAL    HISTORY.  [1804. 


cions,  the  Intrepid  now  went  ahead  of  the  Siren  ;  and  a  little  after 
dark,  she  had  stretched  in  quite  near  to  the  coast,  with  a  breeze  at 
southwest,  anchoring  about  a  mile  to  windward  of  the  town.  Shortly 
after,  the  Siren,  disguised  brought-to  a  little  to  seaward  of  her.  The 
night  came  on  dark  and  threatening,  but  it  was  in  some  respects  so 
favourable  to  the  enterprise,  that  Mr.  Decatur  was  reluctant  to  Jet  it 
pass  without  making  the  attempt.  The  pilot,  however,  pronounced 
it  extremely  hazardous  to  venture  in  among  the  rocks  at  that  mo- 
moment,  as  he  thought  the  sea  must  be  breaking  across  the  entrance, 
by  which  it  was  proposed  to  pass.  Under  the  circumstances,  Mr. 
Decatur,  who  displayed  as  much  conduct  and  prudence  as  daring 
gallantry  throughout  this  whole  affair,  sent  Mr.  Morris  and  the  pilot, 
in  a  boat  with  muffled  oars,  to  reconnoitre.  This  young  officer 
pulled  close  up  to  the  western  passage,  and  ascertained  that  the  sea 
was  so  high  that  it  was,  in  fact,  breaking  entirely  across  the  entrance; 
when  he  returned  and  reported  that  it  would  be  hazardous  to  go  in, 
and  that  to  come  out  would  be  impossible. 

The  report  was  scarcely  needed,  for,  by  this  time,  the  wind  had 
risen  so  high,  and  so  much  sea  had  got  up,  that  in  hoisting  in  the 
boat,  it  was  stove,  and  when  the  anchor  was  weighed,  for  it  was 
necessary  to  get  off  the  land  as  soon  as  possible,  it  was  found  to  be 
broken.  The  Siren  had  anchored  a  little  without  the  ketch,  and  had 
hoisted  out  and  armed  her  boats,  which  were  to  cover  the  retreat,  but 
she,  too,  was  compelled  to  get  under  way,  by  the  increasing  violence 
of  the  wind.  Several  hours  were  employed  in  a  vain  attempt  to  get 
her  anchor,  the  brig  rolling  gunwales-to,  and  a  good  many  of  her 
people,  together  with  Lieutenant  Commandant  Stewart,  were  hurt 
by  the  capstan's  running  away  with  the  bars.  In  the  end,  the 
weather  came  on  so  bad,  and  the  danger  of  being  seen  as  the  day 
dawned  was  so  much  increased,  that  the  anchor  and  cable  were  left, 
the  latter  having  been  cut. 

So  sudden  and  violent  was  the  gale,  that  there  had  been  no  com 
munication  between  the  two  vessels,  the  Siren  having  no  other  intima 
tion  of  the  departure  of  the  ketch,  than  by  seeing  her  light  as  she 
stretched  out  to  sea.  Luckily,  the  wind  was  well  to  the  westward, 
and  both  vessels  got  an  offing  before  they  were  seen  from  Tripoli. 
Here  they  lay  to,  with  their  heads  off  shore,  certain  of  being  far 
enough  to  leeward,  to  be  out  of  sight  in  the  morning.  The  wind 
began  to  haul  to  the  northward,  and  the  gale  lasted  six  days,  during 
which  time  great  fears  were  entertained  of  the  ketch's  foundering  at 
sea,  or  of  her  being,  at  least,  driven  on  the  coast,  the  change  in  the 
wind  having  brought  the  vessels  on  a  lee  shore.  Before  the  wind 
abated,  they  were  driven  up  into  the  Gulf  of  Sydra,  where  they  were 
fairly  embayed. 

On  the  15th the  weather  moderated,  and  the  brig  and  ketch,  which 
had  kept  in  company,  notwithstanding  the  gale,  endeavoured  to  fetch 
in  with  the  land,  and  in  the  course  of  the  night  they  got  so  near,  as 
to  reconnoitre  and  ascertain  their  position.  Finding  themselves  too 
far  to  the  eastward  to  effect  any  thing  that  night,  they  hauled  off 
again,  in  order  to  escape  detection.  The  next  day,  about  noon,  cal 


1804.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  229 

dilating  that  they  were  abreast  of  the  town,  and  the  wind  and  weather 
being,  in  all  respects,  favourable,  both  vessels  kept  away,  the  ketch 
leading  some  distance,  in  order  that  the  enemy  might  not  suppose 
her  a  consort  of  the  Siren's  although  the  latter  was  so  much  disguised, 
as  to  render  it  impossible  to  recognise  her.  The  wind  was  fair,  but 
light,  and  every  thing  looking  favourable,  Mr.  Decatur  now  seriously 
made  his  dispositions  for  the  attack.  Apprehensive  that  they  might 
have  been  seen,  and  that  the  enemy  had  possibly  strengthened  the 
party  on  board  the  frigate,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Stewart  sent  a 
boat  and  eight  men  from  the  Siren,  to  the  ketch,  under  the  orders 
of  one  of  his  midshipmen,  Mr.  Anderson,  which  reinforcement 
increased  the  numbers  of  the  intended  assailants  to  eighty-two,  all 
told. 

The  orders  of  Lieutenant  Commandant  Decatur  were  clear  and 
simple.  The  spar-deck  was  first  to  be  carried,  then  the  gun-deck  ; 
after  which  the  following  distribution  of  the  party  was  made,  in  order 
to  set  fire  to  the  ship.  Mr.  Decatur,  with  Messrs.  Izard  and  Rowe, 
and  fifteen  men,  was  to  keep  possession  of  the  upper  deck.  Mr. 
Lawrence,  with  Messrs.  Laws  and  M'Donough  and  ten  men,  was  to 
repair  to  the  berth-deck  and  forward  store-rooms.  Mr.  Bainbridge, 
with  Mr.  Davis  and  ten  men,  was  to  go  into  the  ward-room  and 
steerage  ;  Mr.  Morris,  with  eight  men,  was  to  go  into  the  cockpit 
and  after  store-rooms  ;  Mr.  Thorn,  with  the  gunner  and  surgeon, 
and  thirteen  men,  was  to  look  after  the  ketch  ;  to  Mr.  Izard  was  as 
signed  the  command  of  the  launch  should  she  be  needed,  and  Mr. 
Anderson,  with  the  Siren's  cutter,  was  to  secure  all  boats  alongside 
of  the  ship,  and  to  prevent  the  people  from  swimming  ashore,  with 
directions,  however,  to  board  as  soon  as  the  first  duty  was  performed. 

Fire-arms  were  to  be  used  only  in  the  last  extremity,  and  the  first 
object  of  every  one  was  to  clear  the  upper-deck  and  gun-deck  of  the 
enemy.  The  watch-word  was  "  Philadelphia."  These  arrange 
ments  were  plain  and  judicious. 

As  the  ketch  drew  in  with  the  land,  the  ship  became  visible.  She 
lay  not  quite  a  mile  within  the  entrance,  riding  to  the  wind,  and 
abreast  of  the  town.  Her  fore-mast,  which  had  been  cut  away  while 
she  was  on  the  reef,  had  not  yet  been  replaced,  her  main  and  mizen- 
top-rnasts  were  housed,  and  her  lower  yards  were  on  the  gunwales. 
Her  lower  standing  rigging,  however,  was  in  its  place,  and,  as  was 
shortly  afterwards  ascertained,  her  guns  were  loaded  and  shotted. 
Just  within  her,  lay  two  corsairs,  with  a  few  gun-boats,  and  a  galley 
or  two. 

It  was  a  mild  evening  for  the  season,  and  the  sea  and  boy  were 
smooth  as  in  summer  ;  as  unlike  as  possible  to  the  same  place  a  few 
days  previously,  when  the  two  vessels  had  been  driven  from  the  en 
terprise  by  a  tempest.  Perceiving  that  he  was  likely  to  get  in  too 
soon,  when  about  five  miles  from  the  rocks,  Mr.  Decatur  ordered 
buckets  and  other  drags  to  be  towed  astern,  in  order  to  lessen  the  way 
of  the  ketch,  without  shortening  sail,  as  the  latter  expedient  would 
have  been  seen  from  the  port,  and  must  have  awakened  suspicion. 
In  the  mean  time  the  wind  gradually  fell,  until  it  became  so  light  as 


230  NAVAL  HISTORY  [1804. 

to  leave  the  ketch  but  about  two  knot's  way  on  her,  when  the  drags 
were  removed. 

About  10  o'clock  the  Intrepid  reached  the  eastern  entrance  of  the 
bay,  or  the  passage  between  the  rocks  and  the  shoal.  The  wind  was 
nearly  east,  and,  as  she  steered  directly  for  the  frigate,  it  was  well 
abaft  the  beam.  There  was  a  young  moon,  and  as  the  bold  adven 
turers  were  slowly  advancing  into  the  hostile  port,  all  around  them 
was  tranquil  and  apparently  without  distrust.  For  near  an  hour 
they  were  stealing  slowly  along,  the  air  gradually  failing,  until  their 
motion  became  scarcely  perceptible. 

Most  of  the  officers  and  men  of  the  ketch  had  been  ordered  to  lie 
on  the  deck,  where  they  were  concealed  by  low  bulwarks,  or  weath 
er-boards,  and  by  the  different  objects  that  belong  to  a  vessel.  As  it 
is  the  practice  of  those  seas,  to  carry  many  men  even  in  the  smallest 
craft,  the  appearance  often  or  twelve  would  excite  no  alarm,  and  this 
number  was  visible.  The  commanding  officer,  himself,  stood  near 
the  pilot,  Mr.  Catalano,*  who  was  to  act  as  interperter.  The  quarter 
master  at  the  helm,  was  ordered  to  stand  directly  for  the  frigate's 
bows,  it  being  the  intention  to  lay  the  ship  aboard  in  that  place,  as 
the  mode  of  attack  which  would  least  expose  the  assailants  to  her  tire. 

The  Intrepid  was  still  at  a  considerable  distance  from  the  Phila 
delphia,  when  the  latter  hailed.  The  pilot  answered  that  the  ketch 
belonged  to  Malta,  and  was  on  a  trading  voyage  ;  that  she  had  been 
nearly  wrecked,  and  had  lost  her  anchors  in  the  late  gale,  and  that 
her  commander  wished  to  ride  by  the  frigate  during  the  night.  This 
conversation  lasted  some  time,  Mr.  Decatnr  instructing  the  pilot  to 
tell  the  frigate's  people  with  what  he  was  laden,  in  order  to  amuse 
them,  and  the  Intrepid  gradually  drew  nearer,  until  there  was  every 
prospect  of  her  running  foul  of  the  Philadelphia,  in  a  minute  or  two, 
and  at  the  very  spot  contemplated.  But  the  wind  suddenly  shifted, 
and,  took  the  ketch  aback.  The  instant  the  southerly  puff  struck 
her,  her  head  fell  off,  and  she  got  a  stern-board,  the  ship,  at  the  same 
moment,  tending  to  the  new  current  of  air.  The  effect  of  this  unex 
pected  change  was  to  bring  the  ketch  directly  under  the  frigate's 
broadside,  at  the  distance  of  about  forty  yards,  where  she  lay  be 
calmed,  or,  if  any  thing,  drifting  slowly  astern,  exposed  to  nearly 
every  one  of  the  Philadelphia's  larboard  guns. 

Not  the  smallest  suspicion  appears  to  have  been  yet  excited  on 
board  the  frigate,  though  several  of  her  people  were  looking  over  the 
rails,  and  notwithstanding  the  moonlight.  So  completely  were  the 
Turks  deceived,  that  they  lowered  a  boat,  and  sent  it  with  a  fast. 
Some  of  the  ketch's  men,  in  the  mean  time,  had  got  into  her  boat, 
and  had  run  a  line  to  the  frigate's  fore  chains.  As  they  returned, 
they  met  the  frigate's  boat,  took  the  fast  it  brought,  which  came  from 
the  after  part  of  the  ship,  and  passed  it  into  their  own  vessel.  These 
fasts  were  put  into  the  hands  of  the  men,  as  they  lay  on  the  ketch's 
deck,  and  they  began  cautiously  to  breast  the  Intrepid  alongside  of 
the  Philadelphia,  without  rising.  As  soon  as  the  latter  got  near 

"Late  a  sailing-master  in  the  navy 


1804.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  231 


enough  to  the  ship,  the  Turks  discovered  her  anchors,  and  they 
sternly  ordered  the  ketch  to  keep  off,  as  she  had  deceived  them  ; 
preparing,  at  the  same  time,  to  cut  the  fasts.  All  this  passed  in  a 
moment,  when  the  cry  of  "  Amerikanos"  was  heard  in  the  ship. 
The  people  of  the  Intrepid  by  a  strong  pull,  brought  their  vessel 
alongside  of  the  frigate,  where  she  was  secured,  quick  as  thought. 
Up  to  this  moment,  not  a  whisper  had  betrayed  the  presence  of  the 
men  concealed.  The  instructions  had  been  positive  to  keep  quiet 
until  commanded  to  show  themselves,  and  no  precipitation,  even  in 
that  trying  moment,  deranged  the  plan. 

Lieutenant  Commandant  Decatur  was  standing  ready  for  a  spring, 
with  Messrs.  Laws  and  Morris  quite  near  him.  As  soon  as  close 
enough,  he  jumped  at  the  frigate's  chain-plates,  and  while  clinging 
to  the  ship  himself,  he  gave  the  order  to  board.  The  two  midship 
men  were  at  his  side,  and  all  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Intrepid 
arose  and  followed.  The  three  gentlemen  named  were  in  the  chains 
together,  and  Lieutenant  Commandant  Decatur  and  Mr.  Morris 
sprang  at  the  rail  above  them,  while  Mr.  Laws  dashed  .at  a  port. 
To  the  latter  would  have  belonged  the  honour  of  having  been  first  in 
this  gallant  assault,  but  wearing  a  boarding-belt,  his  pistols  were 
caught  between  the  gun  and  the  side  of  the  port.  Mr.  Decatur's 
foot  slipped  in  springing,  and  Mr.  Charles  Morris  first  stood  upon 
the  quarter-deck  of  the  Philadelphia.  In  an  instant,  Lieutenant 
Commandant  Decatur  and  Mr.  Laws  were  at  his  side,  while  heads 
and  bodies  appeared  coming  over  the  rail,  and  through  the  ports  in 
all  directions. 

The  surprise  appears  to  have  been  as  perfect,  as  the  assault  was 
rapid  and  earnest.  Most  of  the  Turks  on  deck  crowded  forward,  and 
all  ran  over  to  the  starboard-side,  as  their  enemies  poured  in  on  the 
larboard.  A  few  were  aft,  but  as  soon  as  charged,  they  leaped  into 
the  sea.  Indeed,  the  constant  plunges  into  the  water,  gave  the  assail 
ants  the  assurance  that  their  enemies  were  fast  lessening  in  numbers 
by  flight.  It  took  but  a  minute  or  two  to  clear  -the  spar-deck,  though 
there  was  more  of  a  struggle  below.  Still,  so  admirably  managed 
was  the  attack,  and  so  complete  the  surprise,  that  the  resistance  was 
but  trifling.  In  less  than  ten  minutes  Mr.  Decatur  was  on  the  quar 
ter-deck  again,  in  undisturbed  possession  of  his  prize. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  gallant  officer  now  felt  bitter 
regrets,  that  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  bring  away  the  ship  he  had  so 
nobly  recovered.  Not  only  were  his  orders  on  this  point  peremptory, 
however,  but  the  frigate  had  not  a  sail  bent,  nor  a  yard  crossed,  and 
she  wanted  her  foremast.  It  was  next  to  impossible,  therefore,  to 
remove  her,  and  the  command  was  given  to  pass  up  the  combusti 
bles  from  the  ketch. 

The  duty  of  setting  fire  to  the  prize,  appears  to  have  been  exe 
cuted  with  as  much  promptitude  and  order,  as  every  other  part  of 
the  service.  The  officers  distributed  themselves,  agreeably  to  the 
previous  instructions,  and  the  men  soon  appeared  with  the  necessary 
mean?.  Each  party  acted  by  itself,  and  as  it  got  ready.  So  rapid 
were  they  all  in  their  movements,  that  the  men  with  combustibles  hao 


232  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1804. 

scarcely  time  to  get  as  low  as  the  cock-pit  and  after-store-rooms, 
before  the  fires  were  lighted  over  their  heads.  When  the  officer  en 
trusted  with  the  duty  last  mentioned,  had  got  through,  he  found  the 
after-hatches  filled  with  smoke,  from  the  fire  in  the  ward-room  and 
steerage,  and  he  was  obliged  to  make  his  escape  by  the  forward  ladders. 

The  Americans  were  in  the  ship  from  twenty  to  twenty-five  min 
utes,  and  they  were  literally  driven  out  of  her  by  the  flames.  The 
vessel  had  got  to  be  so  dry  in  that  low  latitude,  that  she  burnt  like 
pine  ;  and  the  combustibles  had  been  as  judiciously  prepared,  as 
they  were  steadily  used.  The  last  party' up,  were  the  people  who 
had  been  in  the  store-rooms,  and  when  they  reached  the  deck,  they 
found  most  of  their  companions  already  in  the  Intrepid.  Joining 
them,  and  ascertaining  that  all  was  ready,  the  order  was  given  to 
cast.  off.  Notwithstanding  the  daring  character  of  the  enterprise  in 
general,  Mr.  Decatur  and  his  party  now  ran  the  greatest  risk  they 
had  incurred  that  night.  So  fierce  had  the  conflagration  already 
become,  that  the  flames  began  to  pour  out  of  the  ports,  and  the  head- 
fast  having  been  cast  off,  the  ketch  fell  astern,  with  her  jigger  flapping 
against  the  quarter-gallery,  and  her  boom  foul.  The  fire  showed 
itself  in  the  window,  at  this  critical  moment ;  and  beneath,  was  all 
the  ammunition  of  the  party,  covered  with  a  tarpaulin.  To  increase 
the  risk,  the  stern-fast  was  jammed.  By  using  swords,  however, 
for  there  was  not  time  to  look  for  an  axe,  the  hawser  was  cut,  and  the 
Intrepid  was  extricated  from  the  most  imminent  danger,  by  a  vigor 
ous  shove.  As  she  swung  clear  of  the  frigate,  the  flames  reached  the 
rigging,  up  which  they  went  hissing,  like  a  rocket,  the  tar  having 
oozed  from  the  ropes,  which  had  been  saturated  with  that  inflamma 
ble  matter.  Matches  could  not  have  kindled  with  greater  quickness. 

The  sweeps  were  now  manned.  Up  to  this  moment,  every  thing 
had  been  done  earnestly,  though  without  noise,  but  as  soon  as  they 
felt  that  they  had  got  command  of  their  ketch  again,  and  by  two  or 
three  vigorous  strokes  had  sent  her  away  from  the  frigate,  the 
people  of  the  Intrepid  ceased  rowing,  and  as  one  man,  they  gave 
three  ckeers  for  victory.  This  appeared  to  arouse  the  Turks  from 
their  stupor,  for  the  cry  had  hardly  ended,  when  the  batteries,  the 
two  corsairs,  and  the  galley,  poured  in  their  fire.  The  men  lay  hold 
of  the  sweeps  again,  of  which  the  Intrepid'had  eight  of  a  side,  and 
favoured  by  a  light  air,  they  went  rapidly  down  the  harbour. 

The  spectacle  that  followed,  is  described  as  having  been  both 
beautiful  and  sublime.  The  entire  bay  was  illuminated  by  the  con 
flagration,  the  roar  of  cannon  was  constant,  and  Tripoli  was  in  a 
clamour.  The  appearance  of  the  ship  was,  in  the  highest  degree, 
magnificent ;  and  to  add  to  the  effect,  as  her  guns  heated,  they  began 
to  go  off.  Owing  to  the  shift  of  wind,  and  the  position  into  which 
she  had  tended,  she,  in  some  measure,  returned  the  enemy's  fire,  as 
one  of  her  broadsides  was  discharged  in  the  direction  of  the  town, 
and  the  other  towards  Fort  English.  The  most  singular  effect  of 
this  conflagration  was  on  board  the  ship,  for  the  flames  having  run  up 
the  rigging  and  masts,  collected  under  the  tops,  and  fell  over,  giving 
the  whole  the  appearance  of  glowing  columns  and  fiery  capitals. 


1804.1  NAVAL  HISTORY.  233 


Under  ordinary  circumstances,  the  situation  of  the  ketch  would 
still  have  been  thought  sufficiently  perilous,  but  after  the  exploit  they 
had  just  performed,  her  people,  elated  with  success,  regarded  all 
that  was  now  passing,  as  a  triumphant  spectacle.  The  shot  con 
stantly  cast  the  spray  around  them,  or  were  whistling  over  their  heads, 
but  the  only  sensation  they  produced,  was  by  calling  attention  to  the 
brilliant  jets  cVe.au  that  they  occasioned  as  they  bounded  along  the 
water.  But  one  struck  the  Intrepid,  although  she  was  within  half  a 
mile  of  many  of  the  heaviest  guns  for  some  time,  and  that  passed 
through  her  top-gallant  sail. 

With  sixteen  sweeps,  and  eighty  men  elated  with  success,  Mr. 
Decatur  was  enabled  to  drive  the  little  Intrepid  ahead  with  a  velocity 
that  rendered  towing  useless.  Near  the  harbour's  mouth,  he  met  the 
Siren's  boats,  sent  to  cover  his  retreat,  but  their  services  were  scarcely 
necessary.  As  soon  as  the  ketch  was  out  of  danger,  he  got  into  one, 
and  pulled  aboard  the  brig,  to  report  to  Lieutenant  Commandant 
Stewart,  the  result  of  his  undertaking. 

The  Siren  had  got  into  the  offing  some  time  after  the  Intrepid, 
agreeably  to  arrangements,  and  anchored  about  three  miles  from  the 
rocks.  Here  she  hoisted  out  the  launch  and  a  cutter,  manned  and 
armed  them,  and  sent  them  in,  under  Mr.  Caldwell,  her  first  lieuten 
ant.  Soon  after  the  brig  weighed,  and  the  wind  having  entirely 
failed  outside,  she  swept  into  eight  fathoms  water,  and  anchored 
again,  to  cover  the  retreat,  should  the  enemy  attempt  to  board  the 
Intrepid,  with  his  gun-boats.  It  will  readily  be  supposed  that  it  was 
an  anxious  moment,  and  as  the  moon  rose,  all  eyes  were  on  the 
frigate.  After  waiting  in  intense  expectation  near  an  hour,  a  rocket 
went  up  from  the  Philadelphia.  It  was  the  signal  of  possession,  and 
Mr.  Stewart  ran  below  to  get  another  for  the  answer.  He  was  gone 
only  a  moment,  but  when  he  returned,  the  fire  was  seen  shining 
through  the  frigate's  ports,  and  in  a  few  more  minutes,  the  flames 
were  rushing  up  her  rigging,  as  if  a  train  had  been  touched.  Then 
followed  the  cannonade,  and  the  dashing  of  sweeps,  with  the  ap 
proach  of  the  ketch.  Presently  a  boat  was  seen  coming  alongside, 
and  a  man,  in  a  sailor's  jacket,  sprang  over  the  gangway  of  the  brig. 
It  was  Decatur,  himself,  to  announce  his  victory  ! 

The  ketch  and  brig  lay  near  each  other,  for  about  an  hour,  when 
a  strong  and  favourable  wind  arose,  and  they  made  sail  for  Syracuse, 
which  port  they  reached  on  the  19th.  Here  the  party  was  received 
with  salutes  and  congratulations,  by  the  Sicilians,  who  were  also  at 
war  with  Tripoli,  as  well  as  by  their  own  countrymen. 

The  success  of  this  gallant  exploit  laid  the  foundation  of  the  name 
which  Mr.  Decatur  subsequently  acquired  in  the  navy.  The  country 
applauded  the  feat  generally  ;  and  the  commanding  officer  was 
raised  from  the  station  of  a  lieutenant  to  that  of  a  captain.  Most  of 
the  midshipmen  engaged,  were  also  promoted,  and  Lieutenant  Com 
mandant  Decatur  received  a  sword.* 

*  Notwithstanding  his  merit,  the  propriety  of  making  Mr.  Decatur  a  captain  was  mnch 
questioned.  When  the  news  reached  America,  his  name  was  before  the  senate,  under 
nomination,  as  the  youngest  master  and  commander  of  eight,  but,  on  receiving  the  intel 
ligence  of  his  success,  it  was  withdrawn,  and  sent  in  for  a  captain's  commission. 


NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1804. 


The  Philadelphia  was  a  frigate  of  the  class  that  the  English  termed 
a  thirty-eight,  previously  to  the  war  of  1812.  Her  armament  con 
sisted  of  28  eighteens,  on  her  gun-deck,  and  of  16  carronades  and 
chase  guns,  above;  or  of  44  guns  in  the  whole.  No  correct  estimate 
has  probably  ever  been  made  of  the  number  of  men  in  her, When  she 
was  re-captured.  Twenty  were  reported  to  have  been  killed,  and 
one  boat  loaded  with  Turks  is  said  to  have  escaped;  many  also 
swam  ashore,  or  to  the  nearest  cruisers.  Some,  no  doubt,  secreted 
themselves  below,  of  whom  the  greater  part  must  have  perished  in 
the  ship,  as  the  party  that  set  fire  to  the  after-store-rooms  had  diffi 
culty  in  escaping  from  the  flames.  But  one  prisoner  was  made,  a 
wounded  Turk,  who  took  refuge  in  the  ketch.  On  the  part  of  the 
Americans  but  a  single  man  was  hurt.* 

In  whatever  light  we  regard  this  exploit  it  extorts  our  admiration 
and  praise;  the  boldness  in  the  conception  of  the  enterprise,  being 
even  surpassed  by  the  perfect  manner  in  which  all  its  parts  were 
executed.  Nothing  appears  to  have  been  wanting,  in  a  military 
point  of  view;  nothing  was  deranged;  nothing  defeated.  The  hour 
was  well  chosen,  and  no  doubt  it  was  a  chief  reason  why  the  corsairs, 
jrun-boats,  and  batteries,  were,  in  the  first  place,  so  slow  in  com 
mencing  their  fire,  and  so  uncertain  in  their  aim  when  they  did  open 
on  the  Americans.  In  appreciating  the  daring  of  the  attempt,  we 
have  only  to  consider  what  might  have  been  the  consequences  had 
the  assault  on  the  frigate  been  repulsed.  Directly  under  her  guns, 
with  a  harbour  filled  with  light  cruisers,  gun-boats,  and  galleys,  and 
surrounded  by  forts  and  batteries,  the  inevitable  destruction  of  all  in 
the  Intrepid  must  have  followed.  These  were  dangers  that  cool 
steadiness  and  entire  self-possession,  aided  by  perfect  discipline, could 
alone  avert.  In  the  service,  the  enterprise  has  ever  been  regarded 
as  one  of  its  most  brilliant  achievements,  and  to  this  day,  it  is  deemed 
a  high  honour  to  have  been  among  the  Intrepid's  crew.  The  effect 
on  the  squadron  then  abroad  can  scarcely  be  appreciated,  as  its  sea 
men  began  to  consider  themselves  invincible,  if  not  invulnerable,  and 
were  ready  for  any  service  in  which  men  could  be  employed. 

*  It  would  seem  that  the  bottom  of  the  Philadelphia  floated  to  the  rocks,  where  what 
remains  still  lies.  In  1844,  the  Cumberland  44,  Capt.  Breese,  visited  Tripoli,  when  that 
officer  caused  some  portions  of  the  wreck  to  be  brought  off.  A  leaf-cutter  made  of  this 
interesting  relick,  has  been  presented  to  the  author,  by  his  old  friend  the  Commander 
of  the  Cumberland. 


1804.1  NAVAL  HISTORY.  235 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

The  Mediterranean  squadron  is  re-inforced — Capture  of  the  Transfer,  by  llie  Siren, 
Lieut.  Comdt.  Stewart — Assistance  obtained  from  tbe  Two  Sicilies — First  bombard 
ment  of  Tripoli — Attack  on  the  enemy's  gun-boats — Fierce  combat  and  capture  of 
two  boats,  by  Lieut.  Comdt.  Decatur — Lieut.  James  Decatur,  of  the  Nautilus,  killed — 
Gallant  conduct  of  Lieut.  Trippe— he  captures  one  of  the  largest  gun-boats — Rally  of 
the  enemy — they  are  driven  back. 

THUS  opened  the  year  1804.  The  great  distance,  however,  that 
lay  between  the  seat  of  war  and  the  country,  as  well  as  the  infre- 
quericy  of  direct  communications,  prevented  the  government  at  home, 
from  getting  early  information  of  what  was  passing  in  the  Mediterra 
nean.  As  a  consequence,  at  the  very  moment  when  Commodore 
Prehle  was  beginning  to  show  that  energy  for  which  he  was  so  re 
markable,  the  department  was  making  preparations  for  superseding 
him  in  the  command,  not  from  dissatisfaction,  but,  as  was  then  be 
lieved,  from  necessity.  There  were  but  three  captains  in  the  navy 
junior  to  Preble,  and  one  of  these  was  a  captive  in  Tripoli.  The  loss 
of  the  Philadelphia  had  rendered  it  indispensable  to  send  out  another 
frigate,  at  least,  and  the  administration  had  now  begun  to  take  so 
serious  a  view  of  the  state  of  the  relations  of  the  country  with  all  the 
Barbary  powers,  as  to  see  the  importance  of  exhibiting  a  force  that 
should  look  down  any  further  attempts  on  a  trade,  which,  in  conse 
quence  of  the  general  war  that  prevailed  in  Europe,  was  beginning  to 
whiten  the  seas  of  the  old  world  with  American  canvass.  The  Em 
peror  of  Morocco,  who  was  said  to  be  a  relative  of  the  Bashaw  of 
Tripoli,  was  distrusted  in  particular,  and  many  little  occurrences  had 
served  to  prove  the  interest  that  the  former  felt  in  the  affairs  of  the 
latter. 

As  soon  as  the  president  was  apprised  of  the  loss  of  the  Philadel 
phia,  therefore,  orders  had  been  given  to  prepare  the  required  addi 
tional  force.  So  little,  however,  had  the  real  government  of  the 
country  attended  to  this  all-important  branch  of  public  defence,  that 
it  was  far  easier  to  command  the  equipment  of  a  single  frigate,  than 
to  get  her  to  sea,  within  a  reasonable  time.  In  1804,  the  mercantile 
tonnage  of  the  United  States  was  actually  about  1,000,000  tons,  and 
yet  the  country  did  not  possess  a  single  dock,  public  or  private,  be 
tween  Maine  and  Georgia.  The  unmeaning  clamour  against  all 
improvements  of  this  nature,  which  had  commenced  with  "the  exist 
ence  of  the  new  administration,  was  still  continued,  and,  as  is  too 
often  witnessed  in  the  indiscriminate  and  unprincipled  strife  of  parties, 
they  who  professed  to  be  the  warmest  advocates  of  an  active  and 
growing  marine,  were  the  loudest  in  declaiming  against  those  very 
measures,  without  which  no  navy  can  ever  be  efficient,  or  even 
moderately  useful.  In  the  actual  state  of  the  public  mind,  the  direct 
method  of  procuring  those  indispensable  requisites  of  a  marine,  dock 
yards,  were  not  attempted,  but  very  insufficient  substitutes  had  been 
obtained  by  putting  a  liberal  construction  on  the  law  authorising  the 
building  of  the  six  seventy-fours,  for  which  purpose  building  yards 


236  NAVAL  HISTORY.  U804. 

were  thought  to  be  necessary.  In  this  manner,  as  many  navy  yards, 
as  they  were  called,  for  neither  had  a  dock,  were  purchased,  and  an 
humble  commencement  of  these  indispensable  establishments  was 
made  at  Gosport,  Washington,  Philadelphia,  Brooklyn,  Charlestown, 
and  Portsmouth,  N.  H.  Thus,  in  the  great  interests  connected  with 
a  navy,  as  in  every  thing  else  in  a  country  that  is  so  eminently  prac 
tical,  and  in  which  few  have  sufficient  leisure  to  cultivate  theories, 
the  facts  were  still  leading  opinion,  and  the  gallant  men  who  were 
slowly  fighting  themselves  into  favour,  were  merely  performing  an 
office  that  would  seem  to  be  inseparable  from  the  advancement  of 
every  free  people  in  civilisation. 

The  ships  that  it  was  now  decided  to  send  into  the  Mediterranean, 
were  the  President  44,  Congress  38,  Constellation  38,  and  Essex  32. 
They  were  put  in  commission  early  in  the  season,  and  as  soon  as 
the  choice  was  made,  Commodore  Preble  was  apprised  of  it,  and  of 
the  necessity  that  existed  of  sending  out  two  officers  who  were  his 
seniors  in  rank.  About  the  same  time,  Mr.  Decatur  was  made  a 
captain,  for  the  destruction  of  the  Philadelphia,  and  the  service  re 
ceived  an  important  impulse  in  the  revival  of  the  rank  of  masters  and 
commanders,  which,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  been  dropped  alto 
gether,  urider  the  reduction  law  of  1801.  At  the  time  the  Phila 
delphia  was  retaken  and  burnt,  there  were  six  lieutenants  in  the 
Mediterranean  acting  as  lieutenants-commandant,  Messrs.  Stewart, 
Hull,  Smith,  Somers,  Decatur,  and  Dent,  and  of  these,  four  were 
senior  to  the  one  just  promoted.  As  Lieutenant  Commandant  Stew 
art  was  the  second  in  command  in  the  Mediterranean,  as  well  as  the 
oldest  lieutenant  of  the  service,  and  as  he  had  actually  accompanied 
the  expedition  in  person,  aiding  with  his  counsel,  and  ready  to  act 
on  an  emergency,  it  was  thought  that  something  more  ought  to  have 
been  done  for  the  gentlemen  over  whose  heads  Mr.  Decatur  had  been 
elevated.  When  raised  to  be  a  captain,  Mr.  Decatur  was  the  eighth 
officer  of  his  station  in  the  navy,  and  it  would  have  been  more  in 
conformity  with  the  practices  of  old  and  well  established  marines,  to 
have  promoted  all  his  seniors,  as  they  were  all  known  to  be  qualified, 
and  several  had  already  distinguished  themselves,  even  in  commands. 
But  it  was  premature  to  expect  this  systematic  justice  in  a  service  so 
young,  and  which  might  still  be  said  to  be  struggling  for  its  existence, 
and  the  class  of  masters  and  commanders  was  simply  re-established, 
Messrs.  Charles  Stewart,  Isaac  Hull,  Andrew  Sterrett,  John  Shaw, 
Isaac  Chauncey,  John  Smith,  Richard  Somers,  and  George  Cox, 
being  the  gentlemen  who  were  first  appointed  to  this  rank  after  it 
had  been  renewed  in  the  service.  These  promotions,  which  were 
connected  with  the  establishment  of  a  new  rank,  were  dated  in 
May,  1804,  although  all  of  the  gentlemen  concerned,  who  were 
abroad,  continued  to  serve  in  their  old  capacities,  until  quite  near  the 
close  of  the  season.* 

r  It  is  a  fact  worthy  of  being  mentioned,  that  this  rank  was  revived  purely  on  executive 
responsibility,  and  it  is  believed  totally  without  law.  The  commissions,  though  issued 
in  the  name  of  the  President,  were  not  signed  by  that  functionary,  nor  •was  the  Senate 
consulted  in  the  matter.  In  short,  it  may  be  questioned  if  one  of  the  promotions  was 
legal,  thouqh  the  right  of  the  parties  to  command  was  indisputable,  as  the  relative  rank 
was  not  disturbed. 


1804.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  237 

The  Siren  and  Intrepid  returned  to  Syracuse,  after  the  successful 
attempt  on  the  Philadelphia,  on  the  19th  of  February  of  this  year. 
On  the  2d  of  March,  Commodore  Preble  who  had  so  divided  his 
force  as  to  keep  some  of  the  small  vessels  off  Tripoli  blockading, 
proceeded  to  Malta,  and  on  his  return,  he  sailed  again,  on  the  21st, 
for  the  station  off  the  enemy's  port.  The  Siren  16,  Lieutenant  Com 
mandant  Stewart,  and  Nautilus  12,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Somers, 
were  the  blockading  vessels  at  this  time,  and,  early  one  morning, 
while  coming  from  the  eastward  to  recover  lost  ground,  a  vessel  with 
the  appearance  of  a  brig  of  war  was  seen  lying-to  in  the  offing.  As 
soon  as  he  made  the  Americans,  the  stranger  endeavoured  to  beat 
back  into  the  harbour  again,  out  of  which  he  had  lately  come,  but, 
the  Nautilus  being  sent  close  in  to  employ  the  gun-boats,  should 
they  attempt  to  come  out,  the  Siren  cut  him  off  from  the  port,  and 
soon  got  alongside.  This  vessel  proved  to  be  the  Transfer,  a  privateer 
out  of  Malta,  with  a  British  commission,  and  she  had  an  armament 
of  16  carronades,  and  a  crew  of  80  men.  When  the  Siren  ran  along 
side,  the  Transfer's  people  were  at  quarters,  but  no  resistance  being 
attempted,  she  was  captured  for  a  violation  of  the  blockade.  Subse 
quent  information  induced  Commodore  Preble  to  believe  that  she 
belonged,  in  fact,  to  the  Bashaw  of  Tripoli,  and  that  the  commission 
under  which  she  sailed  was  obtained  by  means  of  the  Tripolitan 
consul  in  Malta,  who  was  a  native  of  that  island,  and  for  whose 
appearance  on  board  the  brig  was  actually  waiting  when  taken. 

As  the  Transfer  had  been  an  English  gun-brig,  and  was  equipped 
for  war,  Commodore  Preble  sent  her  to  Syracuse,  where  she  was 
appraised,  manned,  and  taken  into  the  service  for  the  time  being. 
She  was  called  the  Scourge,  and  the  command  of  her  was  given 
to  Lieutenant  Commandant  Dent,  the  acting  captain  of  the 
Constitution.* 

Remaining  off  Tripoli,  a  few  days,  Commodore  Preble  was  next 
actively  employed  in  running  from  port  to  port,  in  order  to  look  into 
the  affairs  of  the  different  regencies,  to  communicate  with  the  cap 
tives  in  Tripoli,  and  to  make  his  arrangements  for  pursuing  a  war 
fare  better  suited  to  bringing  the  bashaw  to  terms.  The  king  of  the 
Two  Sicilies  being  at  war  with  Tripoli,  also,  in  furtherance  of  the 
latter  duty,  the  Constitution  went  to  Naples,  in  order  to  obtain  some 
assistance  in  executing  these  projects.  Here  an  order  for  two  bomb- 
vessels  and  six  gun-boats  was  obtained,  with  the  necessary  equip 
ments,  and  Commodore  Preble  sailed  for  Messina,  where  the  different 
craft  lay.  From  this  time  until  the  middle  of  July,  he  was  as  actively 
engaged  as  ever,  in  providing  for  the  wants  of  the  captives,  in  settling 
a  serious  difficulty  with  Tunis,  and  in  preparing  for  an  attack  on 
Tripoli ;  and  we  shall  quit  him,  for  a  moment,  to  return  to  move 
ments  before  that  place. 

*  Mr.  Jefferson  is  said  to  have  carried  his  hostility  to  blockades  so  far,  as  to  refuse  to 
Buffer  the  Transfer  to  be  regularly  condemned,  although,  after  her  arrival  in  America, 
she  was  sold,  and  the  money  was  put  in  the  treasury.  In  the  war  of  1812,  eight  or  ten 
years  after  her  capture,  the  brig  was  legally  condemned,  and  the  prize-money  was 
paid  in  181f>! 


238  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1804. 

In  April,  the  Siren,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Stewart ;  Argus, 
Lieutenant  Commandant  Hull ;  Enterprise,  Lieutenant  Command 
ant  Decatur  ;  Vixen,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Smith,  and  Scourge, 
Lieutenant  Commandant  Dent,  composed  the  blockading  force, 
when  a  felucca  was  seen  stealing  along  shore,  coming  from  the  west 
ward,  with  a  view  to  enter  the  harbour  in  a  fog.  A  general  chase 
ensued,  and  the  felucca  took  refuge  behind  a  reef  of  rocks,  about  ten 
miles  to  the  westward  of  Tripoli,  where  she  was  run  upon  a  beach 
of  sand.  The  Siren  now  made  a  signal  for  the  boats  to  go  in,  in 
order  to  destroy  the  enemy.  Mr.  Caldwell,  the  first  lieutenant  of 
the  Siren,  being  nearest  in,  went  ahead  with  the  launch  and  cutter 
of  that  briir,  while  the  others  followed  as  the  vessels  came  up.  As 
he  approached  the  shore,  the  boat  of  Mr.  Caldwell  got  on  a  sunken 
rock,  and  the  enemy,  who  had  begun  to  collect  in  force,  particularly 
in  cavalry,  opened  a  sharp  fire  of  musketry.  Several  of  the  Ameri 
cans  were  killed  and  wounded,  and  perceiving  that  the  enemy  were 
both  too  strong  and  too  well  posted  to  be  attacked  by  so  feeble  a  force, 
Mr.  Caldwell  returned,  directing  the  different  boats,  as  he  met  them, 
to  retire  also. 

The  Argus  and  schooners  now  obtained  positions  where  they  could 
throw  their  shot  into  the  felucca,  which  was  soon  rendered  nnsea- 
worthy.  While  this  was  doing,  the  Siren  ran  down,  opened  a  ravine 
in  which  the  Turks  were  posted,  and  dislodged  them  by  a  smart  dis 
charge  of  grape.  Afterwards,  a  broadside  or  two  were  thrown  in 
among  a  strong  body  of  cavalry,  which  had  the  effect  of  rendering 
them  cautious  in  their  operations  on  the  coast.  This  little  affair 
illustrates  the  nature  of  the  ordinary  warfare  that  was  then  carried 
on,  the  Tripolitans  sending  out  bodies  of  soldiers  to  cover  any  vessel 
that  was  expected  with  supplies.  On  this  occasion,  the  felucca  was 
said  to  be  loaded  with  salt,  an  article  that  then  bore  an  enormous 
price  in  Tripoli. 

It  was  July  the  21st,  1804,  when  Commodore  Preble  was  able  to 
sail  from  Malta,  with  all  the  force  he  had  collected,  to  join  the  vessels 
cruising  off  Tripoli.  The  blockade  had  been  kept  up  with  vigour 
for  some  months,  and  the  commodore  felt  that  the  season  had  now 
arrived  for  more  active  operations.  He  had  with  him  the  Constitu 
tion,  Enterprise,  Nautilus,  the  two  bomb-vessels  and  the  six  gun 
boats.  The  bomb-vessels  were  only  of  thirty  tons  measurement,  and 
carried  a  thirteen-inch  mortar  each.  In  scarcely  any  respect  were 
they  suited  for  the  duty  that  was  expected  of  them.  The  gun -boats 
were  little  better,  being  shallow,  unseaworthy  craft,  of  about  twenty- 
five  tons  burthen,  in  which  long  iron  twenty-fours  had  been  mounted. 
Each  boat  had  one  gun,  and  thirty-five  men  ;  the  latter,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  Neapolitans,  being  taken  from  the  different  vessels 
of  the  squadron.  The  Tripolitan  gun-boats,  which  have  already 
been  described,  were  altogether  superior,  and  the  duty  should  have 
been  exactly  reversed,  in  order  to  suit  the  qualities  of  the  respective 
craft ;  the  boats  of  Tripoli  having  been  built  to  go  on  the  coast,  while 
those  possessed  by  the  Americans  were  intended  solely  for  harbour 
defence.  In  addition  to  their  other  bad  qualities,  these  Neapolitan 


1804.1  NAVAL  HISTORY.  239 


boats  were  found  neither  to  sail  nor  to  row  even  tolerably  well.  It 
was  necessary  to  tow  them,  by  larger  vessels,  the  moment  they  got 
into  rough  water ;  and  when  it  blew  heavily,  there  was  always  danger 
of  towing  them  under.  In  addition  to  this  force,  Commodore  Preble 
had  obtained  six  long  tvventy-six-pounders  for  the  upper-deck  of  the 
Constitution,  which  were  mounted  in  the  waist. 

When  the  American  commander  assembled  his  whole  force  before 
Tripoli,  on  the  25th  of  July,  1804,  it  consisted  of  the  Constitution 
44,  Commodore  Preble;  Siren  16,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Stewart; 
Argus  16,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Hull;  Scourge  14,  Lieutenant 
Commandant  Dent ;  Vixen  12,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Smith; 
Nautilus  12,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Somers  ;  Enterprise  12,  Lieu 
tenant  Commandant  Decatur  ;  the  two  bomb-vessels,  and  six  gun 
boats.  In  some  respects  this  was  a  well  appointed  force  for  the  duty 
required,  while  in  others  it  was  lamentably  deficient.  Another 
heavy  ship,  in  particular,  was  wanted,  and  the  means  for  bombarding 
had  all  the  defects  that  may  be  anticipated.  The  two  heaviest  brigs 
had  armaments  of  twenty-four-pound  carronades ;  the  other  brig, 
and  two  of  the  schooners,  armaments  of  eighteen-pound  carronades  ; 
while  the  Enterprise  retained  her  original  equipment  of  long  sixes, 
in  consequence  of  her  ports  being  unsuited  to  the  new  guns.  As 
the  Constitution  had  a  gun-deck  battery  of  thirty  long  twenty- 
fours,  with  six  long  twenty-sixes,  and  some  lighter  long  guns  above, 
it  follows  that  the  Americans  could  bring  twenty-two  twenty-fours 
and  six  twenty-sixes  to  bear  on  the  stone  walls  of  the  town,  in  addi 
tion  to  a  few  light  chase-guns  in  the  small  vessels,  and  the  twelve- 
pounders  of  the  frigate's  quarter-deck  and  forecastle.  On  the  whole, 
there  appears  to  have  been  in  the  squadron,  twenty-eight  heavy  long 
guns,  with  about  twenty  lighter,  that  might  be  brought  to  play  on  the 
batteries  simultaneously.  Opposed  to  these  means  of  offence,  the 
bashaw  had  one  hundred  and  fifteen  guns  in  battery,  most  of  them 
quite  heavy,  and  nineteen  gun -boats  that,  of  themselves,  so  far  as 
metal  was  concerned,  were  nearly  equal  to  the  frigate.  Moored  in 
the  harbour  were  also  two  large  galleys,  two  schooners,  and  a  brig, 
all  of  which  were  armed  and  strongly  manned.  The  American 
squadron  was  manned  by  one  thousand  and  sixty  persons,  all  told, 
while  the  bashaw  had  assembled  a  force  that  has  been  estimated  as 
high  as  twenty-live  thousand,  Arabs  and  Turks  included.  The  only 
advantages  possessed  by  the  assailants,  in  the  warfare  that  is  so  soon  to 
follow,  were  those  which  are  dependent  on  spirit,  discipline,  and 
system. 

The  vessels  could  not  anchor  until  the  28th,  when  they  ran  in, 
with  the  wind  at  E.  S.  E.,  and  came-to,  by  signal,  about  a  league 
from  the  town.  This  was  hardly  done,  however,  before  the  wind 
carne  suddenly  round  to  N.  N.  W.,  thence  to  N.  N.  E.,  and  it  began 
to  blow  strong,  with  a  heavy  sea  setting  directly  on  shore.  At  6  P.  M., 
a  signal  was  made  for  the  vessels  to  weigh,  and  to  gain  an  offing. 
Fortunately,  the  wind  continued  to  haul  to  the  eastward,  or  there 
would  have  been  great  danger  of  towing  the  gun-boats  under,  while 
carrying  sail  to  claw  off  the  land.  The  gale  continued  to  increase 


240  NAVAL    HISTORY.  [1804. 

until  the  31st,  when  it  blew  tremendously.  The  courses  of  the  Con 
stitution  were  blown  away,  though  reefed,  and  it  would  have  been 
impossible  to  save  the  bomb-vessels  and  gun-boats,  had  not  the  wind 
hauled  so  far  to  the  southward  as  to  give  them  the  advantage  of  a 
weather  shore,  and  of  comparatively  smooth  water.  Fortunately, 
the  gale  ceased  the  next  day. 

On  the  third  of  August,  1804,  the  squadron  ran  in  again  and  got 
within  a  league  of  the  town,  with  a  pleasant  breeze  at  the  eastward. 
The  enemy's  gun-boats  and  galleys  had  come  outside  of  the  rocks, 
and  were  lying  there  in  two  divisions  ;  one  near  the  eastern,  and  the 
other  near  the  western  entrance,  or  about  half  a  mile  apart.  At  the 
same  time,  it  was  seen  that  all  the  batteries  were  manned,  as  if  an 
attack  was  not  only  expected,  but  invited. 

At  half-past  12,  the  Constitution  wore  with  her  head  offshore,  and 
showed  a  signal  for  all  vessels  to  come  within  hail.  As  he  came  up, 
each  commander  was  ordered  to  prepare  to  attack  the  shipping  and 
batteries.  The  bomb-vessels  and  gun-boats  were  immediately 
manned,  and  such  was  the  high  state  of  discipline  in  the  squadron, 
that  in  one  hour,  everything  was  ready  for  the  contemplated  service. 

On  this  occasion,  Commodore  Preble  made  the  following  distribu 
tion  of  that  part  of  his  force,  which  was  manned  from  the  other  ves 
sels  of  his  squadron. 

One  bombard  was  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Commandant  Dent, 
of  the  Scourge. 

The  other  bombard  by  Mr.  Robinson,  first  lieutenant  of  the  Con 
stitution. 

First  Division  of  gun-boats. 
No.  1.  Lieut.  Com.  Somers,  of  the  Nautilus. 
"     2.  Lieut.  James  Decatur,  of  the  Nautilus. 
"     3.  Lieut.  Blake,  of  the  Argus. 

Second  division  of  gun-boats. 
No.  4.  Lieut.  Com.  Decatur,  of  the  Enterprise. 
"     5.  Lieut.  Bainbridge,  of  the  Enterprise. 
"     6.  Lieut.  Trippe,  of  the  Vixen. 

At  half  past  one,  the  Constitution  wore  again,  and  stood  towards 
the  town.  At  two,  the  gun-boats  were  cast  off,  and  formed  in  ad 
vance,  covered  by  the  brigs  and  schooners,  and  half  an  hour  later, 
the  signal  was  shown  to  engage.  The  attack  was  commenced  by 
the  two  bombards,  which  began  to  throw  shells  into  the  town.  It 
was  followed  by  the  batteries,  which  were  instantly  in  a  blaze,  and 
then  the  shipping  on  both  sides  opened  their  fire,  within  reach  of  grape. 

The  eastern,  or  most  weatherly  division  of  the  enemy's  gun-boats, 
nine  in  number,  as  being  least  supported,  was  the  aim  of  the  Ameri 
can  gun-boats.  But  the  bad  qualities  of  the  latter  craft  were  quickly 
apparent,  for,  as  soon  as  Mr.  Decatur  steered  towards  the  enemy, 
with  an  intention  to  come  to  close  quarters,  the  division  of  Mr.  Som 
ers,  which  was  a  little  to  leeward,  found  it  difficult  to  sustain  him. 
Every  effort  was  made  by  the  latter  officer,  to  get  far  enough  to  wind 
ward  to  join  in  the  attack,  but  finding  it  impracticable,  he  bore  up, 
and  ran  down  alone  on  five  of  the  enemy  to  leeward,  and  engaged 


1804.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  241 

them  all  within  pistol-shot,  throwing  showers  of  grape,  cannister,  and 
musket-balls  among  them.  In  order  to  do  this,  as  soon  as  near 
enough,  the  sweeps  were  got  out,  and  the  boat  was  backed  astern  to 
prevent  her  from  drifting  in  among  the  enemy.  No.  3  was  closing 
fast,  but  a  signal  of  recall*  being  shown  from  the  Constitution,  she 
hauled  out  of  the  line  to  obey,  and  losing  ground,  she  kept  more  aloof, 
firing  at  the  boats  and  shipping  in  the  harbour,  while  No.  2,  Mr. 
James  Decatur,  was  enabled  to  join  the  division  to  windward.  No. 
5,  Mr.  Bainbridge,  lost  her  latine-yard,  while  still  in  tow  of  the  Siren, 
but,  though  unable  to  close,  she  continued  advancing,  keeping  up  a 
heavy  fire,  and  finally  touched  on  the  rocks. 

By  these  changes,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Decaturf  had  three 
boats  that  dashed  forward  with  him,  though  one  belonged  to  the 
division  of  Mr.  Somers,  viz.  No.  4,  No.  6,  and  No.  2.  The  officers 
in  command  of  these  three  boats,  went  steadily  on,  until  within  the 
smoke  of  the  enemy.  Here  they  delivered  their  fire,  throwing  in  a 
terrible  discharge  of  grape  and  musket-balls,  and  the  order  was  given 
to  board.  Up  to  this  moment,  the  odds  had  been  as  three  to  one 
against  the  assailants,  and  it  was  now,  if  possible  increased.  The 
brigs  and  schooners  could  no  longer  assist.  The  Turkish  boats  were 
not  only  the  heaviest  and  the  best  in  every  sense,  but  they  were  much 
the  strongest  manned.  The  combat  now  assumed  a  character  of 
chivalrous  prowess  and  of  desperate  personal  efforts,  that  belongs  to 
the  middle  ages,  rather  than  to  struggles  of  our  own  times.  Its  de 
tails,  indeed,  savour  more  of  the  glow  of  romance,  than  of  the  sober 
severity  that  we  are  accustomed  to  associate  with  reality. 

Lieutenant  Commandant  Decatur  took  the  lead.  He  had  no 
sooner  discharged  his  shower  of  musket-balls,  than  No.  4  was  laid 
alongside  the  opposing  boat  of  the  enemy,  and  he  went  into  her,  fol 
lowed  by  Lieutenant  Thorn,  Mr.  M'Donough,  and  all  the  Americans 
of  his  crew.  The  Tripolitan  boat  was  divided  nearly  in  two  parts,, 
by  a  long  open  hatchway,  and  as  the  people  of  No.  4  came  in  on  one 
side,  the  Turks  retreated  to  the  other,  making  a  sort  of  ditch  of  the 
open  space.  This  caused  an  instant  of  delay,  and,  perhaps,  fortu 
nately,  for  it  permitted  the  assailants  to  act  together.  As  soon  as- 
readv,  Mr.  Decatur  charged  round  each  end  of  the  hatchway,  and' 
after  a  short  struggle,  a  portion  of  the  Turks  were  piked  and  bayo 
neted,  while  the  rest  submitted,  or  leaped  into  the  water.J 

No  sooner  had  Mr.  Decatur  <rot  possession  of  the  boat  first  assailed; 
than  he  took  her  in  tow,  and  bore  down  on  the  one  next  to  leeward. 
Running  the  enemy  aboard,  as  before,  he  went  into  him,  with  most 
of  his  officers  and  men.  The  captain  of  the  Tripolitan  vessel  was  a 
large  powerful  man,  and  Mr.  Decatur  personally  charged  him  with  a 
pike.  The  weapon,  however,  was  seized  by  the  Turk,  wrested  from 

*  This  signal  was  bent  on  by  mistake,  and  was  abroad  ?  moment  only,  but  tbe  fact  that 
it  was  shown,  was  established  before  a  Court  of  Inquiry,  which  exonerated  Mr.  Blake 
from  censure. 

t  He  was  Captain  Decatur  at  the  time,  but  the  fact  was  not  yet  known  in  the  squadron. 

t  It  is  probable  that  the  crew  of  this  boat  was  in  a  measure  staggered  by  tbe  close  fire 
of  the  arun.  as  No.  4  approached,  her  cantain  having  received  no  fewer  then  fourteen 
musket-balls  in  bis  body,  by  that  one  discharge. 
VOL.    I.  16 


242  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1804. 


the  hands  of  the  assailant,  and  turned  against  its  owner.  The  latter 
parried  a  thrust,  and  made  a  blow  with  his  sword  at  the  pike,  with  a 
view  to  cut  off  its  head.  The  sword  hit  the  iron,  and  broke  at  the 
hilt,  and  at  the  next  instant  the  Turk  made  another  thrust.  Noth 
ing  was  left  to  the  gallant  Decatur,  but  his  arm,  with  which  he  so  far 
averted  the  blow,  as  to  receive  the  pike  through  the  flesh  of  one  breast. 
Pushing  the  iron  from  the  wound,  by  tearing  the  flesh,  he  sprang 
within  the  weapon,  and  grappled  his  antagonist.  The  pike  fell  be 
tween  the  two,  and  a  short  trial  of  strength  succeeded,  in  which  the 
Turk  prevailed.  As  the  combatants  fell,  however,  Mr.  Decatur  so 
far  released  himself  as  to  lie  side  by  side  with  his  foe  on  the  deck. 
The  Tripolitan  now  endeavoured  to  reach  his  poniard,  while  his 
hand  was  firmly  held  by  that  of  his  enemy.  At  this  critical  instant, 
when  life  or  death  depended  on  a  moment  well  employed,  or  a  mo 
ment  lost,  Mr.  Decatur  drew  a  small  pistol  from  a  pocket,  passed  the 
arm  that  was  free  round  the  body  of  the  Turk,  pointed  the  muzzle  in, 
and  fired.  The  ball  passed  entirely  through  the  body  of  the  Mussel- 
man,  and  lodged  in  the  clothes  of  his  foe.  At  the  same  instant, 
Mr.  Decatur  felt  the  grasp  that  had  almost  smothered  him  relax,  and 
he  was  liberated.  He  sprang  up,  and  the  Tripolitan  lay  dead  at  his 
feet. 

In  such  a  melie  it  cannot  be  supposed  that  the  struggle  of  the  two 
leaders  would  go  unnoticed.  An  enemy  raised  his  sabre  to  cleave  the 
skull  of  Mr.  Decatur,  while  he  was  occupied  by  his  enemy,  and  a 
young  man  of  the  Enterprise's  crew  interposed  an  arm  to  save  him. 
The  blow  was  intercepted,  but  trie  limb  was  severed  to  a  bit  of  skin. 
A  fresh  rush  was  now  made  upon  the  enemy,  who  was  overcome 
without  much  further  resistance. 

An  idea  of  the  desperate  nature  of  the  fighting  that  distinguished 
this  remarkable  assauJt,  may  be  gained  from  the  amount  of  the  loss. 
The  two  boats  captured  by  Lieutenant  Commandant  Decatur,  had 
about  eighty  men  in  them,  of  whom  fifty-two  are  known  to  have  been 
killed  and  wounded  ;  most  of  the  latter  very  badly.  As  only  eight 
prisoners  were  made  who  were  not  wounded,  and  many  jumped  over 
board,  and  swam  to  the  rocks,  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  Turks 
suffered  still  more  severely.  Lieutenant  Commandant  Decatur  him 
self  being  wounded,  he  secured  his  second  prize,  and  hauled  off  to 
rejoin  the  squadron  ;  all  the  rest  of  the  enemy's  division  that  were 
not  taken,  having  by  this  time,  run  into  the  harbour,  by  passing 
through  the  openings  between  the  rocks. 

While  Lieutenant  Commandant  Decatur  was  thus  employed  to 
windward,  his  brother,  Mr.  James  Decatur,  the  first  lieutenant  of  the 
Nautilus,  was  nobly  emulating  his  example  in  No.  2.  Reserving  his 
fire  like  No.  4,  this  young  officer  dashed  into  the  smoke,  and  was  on 
the  point  of  boarding,  when  he  received  a  musket  ball  in  his  forehead. 
The  boats  met  and  rebounded  ;  and  in  the  confusion  of  the  death 
of  the  commanding  officer  of  No.  2,  the  Turk  was  enabled  to  escape, 
under  a  heavy  fire  from  the  Americans.  It  was  said,  at  the  time, 
that  the  enemy  had  struck  before  Mr.  Decatur  fell,  though  the  fact 


1804.]  NAVAL  HISTOK.Y.  243 

must  remain  in  doubt.     It  is,  however,  believed  that  he  sustained  a 
very  severe  loss. 

In  the  mean  time,  Mr.  Trippe,  in  No.  6,  the  last  of  the  three  boats 
that  were  able  to  reach  the  weather  division,  was  not  idle.  Reserv- 
in<r  his  fire,  like  the  others,  he  delivered  it  with  deadly  effect,  when 
closing,  and  went  aboard  of  his  enemy  in  the  smoke.  In  this 
instance,  the  boats  also  separated  by  the  shock  of  the  collision,  leav 
ing  Mr.  Trippe,  with  Mr.  J.  D.  Henley,  and  nine  men  only,  on 
board  the  Tripolitan.  Here,  too,  the  commanders  singled  each  other 
out,  and  a  severe  personal  combat  occurred,  while  the  work  of  death 
was  going  on  around  them.  The  Turk  was  young,  and  of  a  large- 
athletic  form,  and  he  soon  compelled  his  slighter  but  more  active  foe 
to  fight  with  caution.  Advancing  on  Mr.  Trippe,  he  would  strike  a 
blow  and  receive  a  thrust  in  return.  In  this  manner,  he  gave  the 
American  commander  no  less  than  eight  sabre  wounds  in  the  head, 
and  two  in  the  breast ;  when,  making  a  sudden  rush,  he  struck  a 
ninth  blow  on  the  head,  which  brought  Mr.  Trippe  upon  a  knee. 
Rallying  all  his  force  in  a  desperate  effort,  the  latter,  who  still  retain 
ed  the  short  pike  with  which  he  fought,  made  a  thrust  that  passed 
the  weapon  through  his  gigantic  adversary,  and  tumbled  him  on  his 
back.  As  soon  as  the  Tripolitan  officer  fell,  the  remainder  of  his 
people  submitted. 

The  boat  taken  by  Mr.  Trippe,  was  one  of  the  largest  belonging 
to  the  bashaw.  The  number  of  her  men  is  not  positively  known, 
but,  living  and  dead,  thirty-six  were  found  in  her,  of  whom  twenty- 
one  were  either  killed  or  wounded.  When  it  is  remembered  that  but 
eleven  Americans  boarded  her,  the  achievement  must  pass  for  one 
of  the  most  gallant  on  record.* 

All  this  time  the  cannonade  and  bombardment  continued  without 
ceasing.  Lieutenant  Commandant  Somers,  in  No.  1,  sustained  by 
the  brigs  and  schooners,  had  forced  the  remainingboats  to  retreat,  and 
this  resolute  officer  pressed  them  so  hard,  as  to  be  compelled  to  ware 
within  a  short  distance  of  a  battery  of  twelve  guns,  quite  near  the 
mole.  Her  destruction  seemed  inevitable,  as  the  boat  came  slowly 
round,  when  a  shell  fell  into  the  battery,  most  opportunely  blew  up 
the  platform^  and  drove  the  enemy  out,  to  a  man.  Before  the  guns 
could  be  again  used  the  boat  had  got  in  tow  of  one  of  the  small 
vessels. 

There  was  a  division  of  five  boats  and  two  galleys  of  the  enemy, 
that  had  been  held  in  reserve  within  the  rocks,  and  these  rallied  their 
retreating  countrymen,  and  made  two  efforts  to  come  out  and  inter 
cept  the  Americans  and  their  prizes,  but  they  were  kept  in  check  by 
the  fire  of  the  frigate  and  small  vessels.  The  Constitution  maintained 
a  very  heavy  fire,  and  silenced  several  of  the  batteries,  though  they 

*  While  Mr.  Trippe  was  so  hard  pressed  by  his  antagonist,  a  Turk  aimed  a  blow  at 
him,  from  behind,  but  just  before  the  latter  struck,  Sergeant  Meredith,  of  the  marines, 
passed  a  bayonet  through  his  body.  While  the  prizes  were  hauling  off,  no  one  had 
thought,  intiie  confusion  of  such  a  scene,  of  lowering  the  flag  of  the  Tripolitan  boat,  and 
she  was  seen  advancing  with  the  enemy's  ensign  set.  The  Vixen  gave  her  a  broadside, 
which  brought  down  colours,  mast,  latine-yard,  and  all.  Fortunately,  no  one  was  hurt. 


244  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1804. 

re-opened  as  soon  as  she  had  passed.     The  bombards  were  covered 
with  the  spray  of  shot,  but  continued  to  throw  shells  to  the  last. 

At  half  past  four,  the  wind  coming  round  to  the  northward,  a 
signal  was  made  for  the  gun-boats  and  bomb-vessels  to  rejoin  the 
small  vessels,  and  another  to  take  them  and  the  prizes  in  tow.  The 
last  order  was  handsomely  executed  by  the  brigs  and  schooners, 
under  cover  of  a  blaze  of  fire  from  the  frigate.  A  quarter  of  an 
hour  later,  the  Constitution  herself  hauled  oft',  and  ran  out  of  gun-shot. 

Thus  terminated  the  first  serious  attack  that  was  made  on  the 
town  and  batteries  of  Tripoli.  Its  effect  on  the  enemy,  was  of  the 
most  salutary  kind ;  the  manner  in  which  their  gun-boats  had  been 
taken,  by  boarding,  having  made  a  lasting  and  deep  impression. 
The  superiority  of  the  Christians  in  gunnery,  was  generally  admitted 
before,  but  here  was  an  instance  in  which  the  Turks  had  beeri  over 
come,  by  inferior  numbers,  hand  to  hand,  a  species  of  conflict  in 
which  they  had  been  thought  particularly  to  excel.  Perhaps  no 
instance  of  more  desperate  fighting  of  the  sort,  without  defensive 
armour,  is  to  be  found  in  the  pages  of  history.  Three  gun-boats 
were  sunk  in  the  harbour,  in  addition  to  the  three  that  were  taken, 
and  the  loss  of  the  Tripolitans  by  shot,  must  have  been  very  heavy. 
About  fifty  shells  were  thrown  into  the  town,  but  little  damage 
appears  to  have  been  done  in  this  way,  very  few  of  the  bombs,  on 
account  of  the  imperfect  materials  that  had  been  furnished,  exploding. 
The  batteries  were  a  good  deal  damaged,  but  the  town  suffered  no 
essential  injury. 

On  the  part  of  the  Americans,  only  14  were  killed  and  wounded  in 
the  affair,  and  all  of  these,  with  the  exception  of  one  man,  belonged 
to  the  gun-boats.  The  Constitution,  though  under  fire  two  hours, 
escaped  much  better  than  could  have  been  expected.  She  received 
one  heavy  shot  through v her  main-mast,  had  a  quarter-deck  gun 
injured,*  and  was  a  good  deal  cut  up  aloft.  The  enemy  had  calcu 
lated  his  range  for  a  more  distant  cannonade,  and  generally  overshot 
the  ships.  By  this  mistake,  the  Constitution  had  her  main-royal 
yard  shot  away. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  battle  of  the  3d  of  August,  the  officers  who 
had  opportunities  of  particularly  distinguishing  themselves,  were 
Lieutenants  Commandant  Decatur  and  Soiners;  Lieutenants  Trippe, 
Decatur,  Bainbridge,  and  Thorn,  and  Messrs.  M'Donough,  Henley, 
Ridgely,  and  Miller.  But  the  whole  squadron  behaved  well;  and 
the  Constitution  was  handled,  under  the  fire  of  the  batteries,  with  the 
steadiness  of  a  ship  working  into  a  roadsted. 

*  A  shot  came  in  aft,  hit  the  gnn,  and  broke  in  several  pieces.  Commodore  Preble 
was  directly  in  its  range,  but  he  escaped  by  the  shot's  breaking.  One  of  the  fragments 
took  oif  the  tip  of  a  marine's  elbow,  quite  near  him. 


1804.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  245 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Capt.  Morris  boards  and  carries  a  French  privateer  by  surprise — Three  captured  gun 
boats  brought  into  service — Second  bombardment — Gun-boat,  No.  8,  blown  up — Lieut. 
Caldwell  and  Mr.  Kennedy  among  the  killed — Notice  of  Mr.  Kennedy — Arrival  of  the 
John  Adams,  Gapt.  Chauncey — The  Bashaw  is  disposed  to  treat — his  propositions 
rejected — Third  bombardment,  without  effect — Fourth  bombardment— does  much 
injury  to  the  town — Capt.  Bainbridge  (a  prisoner  in  the  castle)  is  wounded  in  his  befd 
by  the  rebound  of  a  shot — Fifth  bombardment — New  disposition  of  the  forces — The 
enemy's  batteries  silenced  by  the  brisk  fire  of  the  Constitution. 

THE  vessels  hauled  off  and  anchored  ahovit  two  leagues  from 
Tripoli,  to  repair  their  damages.  On  the  morning  of  the  5th,  the 
Argus  brought-to  a  small  French  privateer  that  had  just  got  out  of 
the  harbour,  and  Commodore  Preble  induced  her  commander  to 
return  and  carry  in  all  the  badly  wounded  among  his  prisoners.* 
From  the  captain  of  this  vessel,  he  learned  that  the  enemy  had  suf 
fered  even  more  than  had  been  expected  in  the  attack  of  the  3d, 
particularly  in  and  about  the  port.  On  the  7th,  the  privateer  came 
out,  bringing  a  letter  from  the  French  consul,  stating  that  the 
bashaw  was  much  more  disposed  to  treat  than  previously  to  the  late 
affair,  and  advising  the  commodore  to  send  in  a  flag  of  tnice,  with 
a  view  to  negotiate.  As  the  castle  made  no  signal  to  support  this 
proposition,  it  was  not  regarded. 

Between  the  3d  and  the  7th,  the  squadron  was  occupied  in  altering 
the  rig  of  the  three  captured  gun-boats,  and  in  putting  them  in  a  con 
dition  for  service.  As  soon  as  the  latter  were  equipped,  they  were 
numbered  7,  8,  and  9,  and  the  command  of  them  was  given  to  Lieu 
tenants  Crane,  Caldwell,  and  Thorn.  At 9  A.  M.,  on  the  7th,  the  light 
vessels  weighed,  and  the  bombards  proceeded  to  take  a  position  in  a 
small  bay  to  the  westward  of  the  town,  where  they  were  not  much 
exposed  to  shot.  At  half  past  2,  the  bombards,  having  gained  their 
anchorage,  commenced  throwing  shells,  and  the  gun-boats  opened  a 
heavy  fire  on  the  batteries.  The  effect  on  the  latter  was  soon 
apparent,  and  many  of  their  guns  were  rendered  useless,  hi  the 
height  of  the  cannonade,  a  strange  vessel  appeared  in  the  offing,  and 
the  Argus  was  sent  in  chase.  The  enemy  now  began  to  get  his 
galleys  and  gun-boats  in  motion,  and  once  or  twice  they  advanced 
toward  the  opening  between  the  rocks,  and  commenced  a  fire  ;  but 
the  Constitution,  Nautilus,  and  Enterprise,  heing  stationed  to  wind 
ward  to  cut  them  off,  and  the  Siren  and  Vixen  lying  near  the  American 
gun-vessels  to  cover  the  latter,  the  enemy,  after  the  lesson  received  on 
the  3d,  were  afraid  to  venture. 

At  half  past  3,  or  after  the  action  had  lasted  about  an  hour,  a  shot 
psssed  through  the  magazine  of  No.  8,  Lieutenant  Caldwell,  the  boat 
taken  by  Mr.  Trippe  in  the  affair  of  the  3d,  and  she  immediately  blew 
up.  When  the  smoke  cleared  away,  all  the  after  part  of  the  boat 

*  Mr.  Morris  of  the  Argus  was  rowing  guard,  close  in,  when  he  found  himself  unex 
pectedly  alongside  of  a  strange  sail.  Without  hesitating,  he  boarded  and  carried  her  by 
surprise,  when  she  proved  to  be  the  privateer  in  question. 


246  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1804 


was  under  water,  while  Mr.  Robert  T.  Spence,  of  the  Siren,  and  11 
men,  were  forward,  loading  the  long  twenty-six-pounder  that  formed 
her  armament.  This  gun  was  loaded,  and  fired,  and  its  gallant  crew 
gave  three  cheers,  as  their  vessel  sunk  beneath  them.  Mr.  Spence, 
who  could  not  swim,  saved  himself  on  an  oar,  while  the  rest  of  the 
people  got  on  board  the  different  boats,  where  they  continued  to  fight 
during  the  remainder  of  the  action. 

No.  8,  when  she  blew  up,  had  a  crew  of  28  persons  in  all,  of  whom 
10  were  killed  and  6  wounded.  Among  the  former  was  Mr.  Cald- 
well,  her  commander,  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  Siren,  ai  d  Mr. 
Dorsey,  a  midshipman  of  the  same  vessel.  These  two  officers 
were  greatly  regretted,  as  both  bade  fair  to  be  ornaments  to  their 
profession.* 

At  half  past  5,  or  after  the  cannonade  had  lasted  nearly  three  hours, 
the  Constitution  made  a  signal  for  the  brigs  and  schooners  to  take 
the  bombards  and  gun-boats  in  tow,  and  the  squadron  hauled  off  for 
its  anchorage  again.  Just  at  this  time,  the  Argus  made  a  signal  that 
the  sail  in  sight  was  a  friend. 

The  gun-boats,  in  this  attack,  suffered  considerably.  ID  conse 
quence  of  the  wind's  being  on-shore,  Commodore  Preble  had  kept  the 
frigate  out  of  the  action,  and  the  enemy's  batteries  had  no  interruption 
from  the  heavy  fire  of  that  ship.  Several  of  the  American  boats  had 
been  hulled,  and  all  suffered  materially  in  their  sails  and  rigging. 
No.  6,  Lieutenant  Wadsworth,  had  her  latine-yard  shot  away.  The 
killed  and  wounded  amounted  to  18  men. 

At  8  o'clock  in  the  evening,  the  John  Adams  28,  Captain  Chaun- 
cey,  from  America,  came  within  hail  of  the  Constitution,  and  reported 
herself.  By  this  ship,  Commodore  Preble  received  despatches  in 
forming  him  of  the  equipment  of  the  vessels  that  were  to  come  out 
under  Commodore  Barron,  and  of  the  necessity,  which  was  thought 
to  exist,  of  superseding  him  in  the  command.  Captain  Chauncey 
also  stated  the  probability  of  the  speedy  arrival  of  the  expected  ships, 
which  were  to  sail  shortly  after  his  own  departure.  As  the  John 
Adams  had  brought  stores  for  the  squadron,  and  had  put  most  of  her 
gun-carriages  in  the  other  frigates  to  enable  her  to  do  so,  .she  could 
be  of  no  immediate  use  ;  and  the  rest  of  the  vessels  being  so  soon 
expected,  Commodore  Preble  was  induced  to  delay  the  other  attacks 
he  had  meditated,  on  the  ground  of  prudence. 

*  Mr.  Edmund  P.  Kennedy,  one  of  the  gunner's  crew  belonging  to  the  Siren,  was  the 
captain  of  the  gun,  on  board  No.  8,  when  she  blew  lip.  Mr.  Kennedy  was  a  young  gen 
tleman  of  Maryland,  -who  had  quilted  school  in  quest  of  adventure,  nnd,  having  been 
impressed  into  the  British  navy,  on  obtaining  his  discharge  in  the  Mediterranean,  he 
entered  under  the  flag  of  his  country.  In  consequence  of  his  good  conduct  on  this 
occasion,  and  from  a  desire  to  place  him  in  a  station  better  suited  to  his  pn  tensions, 
Commodore  Preble  made  Mr.  Kennedy  an  acting  midshipman.  The  appointment  wa& 
confirmed  at  home,  and  the  gentleman  in  question  has  since  worn  a  broad  pennant.  It 
is  believed  that  this  officer  and  one  other,  have  been  the  only  two  in  the  navy  who  could 
beast  of  having  gone  through  all  the  gradations  of  the  service,  from  forward,  aft. 

During  the  attack  of  the  7th,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Somcrs  was  standing  leaning 
against  the  flag-staff  of  No.  1,  as  the  boat  advanced  to  her  station.  Ho  saw  a  shot  coming 
directly  in  a  tine  with  his  head,  and  stooped  to  avoid  it.  The  shot  cut  the  flag-stali'in 
two,  and,  after  the  affair,  Mr.  Somers  stood  op  against  the  stump,  when  it  was  found  that, 
had  he  not  been  so  quick  in  his  movements,  the  shot  would  have  hit  his  chin. 


1804.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  247 

By  the  John  Adams,  intelligence  reached  the  squadron  of  the 
re-establishment  of  the  rank  of  masters  and  commanders,  and  the 
new  commissions  were  brought  out  to  the  officers  before  Tripoli,  who 
had  been  promoted.  In  consequence  of  these  changes,  Lieutenant 
Commandant  Decatur  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  captain,  and  became 
the  second  in  command  then  present ;  while  Lieutenants  Command 
ant  Stewart,  Hull,  Chauncey,  Smith,  and  Somers,  became  masters 
commandant,  in  the  order  in  which  they  are  named.  Several  of  the 
young  gentlemen  were  also  promoted,  including  most  of  those  who 
had  a  share  in  the  destruction  of  the  Philadelphia. 

The  bashaw  now  became  more  disposed  than  ever  to  treat,  the 
warfare  promising  much  annoyance,  with  no  corresponding  benefits. 
The  cannonading  did  his  batteries  and  vessels  great  injuries,  though 
the  town  probably  suffered  less  than  might  have  been  expected,  being 
in  a  measure  protected  by  its  walls.  The  shells,  too,  that  had  been 
procured  at  Messina,  turned  out  to  be  very  bad,  few  exploding  when 
they  fell.*  The  case  was  different  with  the  shot,  which  did  their 
work  effectually  on  the  different  batteries.  Some  idea  may  be  formed 
of  the  spirit  of  the  last  attack,  from  the  report  of  Commodore  Preble, 
who  stated  that  nine  guns,  one  of  which  was  used  but  a  short  time, 
threw  500  heavy  shot,  in  the  course  of  little  more  than  two  hours. 

Although  the  delay  caused  by  the  expected  arrival  of  the  reinforce 
ment,  was  improved  to  open  a  negotiation, it  was  without  effect.  The 
bashaw  had  lowered  his  demands  quite  half,  but  he  still  insisted  on  a 
ransom  of  $500  a  man  for  his  prisoners,  though  he  waived  the  usual 
claim  for  tribute,  in  future.  These  propositions  were  rejected,  it 
being  expected  that,  after  the  arrival  of  the  reinforcement,  the  treaty 
might  be  made  on  the  usual  terms  of  civilised  nations. 

On  the  9th  of  August,  the  Argus,  Captain  Hull,  had  a  narrow 
escape.  That  brig  having  stood  in  towards  the  town,  to  reconnoitre 
with  Commodore  Preble  on  board,  one  of  the  heaviest  of  the  shot 
from  the  batteries,  raked  her  bottom,  for  some  distance,  and  cut  the 
plank  half  through.  An  inch  or  two  of  variation  in  the  direction 
of  this  shot,  would  infallibly  have  sunk  the  brig,  and  that  probably 
in  a  very  few  minutes. 

No  intelligence  arriving  from  the  expected  vessels,  Commodore 
Preble  about  the  16th,  began  to  make  his  preparations  for  another 
attack,  sending  the  Enterprise,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Robinson, 
to  Malta,  with  orders  for  the  agent  to  forward  transports  with  water, 
the  vessels  being  on  a  short  allowance  of  that  great  essential.  On 
the  night  of  the  17th,  Captains  Decatur  and  Chauncey  went  close 
in,  in  boats,  and  reconnoitered  the  situation  of  the  enemy.  These 
officers,  on  their  return,  reported  that  the  vessels  of  the  Tripolitan 
flotilla  were  moored  abreast  of  each  other,  in  a  line  extending  from 
the  mole  to  the  castle,  with  their  heads  to  the  eastward,  which  was 

*  According  to  the  private  journal  of  Captain  Bainbridge,  then  a  prisoner  in  the  town, 
out  of  forty-eight  shells  thrown  by  the  two  bombards  in  the  attack  of  the  7th,  but  one 
exploded.  Agreeably  to  the  records  made  by  this  officer  at  the  time,  the  bombs  on  no 
occasion  did  much  injury,  and  the  town  generally  suffered  less  by  shot  even  than  was 
commonly  supposed. 


248  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1804. 

making  a  defence  directly  across  the  inner  harbour  or  galley-mole. 

A  gale,  however,  compelled  the  American  squadron  to  stand  off 
shore  on  the  morning  of  the  18th,  which  caused  another  delay  in  the 
contemplated  movements.  While  lying  to,  in  the  offing,  the  vessels 
met  the  transports  from  Malta,  and  the  Enterprise  returned,  bringing 
no  intelligence  from  the  expected  reinforcement. 

On  the  24th,  the  squadron  stood  in  towards  the  town  again,  with  a 
light  breeze  from  the  eastward.  At  8  P.  M.,  the  Constitution  an 
chored  just  out  of  gun-shot  of  the  batteries,  but  it  fell  calm,  and  the 
boats  of  the  different  vessels  were  sent  to  tow  the  bombards  to  a  po 
sition  favourable  for  throwing  shells.  This  was  thought  to  have 
been  effected  by  2  A.  M.,  when  the  two  vessels  began  to  heave  their 
bombs,  covered  by  the  gun-boats.  At  daylight,  they  all  retired, 
without  having  received  a  shot  in  return.  Commodore  Treble  ap 
pears  to  have  distrusted  the  result  of  this  bombardment,  the  first 
attempt  at  night,  and  there  is  reason  to  think  it  produced  but  little 
effect.* 

The  weather  proving  very  fine  and  the  wind  favourable,  on  the 
28th,  Commodore  Preble  determined  to  make  a  more  vigorous  assault 
on  the  town  and  batteries,  than  any  which  had  preceded  it,  and  his 
dispositions  were  taken  accordingly.  The  gun-boats  and  bombards 
requiring  so  many  men  to  manage  them,  the  Constitution  and  the 
small  vessels  had  been  compelled  to  go  into  action  short  of  hands,  in 
the  previous  affairs.  To  obviate  this  difficulty,  the  John  Adams  had 
been  kept  before  the  town,  and  a  portion  of  her  officers  and  crew, 
and  nearly  all  her  boats,  were  put  in  requisition,  on  the  present 
occasion.  Captain  Chauncey,  himself,  with  about  70  of  his  people, 
went  on  board  the  flag-ship,  and  all  the  boats  of  the  squadron  were 
hoisted  out  and  manned.  The  bombards  were  crippled  and  could 
not  be  brought  into  service,  a  circumstance  that  probably  was  of  no 
great  consequence,  on  account  of  the  badness  of  the  materials  they 
were  compelled  to  use.t  These  two  vessels,  with  the  Scourge, 
transports,  and  John  Adams,  were  anchored  well  off  at  sea,  not  being 
available  in  the  contemplated  cannonading. 

Every  thing  being  prepared,  a  little  after  midnight  the  folloAving 
gun-boats  proceeded  to  their  stations,  viz  :  No.  1,  Captain  Somers  ; 
No.  2,  Lieutenant  Gordon  ;  No.  3,  Mr.  Brooks,  master  of  the  Argus ; 
No.  4,  Captain  Decatur;  No.  5,  Lieutenant  Lawrence;  No.  6 
Lieutenant  Wadsworth  ;  No.  7,  Lieutenant  Crane  ;  and  No.  9 
Lieutenant  Thorn.  They  were  divided  into  two  divisions,  as  before 
Captain  Decatur  having  become  the  superior  officer,  however,  by  his 
recent  promotion.  About  3  A.  M.  the  gun-boats  advanced  close  to 
the  rocks  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbour,  covered  by  the  Siren,  Cap 
tain  Stewart,  Argus,  Captain  Hull,  Vixen,  Captain  Smith,  Nautilus, 
Lieutenant  Reed,  and  Enterprise,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Robin- 

*  Captain  Bainbridge,  in  his  private  journal,  says  that  all  the  shells  thrown  on  this 
occasion  fell  short. 

t  It  is  stated  that  Commodore  Prehle  subsequently  discovered  lead  in  the  fuse-holes 
of  many  of  the  bombs.  It  was  supposed  that  this  had  been  done  by  treachery,  by  means 
of  French  agents  in  Cicily,  the  shells  having  been  charged  to  resist  the  French  invasion 


1804.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  249 

son,  and  accompanied  by  all  the  boats  of  the  squardon.  Here  they 
anchored,  with  springs  on  their  cables,  and  commenced  a  cannonade 
on  the  enemy's  shipping,  castle,  and  town.  As  soon  as  the  day 
dawned,  the  Constitution  weighed  and  stood  in  towards  the  rocks, 
under  a  heavy  fire  from  the  batteries,  Fort  English,  and  the  castle. 
At  this  time,  the  enemy's  gun-boats  and  galleys,  thirteen  in  number, 
were  closely  and  warmly  engaged  with  the  eight  American  boats;  and 
the  Constitution,  ordering  the  latter  to  retire  by  signal,  as  their  ammu 
nition  was  mostly  consumed,  delivered  a  heavy  lire  of  round  and 
grape  on  the  former  as  she  came  up.  One  of  the  enemy's  boats  was 
soon  sunk,  two  were  run  ashore  to  prevent  them  from  meeting  a  sim 
ilar  fate,  and  the  rest  retreated. 

The  Constitution  now  continued  to  stand  on,  until  she  had  run  in 
within  musket-shot  of  the  mole,  when  she  brought-to,  and  opened 
upon  the  town,  batteries,  and  castle.  Here  she  lay  three  quarters  of 
an  hour,  pouring  in  a  fierce  fire,  with  great  effect,  until  finding  that 
all  the  small  vessels  were  out  of  gun-shot,  she  hauled  ofT.  About 
700  heavy  shot  were  hove  at  the  enemy,  in  this  attack,  besides  a  good 
many  from  the  chase-guns  of  the  small  vessels.  The  enemy  sus 
tained  much  damage,  and  lost  many  men.  The  American  brigs  and 
schooners  were  a  good  deal  injured  aloft,  as  was  the  Constitution. 
Although  the  latter  ship  was  so  lonij  within  reach  of  grape,  many  of 
which  shot  struck  her,  she  had  not  a  man  hurt !  Several  of  her 
shrouds,  back-stays,  trusses,  spring-stays,  chains,  lifts,  and  a  great 
deal  of  running  rigging  were  shot  away,  and  yet  her  hull  escaped 
with  very  trifling  injuries.  A  boat  belonging  to  the  John  Adams, 
under  the  orders  of  Mr.  John  Orde  Creighton,  one  of  that  ship's 
master's  mates,  was  sunk  by  a  double-headed  shot,  which  killed  three 
men,  and  badly  wounded  a  fourth,  but  the  officer  and  the  rest  of  the 
boat's  crew  were  saved. 

In  this  attack  a  heavy  shot  from  the  American  gun-boats  struck 
the  castle,  passed  through  a  wall,  and  rebounding  from  the  opposite 
side  of  the  room,  fell  within  six  inches  of  Captain  Bainbridge,  who 
was  in  bed  at  the  moment,  and  covered  him  with  stones  and  mortar, 
from  under  which  he  was  taken,  considerably  hurt,  by  his  own  offi 
cers.  More  injury  was  done  to  the  town  in  this  attack,  than  in  either 
of  the  others,  the  shot  appearing  to  have  told  on  many  of  the  houses. 

From  this  time  to  the  close  of  the  month,  preparations  were  mak 
ing  to  use  the  bombards  again,  and  for  renewing  the  cannonading, 
another  transport  having  arrived  from  Malta,  without  bringing  any 
intelligence  of  the  vessels  under  the  orders  of  Commodore  Barron. 
On  the  3d  of  September,  every  thing  being  ready,  at  half  past  two 
the  signal  was  made  for  the  small  vessels  to  advance.  The  enemy 
had  improved  the  time  as  well  as  the  Americans,  and  they  had  raised 
three  of  their  own  gun-boats  that  had  been  sunk  in  the  affairs  of  the 
3d  and  of  the  28th  of  August.  These  craft  were  now  added  to  the 
rest  of  their  flotilla. 

The  Tripolitans  had  also  changed  their  mode  of  fighting.  Hith 
erto,  with  the  exception  of  the  affair  of  the  3d,  their  galleys  and  gun- 
Doats  had  lain  either  behind  the  rocks,  in  positions  to  fire  over  them, 


250  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1804. 

or  at  the  openings  between  them,  and  they  consequently  found  them 
selves  to  leeward  of  the  frigate  and  small  American  cruisers,  the 
latter  invariably  choosing  easterly  winds  to  advance  with,  as  they 
would  permit  crippled  vessels  to  retire.  On  the  3d  of  August,  the 
case  excepted,  the  Turks  had  been  so  roughly  treated  by  being 
brought  hand  to  hand,  when  they  evidently  expected  nothing  more 
than  a  cannonade,  that  they  were  not  disposed  to  venture  again  out 
side  of  the  harbour.  On  the  3d  of  September,  however,  the  day  at 
which  we  have  now  arrived,  their  plan  of  defence  was  judiciously 
altered.  No  sooner  was  it  perceived  that  the  American  squadron 
was  in  motion,  with  a  fresh  design  to  annoy  them,  than  their  gun 
boats  and  galleys  got  underway,  and  worked  up  to  windward,  until 
they  had  gained  a  station  on  the  weather  side  of  the  harbour,  directly 
under  the  fire  of  Fort  English,  as  well  as  of  a  new  battery  that  had 
been  erected  a  little  to  the  westward  of  the  latter. 

This  disposition  of  the  enemy's  force,  required  a  corresponding 
change  on  the  part  of  the  Americans.  The  bombards  were  directed 
to  take  stations  and  to  commence  throwing  their  shells,  while  the 
gun-boats,  in  two  divisions,  commanded  as  usual  by  Captains  Deca- 
tur  and  Somers,  and  covered  by  the  brigs  and  schooners,  assailed 
the  enemy's  flotilla.  This  arrangement  separated  the  battle  into  two 
distinct  parts,  leaving  the  bomb  vessels  very  much  exposed  to  the 
fire  of  the  castle,  the  mole,  crown,  and  other  batteries. 

The  Tripolitan  gun-boats  and  galleys  stood  the  fire  of  the  Ameri 
can  flotilla  until  the  latter  had  got  within  reach  of  musketry,  when 
they  retreated.  The  assailants  now  separated,  some  of  the  gun 
boats  following  the  enemy,  and  pouring  in  their  fire,  while  the  others, 
with  the  brigs  and  schooners,  cannonaded  Fort  English. 

In  the  mean  while,  perceiving  that  the  bombards  were  suffering 
severely  from  the  undisturbed  fire  of  the  guns  to  which  they  were 
exposed,  Commodore  Preble  ran  down  in  the  Constitution,  quite 
near  the  rocks,  and  within  the  bomb  vessels,  and  brought-to.  Here 
the  frigate  opened  as  warm  a  fire  as  probably  ever  came  out  of  the 
broadside  of  a  single-decked  ship,  and  in  a  position  where  seventy 
heavy  guns  could  bear  upon  her.  The  whole  harbour,  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  town,  was  glittering  with  the  spray  of  her  shot,  and  each 
battery,  as  usual,  was  silenced  ns  soon  as  it  drew  her  attention.  Af 
ter  throwing  more  than  three  hundred  round  shot,  besides  grape  and 
cannister,  the  frigate  hauled  off,  having  previously  ordered  the  other 
vessels  to  retire  from  action,  by  signal. 

The  gun-boats,  in  this  affair,  were  an  hour  and  fifteen  minutes 
engaged,  in  which  time  they  threw  four  hundred  round  shot,  besides 
grape  and  cannister.  Lieutenant  Trippe,  who  had  so  much  distin 
guished  himself,  and  who  had  received  so  many  wounds  that  day 
month,  resumed  the  command  of  No.  6,  for  this  occasion.  Lieuten 
ant  Morris,  of  the  Argus,  was  in  charge  of  No.  3.  All  the  small 
vessels  suffered,  as  usual,  aloft,  and  the  Argus  sustained  some  damage 
in  her  hull. 

The  Constitution  was  so  much  exposed  in  the  attack  just  related, 
that  her  escape  can  only  be  attributed  to  the  weight,  of  her  own  fire. 


1804.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  251 


It  had  been  found,  in  the  previous  affairs,  that  so  long  as  this  ship 
could  play  upon  a  battery,  the  Turks  could  not  be  kept  at  its  guns  ; 
and  it  was  chiefly  while  she  was  veering,  or  tacking,  that  she  suffered. 
But,  after  making  every  allowance  for  the  effect  of  her  own  cannon 
ade,  and  for  the  imperfect  gunnery  of  the  enemy,  it  creates  wonder 
that  a  single  frigate  could  lie  opposed  to  more  than  double  her  own 
number  of  available  guns,  and  these  too,  principally,  of  heavier  metal, 
while  they  were  protected  by  stone  walls.  On  this  occasion,  the 
frigate  was  not  supported  by  the  gun-boats  at  all,  and  she  became 
the  sole  object  of  the  enemy's  aim  after  the  bombards  had  withdrawn. 

As  might  have  been  expected,  the  Constitution  suffered  more  in 
the  attack  just  recorded,  than  in  any  of  the  previous  affairs,  though 
she  received  nothing  larger  than  grape  in  her  hull.  She  had  three 
shells  through  her  canvass,  one  of  which  rendered  the  main-top-sail 
momentarily  useless.  Her  sails,  standing  and  running  rigging  were 
also  much  cut  with  shot.  Captain  Chauncey,  of  the  John  Adams, 
and  a  party  of  his  officers  and  crew,  served  in  the  Constitution  again 
on  this  day,  and  were  of  essential  use.  Indeed,  in  all  the  service 
which  succeeded  her  arrival,  the  commander,  officers,  and  crew  of 
the  John  Adams  were  actively  employed,  though  the  ship  herself 
could  not  be  brought  before  the  enemy,  for  the  want  of  gun-carriages. 

The  bombards,  having  been  much  exposed,  suffered  accordingly. 
No.  1,  was  so  much  crippled,  as  to  be  unable  to  move,  without  being 
towed,  and  was  near  sinking  when  she  was  got  to  the  anchorage. 
Every  shroud  she  had  was  shot  away.  Commodore  Preble  expressed 
himself  satisfied  with  the  good  conduct  of  every  man  in  the  squadron. 
All  the  vessels  appear  to  have  been  well  conducted,  and  efficient  in 
their  several  stations.  Of  the  effect  of  the  shells,  there  is  no  account 
to  be  relied  on,  though  it  is  probable  that,  as  usual,  many  did  not  ex^ 
plode.  There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  the  bombs  were  well 
directed,  and  that  they  fell  into  the  town. 

While  Commodore  Preble  was  thus  actively  employed  in  carrying 
on  the  war  against  the  enemy,  the  attack  just  related  having  been 
the  fifth  made  on  the  town  within  a  month,  he  was  meditating  another 
species  of  annoyance,  that  about  this  time  was  nearly  ready  to  be 
put  in  execution. 


252  NAVAL   HISTORY.  [1804. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

New  species  of  annoyance  to  the  enemy — The  "  Infernal" — Equipment  of  the  ketch 
Intrepid— she  is  sent  into  the  harbour  of  Tripoli — she  blows  up  with  all  her  crew — Prob 
able  causes  of  the  disaster — Private  journal  of  Capt.  Bainbridge — The  President,  Com. 
Barrou,  rejoins  the  squadron — The  command  is  transferred  to  Com.  B. — Capture 
of  two  sail  loaded  with  wheat — Com.  Preble  returns  to  the  United  States — Capt. 
Richard  Somers — sketch  of  his  life. 

THE  ketch  Intrepid,  that  had  been  employed  by  Mr.  Decatur  in 
burning  the  Philadelphia,  was  still  in  the  squadron,  having  been 
used  of  late  as  a  transport  between  Tripoli  and  Malta.  This  vessel 
had  been  converted  into  an  "  infernal,"  or,  to  use  more  intelligible 
terms,  she  had ,  been  fitted  as  a  floating  mine,  with  the  intention  of 
sending  her  into  the  harbour  of  Tripoli,  to  explode  among  the  ene 
my's  cruisers.  As  every  thing  connected  with  the  history  of  this 
little  vessel,  as  well  as  with  the  enterprise  in  which  she  was  now  to  be 
employed,  will  have  interest  with  the  public,  we  shall  be  more  partic 
ular  than  common  in  giving  the  details  of  this  affair,  as  they  have 
reached  us  through  public  documents,  and  oral  testimony  that  is 
deemed  worthy  of  entire  credit. 

A  small  room  or  magazine  had  been  planked  up  in  the  hold  of 
the  ketch,  just  forward  of  her  principal  mast.  Communicating  with 
this  magazine  was  a  trunk  or  tube,  that  led  aft,  to  another  room 
filled  with  combustibles.  In  the  planked  room,  or  magazine,  were 
placed  one  hundred  barrels  of  gunpowder  in  bulk,  and  on  the  deck 
immediately  above  the  powder,  were  laid  fifty  thirteen  and  a  half 
inch  shells,  and  one  hundred  nine  inch  shells,  with  a  large  quantity 
of  shot,  pieces  of  kentledge,  and  fragments  of  iron  of  different  sorts. 
A  train  was  laid  in  the  trunk,  or  tube,  and  fuses  were  attached  in 
the  proper  manner.  In  addition  to  this  arrangement,  the  other  small 
room  mentioned  was  filled  with  splinters  and  light  wood,  which, 
besides  firing  the  train,  were  to  keep  the  enemy  from  boarding,  as 
the  flames  would  be  apt  to  induce  then  to  apprehend  an  immediate 
explosion. 

The  plan  was  well  laid.  It  was  the  intention  to  profit  by  the  first 
dark  night  that  offered,  to  carry  the  ketch  as  far  as  possible  into  the 
galley-mole,  to  light  the  fire  in  the  splinter-room,  and  for  the  men 
employed,  to  make  their  retreat  in  boats. 

The  arrangements  for  carrying  this  project  into  effect  appear  to 
have  been  made  with  care  and  prudence.  Still  the  duty,  on  every 
account,  was  deemed  desperate.  It  was  necessary,  in  the  first  place, 
to  stand  in  by  the  western  or  little  passage,  in  a  dull-sailing  vessel, 
and  with  a  light  wind,  directly  in  the  face  of  several  batteries,  the  fire 
of  which  could  only  be  escaped  by  the  enemy's  mistaking  the  ketch 
for  a  vessel  endeavouring  to  force  the  blockade.  It  would  also  be 
required  to  pass  quite  near  these  batteries,  and,  as  the  ketch  ad 
vanced,  she  would  be  running  in  among  the  gun-boats  and  galleys 
of  the  enemy.  It  is  not  necessary  to  point  out  the  hazards  of  such  an 


1804.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  253 

exploit,  as  a  simple  cannonade  directed  against  a  small  vessel  filled 
with  powder,  would  of  itself  be,  in  the  last  degree,  dangerous.  After 
every  thing  had  succeeded  to  the  perfect  hopes  of  the  assailants,  there 
existed  the  necessity  of  effecting  a  retreat,  the  service  being  one  in 
which  no  quarter  could  be  expected. 

Such  a  duty  could  be  confided  to  none  but  officers  and  men  of 
known  coolness  and  courage,  of  perfect  self-possession,  and  of  tried 
spirit.  Captain  Somers,  who  had  commanded  one  division  of  the 
gun-boats  in  the  different  attacks  on  the  town  that  have  been  related, 
in  a  manner  to  excite  the  respect  of  all  who  witnessed  his  conduct, 
volunteered  to  take  charge  of  this  enterprise,  and  Lieutenant  Wads- 
worth,  of  the  Constitution,  an  officer  of  great  merit,  offered  himself 
as  the  second  in  command.  It  being  unnecessary  to  send  in  any  more 
than  these  two  gentlemen,  with  the  few  men  needed  to  manage  the 
ketch  and  row  the  boats,  no  other  officer  was  permitted  to  go,  though 
it  is  understood  that  several  volunteered. 

The  night  of  the  4th  September,  or  that  of  the  day  which  suc 
ceeded  the  attack  last  related,  promising  to  be  obscure,  and  there 
being  a  good  leading  wind  from  the  eastward,  it  was  selected  for  the 
purpose.  Commodore  Preble  appears  to  have  viewed  the  result  of 
this  expedition  with  great  anxiety,  and  to  have  ordered  all  its  prepar 
ations,  with  the  utmost  personal  attention  to  the  details.  This 
feeling  is  believed  to  have  been  increased  by  his  knowledge  of  the 
character  of  the  officers  who  were  to  go  in,  and  who,  it  was  under 
stood,  had  expressed  a  determination  neither  to  be  taken,  nor  to  per 
mit  the  ammunition  in  the  ketch  to  fall  into  the  enemy's  hands.  The 
latter  point  was  one  of  great  importance,  it  being  understood  that  the 
Tripolitans,  like  the  Americans,  were  getting  to  be  in  want  of  pow 
der.*  In  short,  it  was  the  general  understanding  in  the  squadron, 
before  the  ketch  proceeded,  that  her  officers  had  determined  not  to 
be  taken.  Two  fast-rowing  boats,  one  belonging  to  the  Constitution, 
that  pulled  six  oars,  and  one  belonging  to  the  Siren,  that  pulled  four 
oars,  were  chosen  to  bring  the  party  off,  and  their  crews  were  volun 
teers  from  the  Constitution  and  Nautilus.  At  the  last  moment,  Mr. 
Israel,  an  ardent  young  officer,  whose  application  to  go  in  had  been 
rejected,  found  means  to  get  on  board  the  ketch,  and,  in  considera 
tion  of  his  o-allantry,  he  was  permitted  to  join  the  party. 

When  all  was  ready,  or  about  8  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  the  day 
just  mentioned,  the  Intrepid  was  under  way,  with  the  Argus,  Vixen, 
and  Nautilus  in  company.  Shortly  after,  the  Siren  also  weighed, 
by  a  special  order  from  the  commodore,  and  stood  in  towards  the 
western  passage,  or  that  by  which  the  ketch  was  to  enter,  where  she 
remained  to  look  out  for  the  boats. 

The  Nautilus,  Captain  Somers'  own  vessel,  accompanied  the  ketch 
close  in,  bur,  on  reaching  a  position  where  there  was  danger  of  her 

*A  day  or  two  before  the  ketch  was  ready,  the  commodore  himself  was  try  ing  a  port 
fire  in  the  cabin  of  the  Constitution,  in  the  presence  of  Captain  Somers,  and  of  one  or  two 
other  officers,  and  finding  that  one  burned  a  particular  time,  by  the  watch,  he  remarked 
that  he  thought"  it  burned  longer  than  was  necessary,  as  the  time  might  enable  the  ene 
my  to  approach  and  extinguish  it  before  the  train  would  be  fired."  "  I  ask  for  no  port- 
tire  at  all,"  was  the  quiet  answer  of  Captain  Somers. 


254  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1804. 

creating  suspicions  by  being  seen,  she  hauled  off,  to  take  her  station, 
like  the  othei  small  vessels,  near  the  rocks,  in  order  to  pick  up  the 
retreating  boats.  The  last  person  of  the  squadron  who  had  any  com 
munication  with  Captain  Somers,  was  Mr.  Washington  Reed,  the 
first  lieutenant  of  his  own  schooner,  the  Nautilus,  who  left  him  about 
9  o'clock.  At  that  time  all  was  calm,  collected,  and  in  order  on 
board  the  **  infernal."  The  general  uneasiness  was  increased  by  the 
circumstance  that  three  gun-boats  lay  near  the  entrance  ;  and  some 
of  the  last  words  of  the  experienced  Decatur,  before  taking  leave  of 
his  friend,  were  to  caution  him  against  these  enemies. 

The  sea  was  covered  with  a  dense  haze,  though  the  stars  were  visi 
ble,  and  the  last  that  may  be  said  to  have  been  seen  of  the  Intrepid, 
was  the  shadowy  forms  of  her  canvass,  as  she  steered  slowly,  but 
steadily,  into  the  obscurity,  where  the  eyes  of  the  many  anxious 
spectators  fancied  they  could  still  trace  her  dim  outline,  most  prob 
ably  after  it  had  totally  disappeared.  This  sinking  into  the  gloom 
of  night,  was  no  bad  image  of  the  impenetrable  mystery  that  has 
veiled  the  subsequent  proceedings  of  the  gallant  party  on  board  her. 

When  the  Intrepid  was  last  seen  by  the  naked  eye,  she  was  not 
a  musket-shot  from  the  mole,  standing  directly  for  the  harbour.  One 
officer  on  board  the  nearest  vessel,  the  Nautilus,  is  said,  however,  to 
have  never  lost  sight  of  her  with  a  night-glass,  but  even  he  could 
distinguish  no  more  than  her  dim  proportions.  There  is  a  vague 
rumour  that  she  touched  on  the  rocks,  but  it  does  not  appear  to  rest 
on  sufficient  authority  to  be  entitled  to  absolute  credit.  To  the  Js«st 
moment,  she  appears  to  have  been  advancing.  About  this  time  the 
batteries  began  to  fire.  Their  shot  are  said  to  have  been  directed 
towards  every  point  where  an  enemy  might  be  expected,  arid  it  is  not 
improbable  that  some  were  aimed  against  the  ketch. 

The  period  between  the  time  when  the  Intrepid  was  last  seen,  and 
that  when  most  of  those  who  watched  without  the  rocks  learned  her 
fate,  was  not  long.  This  was  an  interval  of  intense,  almost  of  breath 
less  expectation,  and  it  was  interrupted  only  by  the  flashes  and  roar 
of  the  enemy's  guns.  Various  reports  exist  of  what  those  who  gazed 
into  the  gloom  beheld,  or  fancied  they  beheld  ;  but  one  melancholy 
fact  alone  would  seem  to  be  beyond  contradiction.  A  fierce  and 
sudden  light  illuminated  the  panorama,  a  torrent  of  fire  streamed  up 
ward,  and  a  concussion  followed  that  made  the  cruisers  in  the  offing 
tremble  from  their  trucks  to  their  keels.  This  sudden  blaze  of  light 
was  followed  by  a  darkness  of  twofold  intensity,  and  the  guns  of  the 
batteries  became  mute,  as  if  annihilated.  Numerous  shells  were  seen 
in  the  air,  and  some  of  them  descended  on  the  rocks,  where  they 
were  heard  to  fall.  The  fuses  were  burning,  and  a  few  exploded, 
but  much  the  greater  part  were  extinguished  in  the  water.  The 
mast,  too,  had  risen  perpendicularly,  with  its  rigging  and  canvass 
blazing,  but  the  descent  veiled  all  in  night. 

So  sudden  and  tremendous  was  the  eruption,  and  so  intense  the 
darkness  which  succeeded,  that  it  was  not  possible  to  ascertain  the 
precise  position  of  the  ketch  at  the  moment.  In  the  glaring,  but 
fleeting  light,  no  person  could  say  that  he  had  noted  more  than  the 


1804.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  255 

material  circumstance,  that  the  Intrepid  had  not  reached  the  point  at 
which  she  aimed.  The  shells  had  not  spread  for,  and  those  which 
fell  on  the  rocks  were  so  many  proofs  of  this  important  truth.  There 
was  no  other  fact  to  indicate  the  precise  spot  where  the  ketch  explod 
ed.  A  few  cries  arose  from  the  town,  hut  the  subsequent  and  deep 
silence  that  followed  was  more  eloquent  than  any  clamour.  The 
whole  of  Tripoli  was  like  a  city  of  tombs. 

If  every  eye  had  been  watchful  previously  to  the  explosion,  every 
eye  now  became  doubly  vigilant  to  discover  the  retreating  boats. 
Men  got  over  the  sides  of  the  vessels,  holding  lights,  and  placing 
their  ears  near  the  water,  in  the  hope  of  detecting  the  sounds  of  even 
muffled  oars ;  and  often  was  it  fancied  that  the'  gallant  adventurers 
were  near.  They  never  re-appeared.  Hour  after  hour  went  by, 
until  hope  itself  became  exhausted.  Occasionally,  a  rocket  gleamed 
in  the  darkness,  or  a  sullen  gun  was  heard  from  the  frigate,  as  signals 
to  the  boats  ;  but  the  eyes  that  should  have  seen  the  first,  were  sight 
less,  and  the  last  tolled  on  the  ears  of  the  dead. 

The  three  vessels  assigned  to  that  service  hovered  around  the  har 
bour  until  the  sun  rose,  but  few  traces  of  the  Intrepid,  and  nothing 
of  her  devoted  crew  could  be  discovered.  The  wreck  of  the  mast 
lay  on  the  rocks  near  the  western  entrance,  and  here  and  there  a 
fragment  was  visible  nigh  it.  One  of  the  largest  of  the  enemy's  gun 
boats  was  missing,  and  it  was  observed  that  two  others,  which  ap 
peared  to  be  shattered,  were  being  hauled  upon  the  shore.  The 
three  that  had  lain  across  the  entrance  had  disappeared.  It  was 
erroneously  thought  that  the  castle  had  sustained  some  injury  from 
the  concussion,  though,  on  the  whole,  the  Americans  were  left  with 
the  melancholy  certainty  of  having  met  with  a  serious  loss,  without 
obtaining  a  commensurate  advantage. 

It  is  now  known  tliat  the  bottom  of  the  ketch  grounded  on  the  north 
side  of  the  rocks,  near  the  round  battery  at  the  end  of -the  mole,  and 
as  the  wind  was  at  the  eastward,  this  renders  it  certain  that  the  explo 
sion  took  place  in  the  western  entrance  to  the  harbour,  and  fully  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  spot  that  it  was  intended  the  ketch  should 
reach.  In  the  wreck  were  found  two  mangled  bodies,  and  four  more 
were  picked  up  on  the  6th,  floating  in  the  harbour,  or  lodged  on  the 
shore.  These  bodies  were  in  the  most  shocking  state  of  mutilation, 
and,  though  Captain  Bainbridge  and  one  or  two  of  his  companions 
were  taken  to  see  them,  it  was  found  impossible  to  distinguish  even 
the  officers  from  the  men.  It  is  understood  that  six  more  bodies 
were  found,  the  day  after  the  explosion,  on  the  shore  to  the  south 
ward  of  the  town,  and  that  a  six-oared  boat,  with  one  body  in  it,  had 
drifted  on  the  beach  to  the  westward.* 

These  statements  account  for  all  those  who  went  in  the  ketch,  and 
furnish  conjectural  clues  to  facts  that  would  otherwise  be  veiled  in 
impenetrable  mystery.  The  spot  where  the  boat  was  found,  was  a 
proof  that  the  ketch  had  not  got  very  far  into  the  passage,  or  the 
cutter  could  not  have  drifted  clear  of  the  natural  mole  to  the  west- 

"Captain  Bainbridge's  private  journal. 


256  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1804. 

ward.  The  reason  that  the  boat  and  the  ketch's  bottom  were  no* 
found  near  the  same  spot,  was  probably  because  the  first  was  acted 
on  more  by  the  wind,  and  the  last  by  the  current;  and  the  fact  that  a 
boat  may  have  drifted  through  rocks,  with  which  the  shore  is  every 
where  more  or  less  lined,  that  would  have  brought  up  the  wreck. 

As  there  was  but  one  body  found  in  the  boat,  we  are  left  to  sup 
pose  it  was  that  of  the  keeper.  Of  the  four-oared  boat,  or  that  which 
belonged  to  the  Siren,  there  does  not  appear  to  have  been  any  tidings, 
and  it  was  either  destroyed  by  the  explosion,  sunk  by  the  fall  of 
fragments,  or  privately  appropriated  to  himself  by  some  Tripolitan. 

From  the  fact  of  there  being  but  a  single  man  in  the  Constitution's 
cutter,  there  is  reason  to  infer  that  most  of  the  officers  and  men  were 
on  board  the  ketch,  herself,  when  she  blew  up.  No  person  is  under 
stood  to  say  that  any  of  the  enemy's  vessels  were  seen  near  the  ketch, 
when  she  exploded,  and  with  these  meagre  premises,  we  are  left  to 
draw  our  inferences  as  to  the  causes  of  the  disaster. 

That  Captain  Somers  was  as  capable  of  sacrificing  himself,  when 
there  was  an  occasion  for  it,  as  any  man  who  ever  lived,  is  probably 
as  true  as  it  is  certain  that  he  would  not  destroy  himself,  and  much 
less  others,  without  sufficient  reason.  It  has  been  supposed  that  the 
ketch  was  boarded  by  the  enemy,  and  that  her  resolute  commander 
fired  the  train  in  preference  to  being  taken.  The  spirit  created  by 
the  chivalrous  exploits  of  Decatur,  and  the  high-toned  discipline  and 
daring  of  Preble,  had  communicated  to  all  under  their  orders,  as  lofty 
sentiments  of  duty  and  zeal  as  probably  were  ever  found  among  an 
equal  body  of  generous  and  ardent  young  men  ;  but  it  is  not  easy  to 
discover  a  motive  why  the  explosion  should  have  been  an  intentional 
act  of  the  Americans,  and  it  is  easy  to  discover  many  why  it  should 
not. 

There  would  be  but  one  sufficient  justification  for  an  officer's  sac 
rificing  himself  or  his  people  under  such  circumstances,  and  that  was 
the  impossibility  of  preventing  the  ketch  from  falling  into  the  hands 
of  the  enemy,  by  any  other  means.  Neither  the  evidence  of  eye 
witnesses,  so  far  as  it  is  available,  nor  the  accounts  of  the  Tripolitans 
themselves,  would  appear  to  show,  that  when  the  Intrepid  exploded. 
any  enemy  was  near  enough  to  render  so  desperate  a  step  necessary. 
According  to  the  private  journal  of  Captain  Bainbridge,  neither  the 
town  nor  the  Turks  suffered  materially,  and  he  was  carried  to  the 
beach  to  see  the  dead  bodies,  on  the  8th,  or  two  days  after  the  affair. 
This  alone  would  prove  that  the  ketch  did  not  reach  the  mole.  If 
the  object  were  merely  to  destroy  the  powder,  the  men  would  have 
been  previously  ordered  into  the  boats,  and,  even  under  circum 
stances  that  rendered  a  resort  to  the  fuse  inexpedient,  the  train  would 
have  been  used.  That  only  one  man  was  in  the  largest  boat,  is 
known  from  the  condition  in  which  she  was  found,  and  this  could 
hardly  have  happened,  under  any  circumstances,  had  the  magazine 
been  fired  intentionally,  by  means  of  the  train.  Every  contingency 
had,  doubtless,  been  foreseen.  One  man  was  as  able  as  twenty  to 
apply  the  match,  and  we  can  see  but  one  state  of  things,  besides  be 
ing  boarded  by  surprise,  that  would  render  it  likely  that  the  match 


1804. _,  NAVAL  HISTORY.  257 

would  have  been  used  until  the  people  were  in  their  boats,  or  that  it 
would  have  been  applied  at  any  other  spot,  than  at  the  end  of  a  train, 
or  aft.  A  surprise  of  the  nature  mentioned,  would  seem  to  have 
been  impossible,  for,  though  the  night  was  misty,  objects  might  still 
be  seen  at  some  little  distance,  and  it  is  probable,  also,  that  the  party 
had  glasses. 

From  weighing  these  circumstances,  it  is  the  most  rational  opinion 
that  the  Intrepid  was  not  intentionally  blown  up.  She  was  under 
fire  at  the  time,  and  though  it  is  improbable  that  the  enemy  had  any 
shot  heated  to  repel  an  attack  so  unexpected,  a  cold  shot  might  easily 
have  fired  a  magazine  in  the  situation  of  that  of  the  Intrepid.  The 
deck  of  the  ketch  moreover,  was  covered  with  loaded  shells,  and  one 
of  these  might  have  been  struck  and  broken.  Some  other  unforeseen 
accident  may  have  occurred.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  necessary  to 
state,  that  Commodore  Preble  firmly  believed  that  his  officers  blew 
themselves  up,  in  preference  to  being  made  prisoners  ;  an  opinion  in 
which  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  coincide,  were  there  proof  that  they 
were  in  any  immediate  danger  of  such  a  calamity.  It  was  also  the 
general  conjecture  in  the  squadron  then  before  Tripoli,  that  such  had 
been  the  fate  of  these  bold  adventurers,  but  it  would  seem  to  have 
been  formed  at  the  time,  rather  on  an  opinion  of  what  the  party  that 
went  in  was  capable  of  doing,  than  on  any  evidence  of  what  it  had 
actually  done. 

As  it  is  the  province  of  the  historian  to  present  all  the  leading  facts 
of  his  subject,  we  shall  add,  on  the  other  hand,  that  many  little  col 
lateral  circumstances  appear  to  have  occurred,  which  may  be  thought 
to  give  force  to  the  truth  of  the  common  impression.  One  of  the 
best  authenticated  of  these,  is  connected  with  what  was  seen  from  a- 
vessel  that  was  watching  the  ketch  though  it  was  not  the  schooner 
nearest  in.  On  board  this  vessel  a  light  was  observed  moving  on  a 
horizontal  line,  as  if  carried  swiftly  along  a  vessel's  deck  by  some 
one  in  hurried  motion,  and  then  to  drop  suddenly,  like  a  lantern 
sinking  beneath  a  hatchway.  Immediately  afterwards  the  ketch  ex 
ploded,  and  at  that  precise  spot,  which  would  seem  to  leave  no  doubt 
that  this  light  was  on  board  the  Intrepid.  But  even  this  by  no  means 
establishes  the  fact  that  the  explosion  was  intentional.  The  splin 
ters,  that  were  to  keep  the  enemy  aloof,  had  not  been  lighted,  and 
this  movement  with  the  lantern  may  have  been  intended  to  fire  them, 
and  may  have  had  some  accidental  connexion  with  the  explosion. 

In  addition  to  this  appearance  of  the  light,  which  rests  on  testi 
mony  every  way  entitled  to  respect,  there  was  a  report  brought  off 
by  the  prisoners,  then  in  Tripoli,  when  liberated,  from  which  another 
supposition  has  been  formed  as  to  the  fate  of  this  devoted  vessel,  that 
is  not  without  plausibility.  It  was  said  that  most  of  the  bodies  found 
had  received  gun-shot  wounds,  especially  from  grape.  One  body, 
in  particular,  was  described  as  having  had  the  small  remains  of  nan 
keen  pantaloons  on  it,  and  it  was  also  reported  that  the  hair*  was  of 
a  deep  black.  Through  this  person,  according  to  the  report,  no  less 

*  It  is  possible  certainly  that  this  mark  may  have  been  observed,  but  it  is  more  prob 
able  that  the  hair  would  have  been  consumed.     Still  a  hat  may  have  saved  it. 
VOL.    I.  17 


258  NAVAL   HISTORY.  [1804. 

than  three  grape-shot  had  passed.  This  has  been  supposed  to  have 
been  the  body  of  Captain  Somers  himself,  who  was  the  only  one  of 
the  party  that  wore  nankeen,  and  whose  hair  was  of  a  deep  black. 
On  die  supposition  that  the  proofs  of  the  grape-shot  wounds  actually 
existed,  it  has  been  conjectured  that,  as  the  ketch  advanced,  she  was 
fired  into  with  grape,  most  of  her  people  shot  down,  and  that  the 
magazine  was  touched  off  by  the  two  whose  bodies  were  found  in  the 
wreck,  and  who  were  probably  below  when  the  Intrepid  exploded. 

That  a  close  fire  was  opened  when  the  ketch  appeared,  is  beyond 
doubt,  and  that  she  was  quite  near  the  mole  and  crown  batteries  when 
the  explosion  occurred,  is  known,  not  only  by  means  of  the  glass, 
but  by  the  parts  of  the  wreck  that  fell  on  the  rocks.  Indeed,  the  situ 
ation  of  the  latter  would  give  reason  to  suppose  there  might  he  some 
truth  in  the  rumour  that  she  had  grounded,  in  which  case  her  destruc 
tion  by  means  of  shot  would  have  been  rendered  certain. 

The  prevalent  opinion  that  the  Intrepid  was  boarded  by  one  or 
more  of  the  gun-boats  that  lay  near  the  entrance,  would  scein  to  have 
been  entertained  without  sufficient  proof.  These  vessels  lay  some 
distance  within  the  spot  where  the  ketch  blew  up,  and  it  was  not 
probable  that  they  would  have  advanced  to  meet  a  vessel  entering 
the  harbour  ;  for  did  they  suppose  her  a  friend,  there  would  have  been 
no  motive,  and  did  they  suppose  her  an  enemy,  they  would  have 
been  much  more  likely  to  avoid  her.  So  shy,  indeed,  had  the  Tri- 
politans  became,  after  the  burning  of  the  Philadelphia,  and  the 
boarding  of  their  boats,  that  it  was  found  extremely  difficult  to  get 
their  small  vessels  within  the  range  of  musket-balls.  Captain  Som 
ers  was  known  to  have  felt  no  apprehensions  of  being  boarded  by 
these  three  boats,  for,  when  cautioned  by  his  friend  Decatur  on  that 
head  his  answer  was,  "  they  will  be  more  likely  to  cut  and  run."  In 
this  opinion  that  cool  and  observant  officer  was  probably  right.  Had 
there  been  any  vessel  near  the  Intrepid  when  she  blew  up,  the  light 
of  the  explosion  would  have  permitted  her  also  to  be  seen  ;  some 
portions  of  her  wreck  would  have  been  visible  next  day  ;  and  her 
masts  and  sails  would  probably  have  been  flying  in  the  air,  as  well  as 
those  of  the  ketch. 

But  the  fact  that  only  thirteen  bodies  are  spoken  of  in  the  private 
journal  of  Captain  Bainbridge,  is  almost  conclusive  on  the  subject 
that  no  Tripolitan  vessel  was  blown  up  on  this  occasion.  This  entry 
was  made  at  the  time,  and  before  the  nature  of  the  expedition,  or  the 
number  of  those  who  had  been  sent  in  the  ketch,  was  known  to  the 
Americans  in  Tripoli.  The  thirteen  bodies  account  exactly  for  all 
on  board,  and  as  they  came  ashore  in  a  most  mutilated  state,  with 
out  clothes,  in  some  instances  without  legs,  arms,  or  heads,  it  was 
impossible  to  say  whether  they  were  the  mangled  remains  of  friends, 
or  enemies.  Had  a  Tripolitan  blown  up  in  company,  there  must 
have  been  many  more  bodies  in  the  same  state,  instead  of  t^e  precise 
number  mentioned,  and  Captain  Bainbridge  would  have  been  as 
likely  to  be  taken  to  see  a  dead  Turk,  as  to  see  a  dead  American. 

The  missing  gun-boat  of  which  Commodore  Preble  speaks  in  his 
report,  may  have  been  sunk  by  a  falling  shell ;  she  may  have  been 


1804.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  259 

shattered  and  hauled  into  the  galley-mole,  out  of  sight ;  or,  she  may 
have  removed  in  the  darkness,  and  been  confounded  next  morning 
with  others  of  the  flotilla.  Observations  made,  by  means  of  glasses, 
in  a  crowded  port,  at  a  distance  of  two  or  three  rniles,  are  liable  to 
many  errors.  In  short,  it  would  seem  to  be  the  better  opinion,  that, 
from  some  untoward  circumstance,  the  Intrepid  exploded  at  a  point 
where  she  did  little  or  no  injury  to  the  enemy.* 

One  of  three  things  seems  to  be  highly  probable,  concerning  this 
long-disputed  point.  The  ketch  has  either  exploded  by  means  of  the 
enemy's  shot,  than  which,  nothing  was  easier  in  the  situation  where 
she  lay  ;  the  men  have  accidentally  fired  the  magazine,  while  pre 
paring  to  light  the  splinters  below,  or  it  has  been  done  intentionally, 
in  consequence  of  the  desperate  condition  to  which  the  party  was 
reduced,  by  the  destruction  caused  by  grape.  Of  the  three,  after 
weighing  all  the  circumstances,  it  is  natural  to  believe  that  the  first 
was  the  most  probable,  as  it  was  certainly  easier  to  cause  a  vessel 
like  the  Intrepid,  with  a  hundred  barrels  of  loose  powder  in  her 
magazine,  to  explode  by  means  of  shot,  than  to  cause  a  vessel  like 
No.  8,  which  is  known  to  have  been  blown  up,  in  this  manner,  in  the 
action  of  the  7th  of  August.  As  regards  the  grape-shot  wounds,  it 
will  be  seen  that  Captain  Bainbridge  is  silent. 

A  sad  and  solemn  mystery,  after  all  our  conjectures,  must  foruver 
veil  the  fate  of  these  fearless  officers  and  their  hardy  followers.  In 
whatever  light  we  view  the  affair,  they  were  the  victims  of  that  self- 
devotion  which  causes  the  seaman  and  soldier,  to  hold  his  life  in 
his  hand,  when  the  honour  or  interest  of  his  country  demands  the 
sacrifice.  The  name  of  Soniers  has  passed  into  a  battle-cry,  in  the 
American  marine,  while  those  of  Wadsworth  and  Israel  are  associated 
with  all  that  can  ennoble  intrepidity,  coolness,  and  daring. 

The  war,  in  one  sense,  terminated  with  this  scene  of  sublime 
destruction.  Commodore  Preble  had  consumed  so  much  of  his 
powder,  in  the  previous  attacks,  that  it  was  no  longer  in  his  power 
to  cannonade;  and  the  season  was  fast  getting  to  be  dangerous  to 
remain  on  that  exposed  coast.  The  guns,  mortars,  shells,  &c.,  were 
taken  out  of  the  small  vessels,  on  account  of  the  appearance  of  the 
weather,  the  day  after  the  loss  of  the  Intrepid,  and  on  the  7th,  the 

*  The  entry  in  the  private  journal  of  Captain  Bainbridge  is  as  follows  :  "  Was  inform 
ed  that  the  explosion  that  we  heard  last  night  proceeded  from  a  vessel  (which  the  Amer 
icans  attempted  to  send  into  the  harbour,)  blowing  up;  which  unfortunate  scheme  did 
no  damage  -whatever  to  the  Tripolitans ;  nor  did  it  even  appear  to  heave  them  into  con 
fusion."  "  On  the  8th,  by  the  bashaw's  permission,  with  Lieutenant ,  went  to 

the  beach  of  the  harbour,  and  there  saw  six  persons  in  a  most  mangled  and  burnt  con 
dition,  lying  on  the  shore ;  whom  we  supposed  to  have  been  part  of  the  unfortunate  crew 
of  the  fire-vessel,  the  bottom  of  which  grounded  on  the  north  side  of  the  rocks  near  the 
round  battery.  Two  of  these  distressed-looking  objects  were  fished  out  of  the  wreck 
From  the  whole  of  them  being  so  much  disfigured,  it  was  impossible  to  recognise  any 
known  feature  to  us,  or  even  to  distinguish  an  officer  from  a  seaman.  ,  who  ac 
companied  us,  informed  me  that  he  saw  six  others  yesterday,  on  the  shore  to  the  south 
ward,  which  were  supposed  to  have  come  from  the  same  vessel.  He  also  informed  me 
that  an  American  six-oared  boat,  with  one  man  in  her,  was  found  drifted  on  the  beach  to 
the  westward." 

On  tl  i  subject  of  Commodore  Treble's  impressions  of  the  fate  of  the  Intrepid,  it  may 
be  well  to  say,  that  the  Constitution  left  Tripoli  soon  after  the  ketch  was  blown  up,  and 
that  his  letter  was  dated  at  Malta,  September  18th.  Owing  to  this  circumstance,  he 
must  necessarily  have  been  ignorant  of  facts  that  were  subsequently  ascertained. 


260  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1804. 

John  Adams,  Siren,  Nautilus,  Enterprise,  and  Scourge,  were  directed 
to  take  the  bombards  and  gun-boats  in  tow,  and  to  proceed  to  Syra 
cuse  ;  while  the  Constitution,  with  the  Argus  and  Vixen,  in  company, 
maintained  the  blockade.  It  is  not  known  that  another  shot  was 
fired  at  Tripoli. 

Three  days  later,  on  the  10th  of  September,  1804,  the  President 
44,  wearing  the  broad  pennant  of  Commodore  Barron,  hove  in  sight, 
with  the  Constellation  38,  Captain  Campbell,  in  company,  when  the 
command  was  regularly  transferred  to  the  former  officer.  On  the 
12th,  two  sail  were  cut  off,  while  attempting  to  enter  Tripoli,  loaded 
with  wheat.  On  the  17th,  the  Constitution  reached  Malta,  with  the 
two  prizes ;  and  subsequently,  Commodore  Preble  went  to  Syracuse 
in  the  Argus.  At  a  later  day,  he  came  home  in  the  John  Adams, 
where  he  arrived  on  the  26th  of  February,  1805.  In  the  mean  time, 
Captain  Decatur  proceeded  to  Malta  and  took  command  of  the  Con 
stitution,  which  was  the  first  frigate  this  celebrated  officer  ever  had 
under  his  orders. 

The  country  fully  appreciated  the  services  of  Commodore  Preble. 
He  had  united  caution  and  daring  in  a  way  to  denote  the  highest 
military  qualities ;  and  his  success  in  general,  had  been  in  proportion. 
The  attack  of  the  Intrepid,  the  only  material  failure  in  any  of  his 
enterprises,  was  well  arranged,  and  had  it  succeeded,  it  would 
probably  have  produced  peace  in  twenty-four  hours.  As  it  was,  the 
bashaw  was  well  enough  disposed  to  treat,  though  he  seems  to  have 
entered  into  some  calculations  in  the  way  of  money,  that  induced  him 
to  hope  the  Americans  would  still  reduce  their  policy  to  the  level  of 
his  own,  and  prefer  paying  ransom,  to  maintaining  cruisers  so  far 
from  home.  Commodore  Preble,  and  all  the  officers  and  men  under 
his  orders,  received  the  thanks  of  Congress,  and  a  gold  medal  was 
bestowed  on  the  former.  By  the  same  resolution,  Congress  expressed 
the  sympathy  of  the  nation  in  behalf  of  the  relatives  of  Captain 
Richard  Somers,*  Lieutenants  Henry  Wadsworth,  James  Decatur, 
James  R.  Caldwell,  and  Joseph  Israel,  and  Mr.  John  Sword  Dorsey, 
midshipman  ;  the  officers  killed  off  Tripoli. 

*  Very  little  is  known  of  Captain  Somers  beyond  his  professional  career.  He  was 
born  iu  Cape  May  county,  New  Jersey,  and  was  the  son  of  Colonel  Somers,  an  officer 
of  the  Revolution.  He  went  early  to  sea,  and  had  commanded  a  small  vessel,  even 
previously  to  the  formation  of  the  navy  in  1798.  His  first  cruise  was  in  the  United 
States,  under  Commodore  Barry  ;  and  he  appears  early  to  have  attracted  attention  by  his 
seamanship,  zeal,  and  chivalry.  Decatur  was  bis  messmate,  and  both  having  been  at 
sea  previously  to  joining  the  navy,  they  were  made  lieutenants  at  the  same  time,  the 
commission  of  Somers  having  been  dated  the  2d,  and  that  of  his  friend  on  the  3d  of  June, 
1799.  The  reader  will  better  understand  the  tie  which  united  the  young  commanders 
that  served  under  Preble  before  Tripoli,  when  he  finds  that  Stewart  was  the  first  lieu- 
tenant  of  the  United  States  at  this  time,  Somers  the  third,  and  Decatur  the  fourth.  Aftet 
the  French  war,  Mr.  Somers  served  in  the  Boston  28,  Captain  M'Niell,  and  made  the 
singular  cruise  to  which  there  has  been  allusion  in  the  text.  He  was  the  officer  first 
appointed  to  command  the  Nautilus  when  she  was  launched,  and  continued  in  that 
station  until  the  time  of  his  death. 

Captain  Somers  was  a  warm-hearted  friend,  amiable  and  mild  in  his  ordinary  associa 
tions,  a  trained  seaman,  and  a  good  officer.  His  loss  was  regretted  by  all  who  knew 
him,  and,  for  a  time,  it  cast  a  gloom  over  the  little  service  of  which  he  was  so  conspicuous 
and  fa'vourite  a  member.  There  existed  a  close  intimacy  between  Decatur  and  Somers, 
though  in  many  respects,  their  characters  were  unlike.  In  a  chivalrous  love  of  enter 
prise,  a  perfect  disregard  of  danger,  and  in  devotion  to  the  honours  of  the  flag,  however 


1804.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  261 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

Force  of  the  American  squadron  under  Com.  Barron — A  vigourous  blockade  keptup — • 
Movement  by  land — Hamet  Caramalli,  brother  of  the  Bashaw,  unites  with  the  Ameri 
cans  under  General  Eaton — Attack  on  Derne — Its  submission — The  authority  of 
Caramalli  partially  acknowledged — General  Eaton  presses  Com.  Barron  for  rein 
forcements  to  march  on  Tripoli — he  is  denied — The  decision  of  Com.  Barron  con 
sidered — He  formally  transfers  the  command  to  Capt.  John  Rodgers — The  entire  force 
under  this  new  disposition — Peace  concluded  with  Tripoli  — Influence  of  the  war  on 
the  fortunes  and  character  of  the  navy. 

THE  squadron  left  in  the  Mediterranean,  under  the  orders  of  Com 
modore  Barron,  after  the  departure  of  Commodore  Preble,was  much 
the  strongest  force  that  the  country  had  then  assembled  in  that  sea. 
It  was,  indeed,  the  strongest  force  that  had  ever  been  collected  under 
the  orders  of  any  single  officer  beneath  the  American  flag;  and  small 
as  it  was,  in  efficiency  it  was  probably  more  than  equal  to  all  the 
active  vessels  employed  at  any  one  period  of  the  war  of  the  Revolu 
tion.  Keeping  this  fact  in  view,  we  look  back  with  surprise,  at 
what  might  then  be  deemed  the  greatest  effort  of  a  country,  that 
possessed  1,000,000  tons  of  shipping  in  its  mercantile  marine,  and 
which,  with  diminished  duties,  derived  an  income  of  $11,098,565, 
from  its  imports  alone.  The  force  in  question,  consisted  of  the 
following  vessels,  viz: 

President  44,  Capt.  Cox ;  Com.  Barron. 

Constitution        44,  "      Decatur. 

Congress  38,  "      Rodders. 

Constellation       38,  "      Campbell. 

Essex  32,  "      J.  Barron. 

Siren  16,  "      Stewart. 

Argus  16,  "      Hull. 

Vixen  12,  "      Smith. 

Enterprise  12,  Lieut.  Com.  Robinson. 

Nautilus  12,  "         "      Dent. 

The  Scourge  14,  went  home  about  this  time,  and  was  sold  out  of 
service,  and  the  bombards  and  gun-  boats  borrowed  from  Naples^  as 
a  matter  of  course,  were  returned  to  that  government.  The  Ameri 
cans,  however,  retained  the  two  prizes  taken  from  the  Tripolitans. 
The  John  Adams  28,  Captain  Chauncey,  also  returned  to  the  station 
shortly  after  landing  Commodore  Preble  in  New  York ;  and  two 
vessels  were  purchased,  one  at  Trieste,  and  the  other  at  Malta,  to  be 

th^y  had  but  one  heart ;  and  a  generous  emulation  urged  both  to  renewed  exertions,  in 
the  peculiar  stations  in  which  they  had  been  placed  by  their  commander. 

While  serving  on  the  Meditterranean  station,  Mr.  Somers,  accompanied  by  two  other 
officers,  was  walking  in  the  dusk  of  the  evening,  a  short  distance  from  Syracuse,  when 
five  Sicilian  soldiers  made  an  assault  on  them  with  drawn  swords,  the  intention  being 
to  rob.  There  was  one  dirk  among  the  Americans,  and  no  other  arms.  The  officer 
who  had  this  weapon,  soon  disposed  of  his  assailant,  but  Mr.  Somers  was  compelled  to 
seize  the  sword  of  the  soldier  who  attacked  him,  and  to  close.  In  doing  so  he  was  badly 
wounded  in  the  hand,  but  he  succeeded  in  disarming  the  assassin,  plunged  the  weapon 
into  his  body,  when  the  other  three  Sicilians  fled.  The  two  dead  bodies  were  carried 
into  town  and  recognised,  but  their  comrades  were  never  discovered. 


262  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1804. 

converted  into  bombards.  They  were  never  used  in  that  capacity, 
however,  two  arriving  from  America  before  the  season  for  action  had 
returned.  The  vessel  purchased  at  Malta  was  converted  into  a  sloop, 
armed  and  manned,  and  put  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant 
Evans.  She  was  called  the  Hornet. 

The  long  delay  in  the  appearance  of  the  reinforcement,  appears  to 
have  been  owing  to  some  of  those  intrigues  among  the  Barbary 
powers,  which  it  has  been  found  has  always  induced  them  to  co-ope 
rate  in  this,  if  in  no  other  manner,  whenever  there  was  a  war  with  the 
Christians.  Commodore  Barron  was  met  at  the  Straits  by  rumours 
of  the  bad  disposition  of  the  Emperor  of  Morocco,  and  he  found  it 
necessary  to  employ  part  of  his  force  in  that  quarter  in  order  to 
overawe  the  Moors.  When  he  went  aloft,  the  Essex  was  left  below, 
and  a  cruiser  or  two  appears  to  have  been  kept  constantly  on  the 
lower  station  throughout  the  winter. 

The  blockade  of  Tripoli  was  maintained  by  different  vessels  during 
the  bad  season  of  1804-5;  but  no  attack  was  attempted,  although 
preparations  were  made  to  renew  the  war  in  the  spring.  One  of  the 
first  measures  of  Commodore  Preble,  on  reaching  America,  was  to 
urge  upon  the  government  the  necessity  of  building  suitable  bomb- 
ketches,  and  a  few  gun-boats  fitted  to  cannonade  a  place  like  Tri 
poli.  His  advice  was  followed,  the  vessels  being  immediately  laid 
down,  but  it  being  found  impossible  to  have  the  ketches  ready  in 
time,  the  two  vessels  before  mentioned,  were  purchased,  strengthened, 
and  equipped  as  bombards. 

In  November,  Captain  Rodgers,  as  the  senior  officer  was  put  in 
command  of  the  Constitution,  while  Captain  Decatur  was  transferred 
to  the  Congress.  The  winter  and  spring  passed  in  this  manner,  the 
blockade  being  maintained  with  vigour,  most  of  the  time,  though  no 
event  worthy  of  note  occurred  off  the  port.  While  matters  remained 
in  this  state  with  the  ships,  a  movement  by  land,  was  in  the  course  of 
execution,  that  must  now  be  recorded,  as  it  is  intimately  connected 
with  the  history  of  the  war. 

It  has  been  said  already,  that  Jussuf  Caramalli,  the  reigning 
pacha,  or  bashaw  of  Tripoli,  was  a  usurper,  having  deposed  his  elder 
brother  Hamet,  in  order  to  obtain  the  throne.  The  latter  had  escaped 
from  the  regency,  and  after  passing  a  wandering  life,  he  had  taken 
refuge  among  the  Mamelukes  of  Egypt.  It  had  often  been  suggested 
to  the  American  agents,  that  the  deposed  prince  might  be  made  useful 
in  carrying  on  the  war  against  the  usurper,  and  at  different  times, 
several  projects  had  been  entertained  to  that  effect,  though  never  with 
any  results.  At  length,  Mr.  Eaton,  the  consul  at  Tunis,  who  had 
been  a  captain  in  the  army,  interested  himself  in  the  enterprise  ;  and 
coming  to  America,  he  so  far  prevailed  on  the  government  to  lend 
itself  to  his  views,  as  to  obtain  a  species  of  indirect  support.  Com 
modore  Barron  was  directed  to  co-operate  with  Mr.  Eaton,  as  far  as 
he  might  deem  it  discreet. 

When  the  new  squadron  arrived  out,  it  was  accordingly  ascer 
tained  where  the  ex-bashaw  was  to  be  found,  and  Mr.  Eaton  at  once 
commenced  his  operations.  Two  or  three  days  after  Commodore 


1805.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  263 

Barren  had  assumed  the  command  before  Tripoli,  he  sent  the  Argus 
16,  Captain  Hull,  with  that  gentleman  to  Alexandria,  where  he 
arrived  on  the  26th  of  November.  On  the  29th,  Mr.  Eaton,  accom 
panied  by  Lieutenant  O'Bannon,  of  the  marines,  and  Messrs.  Marin 
and  Danielson,  two  midshipmen  of  the  squadron,  proceeded  to 
Rosetta,  and  thence  to  Cairo.  The  viceroy  of  Egypt  received  them 
with  favour,  and  permission  was  obtained  for  the  prince  of  Tripoli 
to  pass  out  of  the  country  unmolested,  though  he  had  been  fighting 
against  the  government,  with  the  discontented  Mamelukes. 

As  soon  as  Hamet  Caramalli  received  the  proposals  of  Mr.  Eaton, 
he  separated  himself  from  the  Mamelukes,  attended  by  about  forty, 
followers,  and  repaired  to  a  point  twelve  leagues  to  the  westward  of 
the  old  port  of  Alexandria.  Here  he  was  soon  joined  by  Mr.  Eaton, 
at  the  head  of  a  small  troop  of  adventurers,  whom  he  had  obtained 
in  Egypt.  This  party  was  composed  of  all  nations,  though  Mr. 
Eaton  expressed  his  belief,  at  the  time,  that  had  he  possessed  the 
means  of  subsistence,  he  might  have  marched  a  body  of  30,000  men 
against  Tripoli,  the  reigning  bashaw  having  forced  so  many  of  his 
subjects  into  banishment.  Soon  after  the  junction  agreed  upon,  Mr. 
Eaton,  who  now  assumed  the  title  of  general,  inarched  in  the  direction 
of  Derne,  taking  the  route  across  the  Desert  of  Barca.  This  was 
early  in  1805. 

The  Argus  had  returned  to  Malta  for  orders  and  stores,  and  on 
the  2d  of  April,  she  re-appeared  off  Bomba,  with  the  Hornet  10, 
Lieutenant  Commandant  Evans,  in  company.  Cruising  on  this 
coast  a  few  days,  without  obtaining  any  intelligence  of  General  Eaton 
and  the  bashaw,  Captain  Hull  steered  to  the  westward,  and,  a  few 
leagues  to  the  eastward  of  Derne,  he  fell  in  with  the  Nautilus,  Lieu 
tenant  Commandant  Dent.  On  communicating  with  this  vessel, 
which  was  lying  close  in  with  the  shore,  Captain  Hull  ascertained  that 
the  expedition  was  on  the  coast,  and  that  it  waited  only  for  the  arms 
and  supplies  that  had  been  brought  to  attack  Derne,  from  which 
town  it  was  but  a  league  distant.  A  field-piece  was  landed,  together 
with  some  stores  and  muskets,  and  a  few  marines  appear  to  have 
been  put  under  the  orders  of  Mr.  O'Bannon,  of  the  corps,  when  the 
vessels  took  their  stations  to  aid  in  the  attack. 

It  was  2,  P.  M.,  on  the  27th  of  April,  1805,  that  this  assault,  so 
novel  for  Americans  to  be  engaged  in,  in  the  other  hemisphere,  was 
commenced.  The  Hornet,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Evans,  having 
run  close  in,  and  anchored  with  springs  on  her  cables,  within  pistol- 
shot  of  a  battery  of  eight  guns,  opened  her  fire.  The  Nautilus  lay 
at  a  little  distance  to  the  eastward,  and  the  Argus  still  further  in  the 
same  direction,  the  two  latter  firing  on  the  town  and  battery.  In 
about  an  hour,  the  enemy  were  driven  from  the  work,  when  all  the 
vessels  directed  their  guns  at  the  beach,  to  clear  the  way  for  the  ad 
vance  of  the  party  on  shore.  The  enemy  made  an  irregular  but 
spirited  defence,  keeping  up  a  heavy  fire  of  musketry,  as  the  assailants 
advanced,  from  behind  houses  and  walls.  At  half-past  3,  however, 
Lieutenant  O'Bannon  and  Mr.  Mann  stormed  the  principal  work, 
hauling  down  the  Tripolitan  ensign,  and,  for  the  first  time  in  the 


264  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1805. 

history  of  the  country,  hoisting  that  of  the  republic  on  a  fortress  of 
the  old  world.  The  enemy  were  driven  out  of  this  work  with  so 
much  precipitation,  that  they  left  its  guns  loaded,  and  even  primed. 
The  cannon  were  immediately  turned  upon  the  town,  and  Hamet 
Caramalli  having  made  a  lodgment  on  the  other  side,  so  as  to  bring 
the  enemy  between  two  fires,  the  place  submitted.  At  4  o'clock, 
the  boats  of  the  vessels  landed  with  ammunition  for  the  guns  and  to 
bring  off  the  wounded,  Derne  being  completely  in  possession  of  the 
assailants. 

In  this  affair,  only  14  of  the  assailants  were  killed  and  wounded, 
General  Eaton  being  among  the  latter.  The  attack  was  made  by 
about  1200  men,  while  the  place  was  supposed  to  be  defended  by 
three  or  four  thousand.  One  or  two  attempts  were  made  by  the 
Tripolitans,  to  regain  possession,  but  they  were  easily  repulsed,  and 
on  one  occasion,  with  some  loss.  The  deposed  bashaw  remained 
in  possession  of  the  town,  and  his  authority  was  partially  recognised 
in  the  province.  General  Eaton  now  earnestly  pressed  Commodore 
Barron  for  further  supplies  and  reinforcements,  with  a  view  to  march 
on  Tripoli ;  but  they  were  denied,  on  the  ground  that  Hamet 
Caramalli  was  in  possession  of  the  second  province  of  the  regency, 
and  if  he  had  the  influence  that  he  pretended  to,  he  ought  to  be 
able  to  effect  his  object  by  means  of  the  ordinary  co-operation  of  the 
squadron. 

This  decision  of  Commodore  Barron  was  the  subject  of  much 
political  and  military  criticism  at  the  time,  that  officer  having  been 
censured  for  not  sustaining  a  successful  partisan,  who  certainly 
promised  to  terminate  the  war  in  a  manner  much  beyond  the  most 
sanguine  hopes  of  the  country.  It  is  not  easy  to  decide  on  the  merits 
or  demerits  of  measures  of  this  nature,  without  being  in  possession 
of  all  the  distinctive  facts  that  must  govern  every  enterprise,  and  it  is 
proper  to  abstain  from  venturing  an  opinion,  that  might  not  be  enter 
tained  at  all,  when  intimately  acquainted  with  circumstances.  The 
nature  of  the  fighting  at  Derne  shows  that  little  had  as  yet  been  over 
come,  and,  as  the  force  of  the  reigning  bashaw  was  known  to  be  not 
less  than  20,000  men,  in  some  measure  inured  to  war,  it  would  have 
been  the  height  of  imprudence  to  have  advanced  against  the  capital, 
at  the  head  of  the  insignificant  and  ill-organised  force  that  was  col 
lected  at  Derne.  On  the  other  hand,  did  it  appear,  that,  by  merely 
supplying  arms  and  ammunition,  with  hospital  stores  and  other 
military  supplies,  a  column  offeree  could  have  been  marched  in  front 
of  Tripoli,  with  reasonable  hopes  of  obtaining  a  support  from  the 
population,  there  would  have  been  an  error  in  judgment  in  denying 
the  request.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  true  character  of  the 
decision  taken,  however,  Commodore  Barron  would  seem  to  have 
had  but  little  concern  with  it,  as  that  excellent  officer  and  highly 
respectable  gentleman  was  in  extremely  ill  health  at  the  time,  with 
:but  faint  hopes  of  recovery,  and  on  the  22d  of  May,  he  formally 
'transferred  the  command  of  the  squadron  in  the  Mediterranean,  as 
.well  as  of  the  vessels  expected,  to  Captain  John  Rodgers,  the  officer 


1805.] 


NAVAL  HISTORY. 


265 


next  in  rank  to  himself.  The  entire  force  under  this  new  disposition, 
when  the  vessels  known  to  be  about  to  sail  should  arrive,  would  be  as 
follows : 

Constitution 
President 
Constellation 
Congress 
Essex 

John  Adams 
Siren 
Argus 
Vixen 
Nautilus 
Enterprise 
Hornet 
i  Vengeance 
(  Spitfire 
CNo.       2 
3 


Bombs. 


Gun-boats. 


44, 

Com.  Rodgers. 

44, 

Capt.  Cox. 

38, 

"     Campbell. 

38, 

"     Decatur. 

32, 

44     J.  Ban-on.- 

28, 

44     Chauncey. 

16, 

44     Stewart. 

16, 

44     Hull. 

12, 

44     Smith. 

12, 

Lieut.  Com.  Dent. 

12, 

44         "      Robinson. 

12, 

44         "      Evans. 

44     Lewis. 

44     M'Niell. 

1  gun, 

44     Izard. 

2    " 

44     Maxwell. 

2    " 

44     J.  D.  Henley. 

2    " 

44     Harrison. 

2    " 

44     Lawrence. 

2    " 

44     Harraden. 

2    " 

44     Elbert. 

2    " 

44     Carter. 

1    " 

it 

1    " 

(t     _______ 

4 

5 

6 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 


The  bombards  mentioned  in  the  foregoing  list,  were  the  two  ves 
sels  purchased  in  America  and  fitted  for  the  purpose  ;  and  gun-boats 
Nos.  2,  3, 4,  5,  6,  8, 9,  and  10,  were  large  of  their  class,  having  been 
regularly  and  carefully  constructed  at  home.  They  were  long,  low, 
narrow  vessels,  principally  sloop-rigged,  and  most  of  them  mounted 
two  heavy  thirty-two-pounders,  one  at  each  end.  As  they  were  ready 
to  sail  in  the  mild  season,  it  was  thought  by  putting  their  guns  be 
low,  they  might  be  carried  across  the  Atlantic,  although  their  gun 
wales,  when  the  vessels  were  ready  for  service,  were  scarcely  two  feet 
from  the  water.  They  sailed  at  different  times,  and  all  arrived 
safely  but  one.  No.  7,  Lieutenant  Ogilvie,  sailed  May  14,  1805,  but 
springing  her  mast,  she  returned  to  New  York  to  refit.  She  sailed 
a  second  time,  June  the  20th,  and  was  never  heard  of  afterwards. 
No.  7  made  the  fourth  American  cruiser  that  had  thus  disappeared 
within  thirty  years.*  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  remaining 
eight  boats  arrived  at  Syracuse  within  forty-eight  hours  of  each  other. 
Lieutenant  James  Lawrence  took  No.  6  to  the  Mediterranean,  arriv 
ing  safely.  "When  near  the  Western  Islands,  he  fell  in  with  the 
British  frigate  Lapwing  28,  Captain  Upton,  which  ran  for  him,  un 
der  the  impression  that  the  gun-boat  was  some  wrecked  mariners  on 

"Saratoga  16, 1'Insurgente  36,  Pickering  14,  and  No.  7. 


266  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1805. 

a  raft,  there  being  a  great  show  of  canvass,  and  apparently  no  hull. 
On  the  12th  of  June,  No.  6  fell  in  Avith  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Colling- 
wood,  off  Cadiz,  and  while  Mr.  Lawrence  was  on  board  one  of  the 
British  ships,  a  boat  was  sent  and  took  three  men  out  of  No.  6,  under 
the  pretence  that  they  were  Englishmen.  On  his  return  to  his  own 
vessel,  Mr.  Lawrence  hauled  down  his  ensign,  but  no  notice  was 
taken  of  the  proceeding  by  the  British.  It  is  a  fitting  commentary 
on  this  transaction,  that,  in  the  published  letters  of  Lord  Colling- 
wood,  where  he  speaks  of  the  impressment  of  Americans,  he  says 
that  England  would  not  submit  to  such  an  aggression  for  an  hour  ! 
Shortly  after  assuming  the  command,  Commodore  Rodgers  trans 
ferred  Captain  J.  Barron  from  the  Essex  32,  to  the  President  44, 
giving  the  former  ship  to  Captain  Cox,  who  was  only  a  master  and 
commander. 

Negotiations  for  peace  now  commenced  in  earnest,  Mr.  Lear  hav 
ing  arrived  off  Tripoli,  for  that  purpose,  in  the  Essex,  Captain  Bar 
ron.  After  the  usual  intrigues,  delays,  and  prevarications,  a  treaty 
was  signed  on  the  3d  of  June,  1805.  By  this  treaty,  no  tribute  was 
to  be  paid  in  future,  but  $60,000  were  given  by  America,  for  the  ran 
som  of  the  remaining  prisoners,  after  exchanging  the  Tripolitans  in 
her  power,  man  for  man. 

It  is  not  easy  to  express  approbation  of  the  terms  of  this  peace. 
America  had  been  contending  for  the  usages  of  civilisation,  and  the 
rights  of  nations,  and  the  ransom  was  a  direct  abandonment  of  both. 
When  we  remember  the  force  that  was  about  to  assemble  before 
Tripoli,  the  season  of  the  year,  the  fact  that  Derne  was  occupied  by 
Hamet  Caramalli,  and  the  disposition  that  so  generally  prevailed  in 
the  squadron  to  renew  the  attacks  on  the  enemy,  we  find  it  difficult 
to  believe  that  better  terms  might  not  have  been  obtained.  How  far 
the  course  of  the  negotiator  was  compelled  by  his  instructions,  we 
have  no  means  of  saying,  but  the  treaty  was  approved  and  ratified. 
While  many  condemned  it  as  unwise,  all,  however,  rejoiced  that  it 
was  the  means  of  restoring  so  many  brave  men  to  their  country.  It 
is  no  more  than  liberal,  moreover,  to  believe  that  the  situation  of  these 
unfortunate  officers  and  men,  had  a  deep  influence  in  inducing  the 
government  to  forego  abstract  considerations,  with  a  view  to  their 
relief. 

Thus  terminated  the  war  with  Tripoli,  after  an  existence  of  four 
years.  It  is  probable  that  the  United  States  would  have  retained  in 
service  some  officers,  and  would  have  kept  up  a  small  force,  had  not 
this  contest  occurred,  but  its  influence  on  the  fortunes  and  character 
of  the  navy  is  incalculable.  It  saved  the  first,  in  a  degree  at  least, 
and  it  may  be  said  to  have  formed  the  last.  Perhaps  no  service, 
either  in  the  way  of  ships  or  officers,  ever  had  so  large  a  proportion 
of  what  was  excellent  in  it,  and  so  small  a  proportion  of  that  which 
was  defective,  as  the  navy  of  the  United  States,  the  day  peace  was 
signed  with  Tripoli.  A  stern  discipline,  a  high  moral  tone,  rare 
models  in  seamanship,  active  warfare,  the  means  of  comparison,  and 
a  spirit  of  emulation  that  is  certain  to  carry  the  national  character  to 
the  highest  level,  whenever  the  national  energies  can  be  permitted  to 


1805.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  267 

exhibit  themselves,  had  conspired  to  produce  this  end.  The  petulant 
and  always  questionable  proofs  of  private  rencontres,  which  are  so 
apt  to  sully  the  renown  of  infant  services,  had  disappeared  in  a  chiv 
alry  that  seemed  to  have  forgotten  all  but  the  country  and  her  honour. 
Not  a  duel  was  fought  during  the  command  of  Preble  ;  the  brave 
men  assembled  under  his  orders,  regarded  each  other  as  brothers, 
and  the  honour  of  one  appeared  to  be  connected  with  the  honour  of 
all.  An  admirable  esprit  de  corps  was  created,  and  the  button,  which 
bore  the  emblem  of  the  common  profession,  was  deemed  a  signal  of 
the  presence  of  a  friend.  Men  had  stood  by  each  other  in  moments 
of  severe  trial,  and  even  the  body  of  the  nation,  which  is  so  little  ad 
dicted  to  the  sentimental,  or  the  abstract,  began  to  regard  the  flag 
with  open  pride.  In  a  word,  the  tone,  discipline,  pride,  emulation, 
and  spirit,  that  the  navy  derived  from  this  remote  and,  in  one  sense, 
unimportant  war,  prepared  it  for  another  and  a  severer  trial  that  was 
at  hand.  The  impression  produced  in  the  Mediterranean  was  also 
favourable,  and  the  head  of  the  Romish  church  is  said  to  have  pub 
licly  declared,  that  America  had  done  more  for  Christendom,  against 
the  barbarians,  than  all  the  powers  of  Europe  united. 


APPENDIX. 


NOTE  A. 

Agreement  between  Captain  John  Paul  Jones  and  the  Officers  of  the 

Squadron. 

[Translation.] 

AGREEMENT  between  Messrs.  John  Paul  Jones,  Captain  of  the 
Bon  Homme  Richard ;  Pierre  Landais,  Captain  of  the  Alliance ; 
Dennis  Nicolas  Cottineau,  Captain  of  the  Pallas;  Joseph  Varage, 
Captain  of  the  Stag  (le  Cerf)  ;  and  Philip  Nicolas  Ricot,  Captain 
of  the  Vengeance;  composing  a  squadron,  that  shall  be  commanded 
by  the  oldest  officer  of  the  highest  grade,  and  so  on  in  succession, 
in  case  of  death  or  retreat.  None  of  the  said  commanders,  whilst 
they  are  not  separated  from  the  said  squadron,  by  order  of  the  min 
ister,  shall  act  but  by  virtue  of  the  brevet  which  they  shall  have 
obtained  from  the  United  States  of  America;  and  it  is  agreed  that 
the  flag  of  the  United  States  shall  be  displayed. 

The  division  of  prizes  to  the  superior  officers  and  crews  of  said 
squadron,  shall  be  made  agreeably  to  the  American  laws  ;  but  it  is 
agreed,  that  the  proportion  of  the  whole,  coming  to  each  vessel  of 
the  squadron,  shall  be  regulated  by  the  minister  of  the  marine  depart 
ment  of  France,  and  the  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United 
States  of  America. 

A  copy  of  the  American  laws  shall  be  annexed  to  the  present 
agreement,  after  having  been  certified  by  the  commander  of  the  Bon 
Homme  Richard  ;  but  as  the  said  laws  cannot  foresee  nor  determine 
as  to  what  may  concern  the  vessels  and  subjects  of  other  nations,  it 
is  expressly  agreed,  that  whatever  may  be  contrary  to  them  shall  be 
regulated  by  the  minister  of  the  French  marine,  and  the  minister  of 
the  United  States  of  America. 

It  is  likewise  agreed,  that  the  orders  given  by  the  minister  of  the 
French  marine,  and  the  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States, 
shall  be  executed. 

Considering  the  necessity  there  is  for  preserving  the  interests  of 
each  individual,  the  prizes  that  shall  be  taken  shall  be  remitted  to  the 
orders  of  Monsieur  le  Ray  de  Chaumont,  Honorary  Intendant  of  the 
Royal  Hotel  of  Invalids,  who  has  furnished  the  expenses  of  the 
armament  of  said  squadron. 


270  APPENDIX. 


It  is  agreed,  that  M.  le  Ray  de  Chaumont  be  requested  not  to  give 
up  the  part  of  the  prizes  coming  to  all  the  crews,  and  to  each  individ 
ual  of  the  said  squadron,  but  to  their  order,  and  to  be  responsible  for 
the  same  in  his  own  proper  name. 

Whereas  the  said  squadron  has  been  formed  for  the  purpose  of 
injuring  the  common  enemies  of  France  and  America,  it  has  been 
agreed  that  such  armed  vessels,  whether  French  or  American,  may 
be  associated  therewith,  as  by  common  consent  shall  be  found  suita 
ble  for  the  purpose,  and  that  they  shall  have  such  proportion  of  the 
prizes  which  shall  be  taken,  as  the  laws  of  their  respective  countries 
allow. 

In  case  of  the  death  of  any  one  of  the  before  mentioned  command 
ers  of  vessels,  he  shall  be  replaced  agreeably  to  the  order  of  the  tariff, 
with  liberty,  however,  to  choose  whether  he  will  remain  in  his  own 
ship,  or  give  up  to  the  next  in  order  the  command  of  the  vacant  ship. 

It  has  moreover  been  agreed,  that  the  commander  of  the  Stag 
(le  Cerf )  shall  be  excepted  from  the  last  article  of  this  present  agree 
ment,  because,  in  case  of  a  disaster  to  M.  de  Varage,  he  shall  be 
replaced  by  his  second  in  command,  and  so  on  by  the  other  officers 
of  his  cutter,  the  Stag  (le  Cerf). 

J.  P.  JONES, 
P.  LANDAIS, 

DE  COTTINEAU, 

VARAGE, 

P.  RlCOT, 

LE  RAY  DE  CHAUMONT. 

(Spark's  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  page  205,  vol.  iii.) 


NOTE  B. 

IN  consequence  of  the  infancy  of  the  arts  in  America,  both  the 
soldiers  and  seamen  have  had  to  contend  with  their  enemies,  in  the 
wars  that  are  passed,  under  the  disadvantages  of  possessing  inferior 
arms,  powder,  and  even  shot.  How  far  these  deficiencies  in  the  guns 
and  shot  may  have  been  felt  in  the  Revolution,  it  is  not  easy  to  say, 
as  a  large  portion  of  the  military  supplies  were  obtained  either  from 
the  enemy  himself,  or  from  Europe.  After  the  Revolution,  however, 
down  to  the  close  of  the  last  war  with  England,  the  navy  in  particu 
lar  laboured  under  great  disadvantages  on  account  of  defective  arma 
ments  and  stores.  In  many  of  the  actions,  more  men  were  injured 
by  the  bursting  of  guns  than  by  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  and  the  shot, 
from  improper  casting,  frequently  broke  when  they  struck.  Another 
consequence  of  this  defective  casting  was  a  diminution  in  weight, 
and  consequently,  in  momentum.  The  latter  fact  having  been  allud 
ed  to,  in  the  course  of  the  war,  the  writer,  with  a  view  to  this  work, 
personally  weighed  a  quantity  of  shot,  both  English  and  American. 


APPENDIX.  271 


and  made  a  note  of  the  results.  It  was  found  that  the  old  shot,  or 
those  with  which  the  ships  were  supplied  at  the  commencement  of 
the  war  of  1812,  were  comparatively  lighter  than  those  which  had 
been  cast  at  a  later  day;  but  in  no  instance  was  an  American  shot 
even  then  found  of  full  weight.  On  the  other  hand,  the  English  shot 
were  uniformly  of  accurate  weight.  Some  of  the  American  32  pound 
shot,  weighed  but  30  pounds  ;  and  a  gentleman  present  on  the  occa 
sion,  assured  the  writer  that,  a  few  years  earlier,  he  had  met  with 
many  which  did  not  much  exceed  29  pounds.  The  heaviest  weigh 
ed  was  31  pounds  3  ounces.  An  average  of  four,  all  of  which  were 
of  the  later  castings,  gave  30  pounds  i '  ounces.  The  average  of  the 
18  pound  shot  was  about  17  pounds  ;  but,  it  was  understood,  as  this 
examination  occurred  several  years  after  the  peace,  that  the  shot,  as 
well  as  the  guns,  were  then  materially  better  than  they  had  been 
previously  to  and  during  the  war. 

The  reader  will  bear  in  mind  that  twelve  French  pounds  make 
nearly  thirteen  English.  Thus,  while  the  gun-deck  batteries  of 
1'Insurgente  were  nominally  twelves,  the  shot  weighed  about  13 
pounds.  On  the  other  hand,  the  gun-deck  batteries  of  the  Constella 
tion  were  nominally  twenty-fours,  but  the  shot  probably  weighed 
about  22  pounds. 

In  the  action  with  la  Vengeance,  the  two  ships  had  the  same  nom 
inal  weight  of  metal  on  their  gun-decks,  viz.  eighteen  pounders. 
But  the  eighteen-pound  shot  of  the  Vengeance  must  have  weighed 
nearly  19  j  English  pounds,  while  those  of  the  Constellation  did  not 
probably  weigh  17  pounds,  if  indeed  they  weighed  more  than  16 
pounds. 

It  has  been  asserted  that  the  English  shot  were  over-weight,  but 
the  writer  weighed  a  good  many  himself,  and  he  found  them  all  sur 
prisingly  accurate. 

NOTE  C. 

List  of  the  Officers  of  the  Navy,  before  the  Peace  Establishment 
Law  of  1801  was  passed. 

CAPTAINS. 

John  Barry,  Samuel  Barren, 

Samuel  Nicholson,  Moses  Brown, 

Silas  Talbot,  Moses  Tryon, 

Richard  Dale,  Richard  Derby, 

Thomas  Truxtun,  George  Little, 

James  Sever,  John^Rodgers, 

Stephen  Decatur,  Edward  Preble, 

Christopher  R.  Perry,  John  Mullowny, 

Richard  V.  Morris,  James  Barron, 

Alexander  Murray,  Thomas  Baker, 

Daniel  M'Niell,  Henry  Geddes, 

Thomas  Tingey,  Thomas  Robinson, 


272 


APPENDIX. 


Patrick  Fletcher, 
George  Cross, 


William  Bainbridj*e, 
Hugh  G.  Campbell. 


MASTERS  COMMANDANT. 


Cyrus  Talbot, 
David  Jewett, 
William  Cowper, 
Richard  Law,  Jr. 


Charles  C.  Russell, 
Benjamin  Hillar, 
John  A.  Spots\vood. 


List  of  Officers  retained  on  the  Peace  Establishment. 

We  have  set  opposite  to  every  name,  the  ultimate  station  each 
individual  attained  as  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  and  as  a  means  of 
showing  the  average  fortunes  of  those  who  have  been  engaged  in  the 
hardy  service  of  the  sea. 

CAPTAINS. 

-  died  at  the  head  of  the  navy,  in  1803. 

do.         do.         do.         do.      in  1811. 

-  resigned  in  1802. 

do.     in  1802. 

-  dismissed  without  trial,  1804. 

-  died  at  the  head  of  the  service,  in  1821. 

-  died  1810. 

-  died  at  the  head  of  the  service,  in  1838. 

-  .died  in  1807. 

-  died  at  the  head  of  the  service,  in  1851. 

-  died  in  1833. 

-  died  in  1820. 


John  Barry, 
Samuel  Nicholson, 
Richard  Dale, 
Thomas  Truxtun, 
Richard  V.  Morris, 
Alexander  Murray, 
Samuel  Barron, 
John  Rodgers, 
Edward  Preble, 
James  Barron, 
William  Bainbridge, 
Hugh  G.  Campbell, 


Charles  Stewart,     - 
Isaac  Hull, 
Andrew  Sterrett,     - 

John  Shaw, 
John  M'Rea, 
Isaac  Chauncey,     - 
Robert  W.  Hamilton, 
John  Ballard, 
John  Rush, 
John  Smith, 
Freeborn  Banning, 
Richard  Somers,     - 
Stephen  Decatur, 
George  Cox, 
John  H.  Dent, 
Thomas  Robinson,  Jr. 
John  Cowper, 
JohnT.  R.  Cox,     - 


LIEUTENANTS. 

At  the  head  of  the  service,  1856. 
died  a  captain,  1843. 
resigned,    a  master    commandant,  in 
1805. 

•  died  a  captain,  in  1823. 
resigned  1803. 

died  a  captain,  1840. 
resigned  1802. 

•  resigned  1801. 

•  resigned  1802. 

died  a  captain,  in  1815. 

•  resigned  1802. 

•  killed  in  battle,  a  master  com.,  in  1804. 

•  killed  in  a  duel,  a  captain,  in  1820. 

•  resigned,  a  master  com.,  in  1808. 

•  died,  a  captain,  in  1823. 
resigned,  a  master  com.,  in  1809. 
resigned  in  1801. 

•  resigned  in  1804. 


APPENDIX. 


273 


William  C.  Jenks, 
David  Porter, 
John  Cassin, 
Samuel  Evans, 
George  G.  Lee, 
Charles  Gordon,     - 
Richard  II.  L.  Lawson, 
Godfrey  Wood, 
Edward  Wyer, 
Geo.  W.  Tew, 
Henry  Vandyke,     - 
John  M.  Claggett, 
Phil.  C.  Wederstrandt, 
Joshua  Blake, 
Joseph  Tarbell, 
James  R.  Caldwell, 
Lewis  C.  Bailey,     - 

Jacob  Jones, 


Wm.  Henry  Allen, 
Samuel  Angus, 

Thos.  O.  Anderson, 
William  Butler, 
Joseph  Bainbridge, 
William  Burrows, 
William  Blake,       - 
Samuel  G.  Blodgett, 
Clement  Biddle, 
James  Biddle, 
P.  C.  Blake, 
Edward  Bennett,    - 
Johnston  Blakely, 
Thomas  T.  Beall, 
Walter  Boyd, 
Peter  E.  Bentley, 
James  Bic^s, 
E.  R.  Blaiue, 
Thomas  Brown, 
Michael  B.  Carrol, 
George  Calder, 
Edward  N.  Cox,     - 
Aaron  F.  Cook, 
William  Campbell, 
William  M.  Crane, 
Stephen  Cassin, 
J.  Orde  Crcighton, 

VOL.    I. 


dismissed  in  1804. 
resigned,  a  captain,  in  1826. 
died,  a  captain,  in  1822. 
died,  a  captain,  in  1824. 
resigned  in  1805. 
died,  a  captain,  in  1817. 
resigned  in  1804. 
resigned  in  1802. 
resigned  in  1805. 

died  on  the  Mediterranean  station,  1803. 
killed  in  a  duel,  in  1803. 
lost  in  the  Bay  of  Gibraltar,  1801. 
resigned,  a  master  com.,  1810. 
resigned  in  1806. 
died,  a  captain,  in  1815. 
killed  in  battle,  in  1804. 
dropped  subsequently,  under   the  re 
duction  law. 
died,  a  captain,  in  1850. 

MIDSHIPMEN. 

killed  in  battle,  a  master  com.,  1814. 
dismissed  and  subsequently  pensioned 

a  captain,  in  1824. 
resigned,  a  lieutenant,  1807. 
resigned  1807. 
died,  a  captain,  in  1824, 
killed  in  battle,  a  lieut.  com.,  in  1813. 
did  not  join,  and  was  dropped, 
drowned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1810. 
resigned  1804. 
died,  a  captain,  in  1848. 
resigned  1804. 
died,  a  lieutenant,  in  1810. 
lost  at  sea,  a  mast,  com.,  in  1814. 
resigned  1803. 
dismissed  in  1810. 
resigned  1802. 
resigned  1803. 
resigned  in  1804. 
died,  a  captain,  in  1828. 
resigned,  a  master  commandant, 
resigned  1802. 

resigned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1809. 
permitted  to  retire,  in  1801. 
resigned  1802. 
died,  a  captain,  in  1846. 
second  captain,  in  1856. 
died,  a  captain,  in  1838 

18 


274 


APPENDIX. 


II.  P.  Casey, 
William  Cutbush, 
Henry  J.  Cobb,       - 
J.  P.  D.  H.  Craig, 
Richard  Carey, 

Charles  Coomb,      - 
Winlock  Clark,      - 
James  Decatur, 
William  Duncanson, 
John  Dorsey, 
Daniel  S.  Dexter, 
John  Davis, 
David  Deacon, 
George  Dabney,     - 
John  Downes, 
Samuel  Elbert, 
John  Gallaway, 
James  Gibbon, 

J.  M.  P.  Gardner, 
Sloss  II.  Grinnell, 
Ed.  Giles, 
Allen  J.  Green, 
Jno.  Goodwin,  Jr. 
Geo.  H.  Geddes,     - 
Wm.  Gregory, 
Jas.  S.  Higginbotham, 
Alex.  C.  Harrison, 
Bernard  Henry, 
George  Hackley,    - 
James  Haight, 
Sewal  Handy, 
Thos.  R.  Hardenburgh, 
Philip  Henop, 
A.  J.  Hinton, 

John  D.  Henley,     - 
Seymour  Hooe, 
Alfred  Hazard, 
John  Hartley, 
J.  Montresor  Haswell, 
Theodore  Hunt,     - 
Daniel  C.  Heath,    - 
Robert  Henley, 
Ralph  Izard, 
Joseph  Israel, 
Robert  Innes, 
A.  R.  Kearney, 
Charlesfc^udlow,     - 


retired  in  1805. 

resigned  1805. 

resigned  1803. 

retired  in  1805. 

retired  under  peace  establishment  law, 
in  1801. 

died  in  1804. 

drowned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1810. 

killed  in  battle,  a  lieutenant,  in  1804. 

dropped  from  list. 

killed  in  battle,  in  1804. 

died,  a  master  and  commander,  1818. 

died,  a  lieutenant,  in  1818. 

died  a  captain,  1841.  • 

resigned  1805. 

died,  a  captain,  185-1. 

died,  a  lieutenant,  in  1812. 

died  in  1804. 

burnt  in  Richmond  theatre,  a  lieuten 
ant,  in  1811. 

died,  a  master  commandant,  in  1815. 

retired,  a  lieutenant,  in  1807. 

resigned  1804. 

resigned  1803 

died  in  1804. 

resigned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1811. 

did  not  accept. 

died,  a  lieutenant,  in  1808. 

died,  a  lieutenant,  in  1809. 

resigned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1812. 

died"  in  1805. 

resigned  1802. 

resigned  1804. 

did  not  join,  and  was  dropped. 

resigned  1801. 

subsequently  discharged  under  reduc 
tion  law. 

died,  a  captain,  in  1835. 

resigned  1801. 

dismissed  in  1809. 

resigned  1802. 

resigned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1810. 

resigned,  a  master  com.,  in  1811. 

resigned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1805. 

died,  a  captain,  in  1828. 

resigned,  a  lieutenant,  io  1810. 

killed  in  battle,  in  1804. 

drowned  on  service,  in  1802. 

resigned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1808. 

resigned,  a  master  com.,  in  1813. 


APPENDIX. 


275 


James  T.  Leonard, 
James  Lawrence, 
William  Livingston, 
A.  B.  Lord, 
Daniel  M'Niell,  Jr. 
Joseph  Murdock, 
Louis  M'Lane, 

William  Miller,       - 
Joseph  Maxwell,     - 
Charles  Mills, 
Daniel  Murray, 
Geo.  A.  Marcellin, 
Charles  Morris, 
Charles  Moore, 
George  Merrill, 
Archibald  M'Call, 
William  M'Intosh, 
George  Mitchell,     - 
James  Mackay, 
Thomas  M'Donough, 
Humphrey  Magrath, 
George  Mann, 
W.  R.  Nicholson, 
Jno.  B.  Nicholson, 
James  Nicholson, 
William  F.  Nicholls, 
William  Newman, 
Edward  O'Brien, 
Peter  S.  Ogilvie,     - 
Francis  Patton, 
Daniel  Polk, 
Oliver  H.  Perry,     - 
Benj.  Page, 
Octavius  A.  Page, 
Henry  Page, 
Daniel  T.  Patterson, 
George  Parker, 
Stephen  Proctor, 
States  Rutledge,      - 
Charles  G.  Ridgely, 
Heathcote  J.  Reed, 
George  W.  Reed, 
Charles  Reed, 
Benj.  F.  Read, 
Jos.  Richardson,     - 
John  Rowe, 
James  Renshaw,     - 
Charles  Robinson, 
Benjamin  Smith, 


died,  a  captain,  in  1832. 

killed  in  battle,  a  captain,  in  1813. 

resigned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1804. 

unknown. 

retired,  a  lieutenant,  in  1807. 

died  in  service. 

resigned  in  1802  ;  afterwards   secreta 

ry  of  state,  &c. 
retired  in  1807. 
died,  a  lieutenant,  in  1806. 
resigned  1804. 

resigned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1811. 
died,  a  lieutenant,  in  1810. 
died,  a  captain,  1856. 
died  in  service  early, 
died,  a  lieutenant,  1822. 
resigned  1802. 

resigned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1808. 
fate  unknown, 
resigned  1803. 
died,  a  captain,  in  1825. 
resigned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1809. 
resigned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1811. 
killed  in  a  duel,  in  1805. 
resigned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1810. 
resigned  1804. 
resigned  1804. 
resigned  1803. 
retired  in  1804. 

lost  at  sea,  a  lieutenant,  in  1805. 
resigned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1806. 
resigned  1804. 

died  at  sea,  a  captain,  in  1818. 
resigned  1803. 
died,  a  lieutenant,  in  1813. 
resigned  1803. 
died  a  captain,  1841. 
died  at  sea,  a  master  com.,  in  1814. 
resigned  1803. 
resigned  1802. 
died,  a  captain,  in  1848. 
died,  a  lieutenant,  in  1812. 
died,  a  master  com.,  in  1813. 
resigned  1806. 

died,  a  lieutenant  com.,  in  1812. 
resigned  1803. 

resigned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1808. 
died,  a  captain,  in  1846. 
resigned  1807. 
died,  a  lieutenant,  in  1807.      $ 


276 


APPENDIX. 


Arthur  Sinclair, 
Robert  Stewart, 
William  Scallen,     - 
John  Sh attack, 
G.  W.  Spottswood, 
Maurice  Simons,    - 
Daniel  Simms, 
John  Shore, 
H.  Savage, 
W.  P.  Smith, 
Sidney  Smith, 
Thomas  Swartwout,  Jr. 
Robert  T.  Spence, 
Simon  Smith, 
W.  M.  Smith, 
Richard  Thomas, 
John  Trippe, 
Rob.  L.  Tilghman, 
William  Thorn,      - 
Edward  Trenchard, 
Jonathan  Thorn,     - 
Benjamin  Turner, 
Jacob  R.  Valk, 
Jacob  Vickery, 
Sybrant  Van  Schaick, 
A.  Woodruff, 
Daniel  Wurts, 
E.  Willis. 
Henry  Wadsworth, 
John  Wood, 
Walter  Winter, 
Liewis  Warrington, 
Charles  Wilson, 
M.  T.  Woolsey,      - 
Wallace  Wormley, 
Samuel  Woodhouse, 


died,  a  captain,  in  1831. 

drowned,  a  lieutenant. 

resigned  1806. 

fate  unknown,  a  lieutenant. 

resigned  1803. 

declined. 

resigned  1804. 

resigned  1803. 

resigned  1801. 

resigned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1808. 

died,  a  master  com.,  in  1827. 

killed  in  a  duel,  in  1801. 

died,  a  captain,  in  1827 

died  at  sea,  in  1806. 

declined. 

resigned  1802. 

died,  a  lieutenant  com.,  in  1810. 

resigned  1802. 

retired  in  1805. 

died,  a  captain,  in  1824. 

blown  up,  a  lieutenant,  in  1810. 

killed  in  a  duel,  a  lieut.,  in  1807 

resigned  in  1808. 

declined. 

resigned,  a  lieutenant,  in  1807. 

resigned  in  1803. 

resigned  in  1802. 

drowned  in  Bay  of  Gibraltar,  1800 

killed  in  battle,  a  lieut.,  in  1804. 

resigned  in  1804. 

drowned,  a  lieutenant,  1813. 

died,  a  captain,  in  1851. 

resigned  1803. 

died,  a  captain,  in  1838. 

entered  marine  corps. 

died,  a  captain,  1842. 


END  OF  VOL.  I. 


HISTORY 

OF 


THE   NAVY 

OF    THE 

UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA, 


VOL.  II. 


CONTENTS  TO  VOL.  II. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Change  in  policy  of  government,  as  resngcts  ijis  Rarbary  powers^^^cm.  -Rodger hgfgjj 
Tunis — Rank  of  Master  Commandant  restored — Promotions — Commencement  of  gun 
boat  system — Equipment  of  the  Chesapeake  38,  for  the  Mediterranean,  her  departure 
and  action  with  English  ship  Leopard  50 — Trial  of  Com.  Barron ;  its  results  and 
merits. Page  7. 

CHAPTER  II. 

Strange  policy  of  government,  as  shown  in  the  embargo— More  vessels  put  in  commis 
sion — Developement  of  gun-boat  system — Commencement  of  armaments  on  the  Lakes 
— Affair  of  the  President  and  Little  Belt — the  merits  of  that  occurrence,  and  the  feel 
ing  of  the  country — The  question  of  the  right  of  Impressment  considered.  -  -  22. 

CHAPTER  III. 

Events  just  preceding  the  war — Constitution  at  Portsmouth — at  Cherbourg,  &c— State  o£ 
jhe^nayjr  ;n  Ifil  Q-r*T'H"Q  Corps — Policy  of  the  government  in  reference  to  the  navy  nT 
the'  event  of  war — Peeling  of  the  country  on  the  subject.  ....  35. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

War  declared  against  England — Vessels  sail  on  a  cruise — Chase  of  the  BelvideraSd  ; 
and  action  with  that  ship — Cruise  of  Cora.  Rodgers — Constitution  sails  under  Capt. 
Hull — Her  brilliant  escape  from  an  English  squadron — Essex  32,  Capt.  Porter,  sails ou    / 
a  cruise — captures  the  Alert  15 — Constitution  captures  the  Guerriere — Effect  of  the  vie-  / 
tory — Promotion  of  Lt.  Morris  to  be  a  captain.  .....        43  ^ 

CHAPTER  V. 

^rVr^fj[iiiiipJii|'  firm jim — Com.  Rodgers'  second  cruise — United  States  captures 
in^Macedonian — Cruise  of  the  Argus — Cruises  of  the  Wasp  and  the  combat  with 
the  Frolic. , 60. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Squadron  of  Com.  Bainbridge — He  sails  with  only  two  of  his  ships— Challenge  to  the 
Bonne  Citoyenne — Action  between  the  Constitution  and  Java — Action  between  Hor 
net  and  Peacock — Congress  determines  to  increase  the  navy — Bainbridge  quits  the 
Constitution — Lawrence  promoted.  -  .......67 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Essex  sails  to  join  Com.  Bainbridge— Captures  the  Nocton — Nocton  recaptured — Touch 
es  at  different  places  without  meeting  the  Commodore — Capt.  Porter  deterimines  to 
go  round  the  Horn — reaches  Valparaiso — Captures  a  Peruvian  corsair — makes  several 
prizes  of  enemy's  whalers — equips  a  cruiser,  called  the  Georgiana  16  ;  Lieut.  Com. 
Downes — Paints  and  refits  his  own  ship,  at  sea,  living  on  the  enemy.  -  -  75 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Cruise  of  the  Essex  and  Georgiana — Captures  of  the  British  whalers  Atlantic  and  Green 
wich  by  the  Essex — Capture  of  the  British  whale  ships  Catherine  and  Rose  by  the 
Georgiana — Sharp  combat  with  and  capture  of  the  Hector  by  the  same — The  Georgi 
ana  is  despatched  for  America,  with  oil — Lieut.  Downes  and  crew  transferred  to  the 
prize  ship  Atlantic,  (Essex  Junior) — The  Essex  captures  the  English  whalers  Charl- 
ton,  Seringapatam  and  New  Zealander — The  prisoners  of  the  Essex  are  sent  in  the 
Charlton  to  Rio  Janeiro,  on  parole — The  Rose  is  given  up  to  the  prisoners  of  the  Geor 
giana,  and  sent  to  St.  Helena — The  ship  Sir  Andrew  Hammond  taken  by  the  Essex 
—Capt.  Porter  proceeds  to  the  Marquesas  to  refit. 82. 


IV  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Capt.  Porter,  with  his  ships,  puts  in  at  Nooaheevah  to  overhaul  —  Brief  notice  of  the  Essex 
and  her  service  —  The  New  Zealander,  with  oil  despatched  for  America  —  Fort  built  at 
Nooaheevah  and  Lieut.  Gamble  put  in  command  —  The  Essex  and  Essex  Junior  de 
part  for  the  coast  of  South  America  —  Arrival  of  the  British  ships  Pho?be  and  Cherub, 
while  anchored  at  Valparaiso  —  Putting  out  to  sea,  the  Essex  is  struck  by  a  squall  — 
She  regains  the  port  —  Attack  on  the  Essex  by  the  Phoebe  and  Cherub  —  Surrender  of 
the  Essex—The  Essex  Junior  proceeds  to  America  as  a  cartel—  Fate  of  the  party  left 
at  Nooaheevah.  ...........  Page  87. 

CHAPTER  X. 

of  the  Constellation  —  she  is 


edby  al5rin?n*TOeTaTTfampT?W?Ocms  —  Skilful  preparations  for  her  defence, 
by  Capt.  Stewart  —  Compliment  paid  him  by  the  British  officers  —  He  is  transferred  to 
the  Constitution  —  Cruise  of  the  Chesapeake,  Capt.  Evans  —  she  captures  four  mer 
chantmen  —  Change  in  the  policy  of  the  enemy  with  regard  to  the  eastern  states  — 
Contemplated  cruise  of  the  Chesapeake,  Capt.  Lawrence  —  Disaffection  among  her 
crew  —  Her  action  with  and  capture  by  the  British  ship  Shannon  —  Death  of  Capt. 
Lawrence  —  Sketch  of  his  life.  .........  98. 

CHAPTER  XI. 

The  Vixen,  Capt.  Reed,  is  captured  by  the  Southampton  —  Both  vessels  are  soon  after 
•wrecked  —  Cruise  of  the  Siren,  Captain  Parker  —  Death  and  notice  of  Capt.  P.  —  The 
Siren,  Lieut.  Nicholson,  is  captured  by  the  Medway  —  The  Enterprise,  Lieut.  Blakely, 
captures  the  privateer  Fly  —  Under  Lieut.  Comdt.  Burrows,  her  action  with  and  cap- 

^  ture  of  the  British  brig  Boxer  —  Commanders  of  both  ships  are  killed  —  Notice  of  Lieut. 
B.  —  Under  Lieut.  Renshaw,  the  Enterprise  captures  the  British  privateer  Mars  — 
Capture  of  the  Rattlesnake,  Lieut.  Comdt.  Renshaw,  by  the  Leander.  -  -  107. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Six  new  sloops  of  war  added  to  the  navy  —  Cruise  of  the  Argus,  Capt.  Allen,  on  the 
coast  of  England,  and  Ireland  —  she  captures  twenty  sail  of  merchantmen  —  Her  action 
with  and  capture  by  the  Pelican  —  Death  of  Capt.  Allen  —  sketch  of  his  life  —  The  En 
terprise  —  summary  of  her  services.  ........  112. 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Attack  on  the  British  ship  Narcissus,  by  the  gnn-boats  in  Hampton  Roads  —  Attack  on 
Craney  Island  —  Notice  of  Mr.  Sigourney,  killed  on  board  the  Asp  —  Blockadjustf  && 
United  States,  Macedonian,  and  Hornet  —  Capture  of  the  American  brig  Viper,  Lieut. 
Henley  —  Loss  of  the  schooner  Ferret»Lieut.  Kearny  —  Attack  on  the  Alligator,  sail 
ing-master  Basset  —  she  beats  oft'her  assailants  —  Mr.  Basset  is  promoted  —  The  Alligator 
is  sunk  in  a  gale  on  the  coast  of  Georgia  —  Loss  of  all  but  sixteen  of  her  crew  —  She  is 
afterwards  raised  —  Exploits  of  Capt.  Kearny  —  Notice  of  his  services  —  Gallant  de 
fence  of  gun-boat  No.  160,  by  sailing-master  Paine  —  his  promotion  —  "Warfare  in  the 
Delaware  —  Capture  of  gun-boat  No.  121,  by  the  enemy's  ships  Junon  and  Martin.  116 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Launch  of  the  Guerriere,  Independence,  and  Java  —  Capture  of  the  Frolic,  Capt.  Bain- 
bridge,  by  the  frigate  Orpheus—  The  Adams  cut  down  and  lengthened  —  her  cruise 
under  Capt.  Morris  —  she  captures  the  Woodbridge  —  is  burnt  at  Penobscot  —  Cruise  of 
the  Wasp,  Capt.  Blakely  —  she  captures  the  Reindeer  —  cuts  out  a  vessel  with  military 
stores  —  her  action  with  and  destruction  of  the  Avon  —  she  captures  the  brigs  Three 
Brothers,  Bacchus,  and  Attalanta  —  her  uncertain  fate  —  Notice  of  Capt.  Blakely  —  The 
Peacock,  Capt.  Warrington,  captures  the  Epervier  —  she  cruises  in  the  enemy's  seas, 
and  captures  fourteen  merchantmen  —  Capture  of  the  Highflyer  by  the  President,  Com. 
Rodgers.  .............  123. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Capt.  Barney's  flotilla  in  the  Chesapeake—  Skirmishes  with  the  enemy  —  Advance  of  the 
enemy  upon  Washington  City  —  Defensive  movements  —  Captains  Barney  and  Miller 
woundrd  and  taken  prisoners  —  Vessels  destroyed,  and  city  taken  —  Attack  on  Balti 
more—Death  of  Gen.  Ross  —  Retreat  of  the  enemy  —  Failure  of  the  attack  by  water- 
Exchange  of  Capt.  Barney—  Sketch  of  his  life.  ......  133 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

The  enemy's  fleet,  Admiral  Cockrane,  appears  off  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi — New 
Orleans—Movements  of  the  enemy — Commencement  of  hostilities — Handsome  resis 
tance  of  Lieut.  Jones — Action  on  Lake  Borgne — Surrender  of  Lieut.  Jones's  flotilla, 
after  a  gallant  defence — Landing  of  the  British  troops  below  New  Orleans,  under  Gen. 
Keane— Gen.  Jackson  marches  against  the  enemy — Assistance  of  the  Carolina,  Capt. 
Patterson,  in  the  defence — She  blows  up — Battle  of  New  Orleans — Naval  otiicers  who 
distinguished  themselves. Page  141. 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

British  and  American  force  on  Lake  Ontario — Resources  of  the  two  countries — Attack 
on  Sackett's  Harbour — Lieut.  \Voolsey  defends  against  six  British  vessels — Appoint 
ment  of  Com.  Chauncey — Six  schooners  purchased  and  equipped — Forces  compared 
— Upper  Lakes — Attack  on,  and  capture  of  the  British  brigs  Detroit  and  Caledonia, 
by  Lieut.  Elliott — he  receives  a  sword  from  Congress— Part  of  the  John  Adams' crew 
reach  Buffalo — Com.  Chauncey  puts  out  in  squadron — The  Royal  George  retires  un 
der  the  batteries  of  the  enemy — Accident  on  board  the  Pert — Captures  by  the  Hamilton 
and  Growler — Descent  upon  the  British  ports  on  Niagara  river — Gallant  conduct 
of  Lieut.  Angus — The  enemy's  batteries  carried,  guns  spiked  and  barracks  burned — 
Marvelous  escape  of  Messrs.  Dudley,  Holdup  and  Wragg.  ....  147. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

The  new  ship  Madison  launched  at  Sackett's  Harbour — Two  ships  laid  down  at  Presque 
Isle — Launch  of  the  Lady  of  the  Lake — Embarkation  of  the  squadron  under  Com. 
Chauncey — Attack  on  York  (Toronto) — its  reduction — General  Pike  killed — Capture 
of  the  schooner  Duke  of  Gloucester,  and  a  vessel  of  twenty  guns  (nearly  finished)  de 
stroyed — Attack  on  Fort  George — Retreat  of  the  enemy — Evacuation  of  the  Niagara 
frontier  by  the  BritfsTL  -  -  -  159. 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

The  enemy  effect  a  landing  on  Horse  Island — Under  Sir  George  Prevost,  they  attack 
Sackett's  Harbour,  and  are  repulsed,  with  loss — Launch  of  the  General  Pike— Promo 
tions  in  the  navy — Captures  by  the  enemy  on  Lake  Champlain — Depredations  at 
Pittsburgh — Capture  of  the  Lady  Murray,  with  military  stores — Movements  of  the 
enemy  on  Lake  Ontario — The  American  squadron  makes  a  second  attack  on  York — 
Ineffectual  attempts  to  meet  the  enemy — Loss  of  the  Hamilton  and  Scourge  in  a  squall 
—  Capture  of  the  Growler  and  Julia— Notice  of  Mr.  Trant.  ....  165. 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Meeting  and  fruitless  manffiuvring  of  the  hostile  squadrons — Launch  of  the  Sylph  at 
Sackett's  Harbour — Changes  and  promotions — Unavailing  cmise  of  six  days — Escape 
of  the  enemy  in  a  running  fight — Action  on  the  Lake — Chase — The  American  squad 
ron  haul  off  for  the  Niagara — Capture  of  six  British  transports — Review  of  the  ope 
rations.  176. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Operations  on  Lake  Erie — Force  of  the  enemy — The  Lawrence  and  Niagara  got  over 
the  bar  at  Presque  Isle — Force  of  the  squadron  under  Capt.  Perry — General  action, 
and  capture  of  the  whole  British  fleet — Captains  Perry  and  Elliott  receivegold  medals — 
Result  of  this  victory — Capt.  Perry  resigns  the  command  to  Capt.  Elliott — Promotion 
of  Capt.  Perry,  and  appointment  to  the  command  of  the  Java.  -  .  -  186. 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

Operations  on  Lake  Ontario — Three  new  ships  laid  down  at  Sackett's  Harbour— Sick 
ness,  and  state  of  the  service — Capt.  Sinclair  appointed  to  command  on  the  upper  lakes 
— Launch  of  the  Superior — Force  ofSir  James  Yeo — Oswego— Descent  of  the  British 
— Spirited  though  hopeless  defence  under  Lieut.  Col.  Mitchell — Loss  of  the  Growler 
— Blockade  of  Sackett's  Harbour — Reinforcements  from  the  sea-board — Attempt  on 
Sandy  Creek,  with  loss — Launch  of  the  Mohawk — Lieut.  Gregory  captures  a  gun 
boat,  and  destroys  the  enemy's  cruiser,  building  at  Presque  Isle — American  force — 
The  British  run  the  Charwell  ashore  and  blow"  her  up— Sir  James  Yeo  is  six  days 
blockaded  in  Kingston — Capture  of  Lieut.  Gregory  and  crew — Attempts  to  draw  the 
•nemy  <>ut— The  enemy's  new  ship  St.  Lawrence — Attempt  to  blow  her  up.  -  200. 


VI  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Operations  on  Lake  Charnplain — Attempts  of  the  British  to  fill  up  the  channel  of  Otter 
Creek — Launch  of  ihe  schooner  Eagle — Sir  George  Prevost  advances  against  Platts- 
burg — Disposition  of  the  hostile  forces — Battle  of  Phittsburg  Bay — Promotion  of  Capt. 
M'Donough — medal  from  Congress,  &c.  &c. — Glorious  character  of  the  battle.  -  211. 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Operations  on  the  upper  Lakes — Com.  Sinclair  repulsed  in  his  attempt  on  Michilimack- 
inac — The  Ohio  and  Somers  surprised  and  captured  by  the  British — The  Tigress  and 
Scorpion  taken  by  surprise — Notice  of  Henry  Eckford — Resources  and  successes  of 
the  American  and  British  forces  on  the  Lakes.  ......  225. 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

Cruise  of  the  Constitution,  Capt.  Stewart — Capture  of  the  man-of-war  Pictou — Her 
second  cruise — She  makes  two  prizes — is  chased  by  two  British  vessels — engages  both, 
and  captures  the  Cyane — She  pursues  and  captures  the  Levant — The  Cyane,  Lieut. 
Hoffman,  sails  for  America — The  Constitution  and  the  Levant  chased  by  a  British 
squadron  off  Port  Praya — The  Levant  is  pursued  into  port  where  she  strikes  to  the  ene 
my — The  Constitution  returns  home — her  services  and  character  as  a"  lucky  ship."  2:29. 

CHAPTER.  XXVI. 

Chase  and  capture  of  the  President,  Com.  Decatur,  by  a  British  squadron  off  New 
York — The  Hornet,  Capt.  Biddle,  captures  the  Penguin — is  chased  inufiiictually  by  the 
British  ship  Cornwallis — Capture  of  the  cruiser  Nautilus,  by  the  Peacock — The' buy. 
ing  or  building  of  twoaquadrona  of  small  vessels  ordered  -Eivi  of  the  war — Character 
of  tho  American  ^""^  ""'  


NAVAL    HISTORY 


OP    THE 


UNITED  STATES. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Change  in  policy  of  government,  as  respects  the  Barhary  powers — Com.  Rodgers  before 
Tunis — Rank  of  Master  Commandant  restored — Promotions — Commencement  of  gun 
boat  system — Equipment  of  the  Chesapeake  38,  for  the  Mediterranean,  her  departure 
and  action  with  English  ship  Leopard  50 — Trial  of  Com.  Ban-on;  its  result  and 
merits. 

PEACE  was  no  sooner  made  with  Tripoli,  than  Commodore  Rodg 
ers  gave  his  attention  to  Tunis,  with  which  regency  there  was  now 
every  prospect  of  a  speedy  war.  In  April,  while  blockading,  the 
Constitution  had  captured  a  xebeck  belonging  to  the  Bey,  which,  in 
company  with  two  prizes,  was  endeavouring  to  get  into  Tripoli. 
These  vessels  had  been  demanded,  and  the  consul  had  been  notified 
that  hostilities  would  immediately  follow  a  refusal.  Mr.  Davis,  who 
was  then  at  Tunis,  informed  the  Bey  that  the  captured  vessels  could 
not  be  released,  and  the  whole  matter  was  referred  to  the  naval  offi 
cer  in  command.  A  correspondence  ensued,  and  Commodore 
Rodgers  felt  himself,  not  only  compelled,  but,  without  forgetting  pru 
dence,  able  to  tell  the  government  of  Tunis,  that  it  was  his  settled 
intention  to  maintain  the  rights  of  his  flag,  and  the  law  of  nations. 

When  this  reply  was  received  at  Tunis,  the  Bey,  who  was  not  yet 
accustomed  to  consider  America  a  nation  of  importance,  and  who 
appeared  to  think  that  his  anger  must  be  a  source  of  serious  appre 
hension  to  her  people,  used  the  loftiest  language,  expressly  announc 
ing  an  intention  to  commence  hostilities  unless  the  vessels  were 
instantly  restored.  But  times  had  changed.  The  temporary  con 
trol  of  events  had  been  taken  out  of  the  hands  of  timid  politicians  at 
a  distance,  and  had  passed  into  those  of  men  on  the  spot,  who  desir 
ed  nothing  better  than  to  teach  the  barbarians  justice.  The  Ameri 
can  merchant  ships  had  ceased  to  apprehend  capture,  and  the  idea, 
which  had  just  before  been  so  terrible,  of  a  rover's  getting  into  the 
Atlantic,  appears  to  have  been  forgotten.  In  short,  a  very  moderate 
application  of  that  dormant  power,  which,  when  properly  applied, 
can  at  any  time  give  the  republic  a  commanding  influence  in  the 


8  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1805. 

general  concerns  of  the  world,  had  at  least  disposed  of  all  questions 
of  this  nature,  that  were  connected  with  states  as  insignificant  as 
those  of  Barbary.  The  Bey  of  Tunis,  moreover,  had  selected  a  most 
unfortunate  moment  for  his  bravado,  the  force  under  Commodore 
Rodders  being  at  the  time  nearly  all  in  the  Mediterranean.  The 
gun-boats  had  arrived,  and  the  ketches  were  hourly  expected.  In 
short,  the  menace  was  most  inopportunely  made  for  the  Bey,  since  it 
was  uttered  to  those  who  would  not  have  regretted  an  attempt  to  put 
it  in  execution. 

The  business  at  Tripoli  was  no  sooner  completed,  therefore,  than 
Commodore  Rodgers  sailed  with  thirteen  vessels,  gun-boats  included, 
and  anchored  in  Tunis  Bay  on  the  1st  of  August.  As  soon  as  the 
consul  had  repaired  on  board  and  communicated  the  state  of  things 
in  the  regency,  a  council  of  war  was  called.  The  result  was  a  letter 
to  the  Bey,  demanding  to  know  if  a  declaration  made  to  the  consul, 
in  which  he  had  said  that  the  appearance  of  the  American  squadron 
off  his  port  would  be  considered  as  the  commencement  of  hostilities, 
was  to  be  taken  literalJy  or  not.  In  this  letter  the  Bey  was  given  to 
understand,  in  the  plainest  manner,  that  hostilities  would  commence 
on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  within  thirty-six  hours,  did  he  decline 
answering,  or  neglect  the  application. 

It  may  be  useful  to  the  reader,  if  we  pause  a  moment,  and  review 
the  changes  that  four  short  years  had  produced  in  the  tone  of  the 
American  agents.  In  1801,  after  capturing  a  Tripolitan  rover,  Com 
modore  Dale  had  been  compelled  to  send  her  into  her  own  port, 
through  the  doubts  and  misgivings  of  a  feeble  and  temporising  pol 
icy  at  home.  The  administration  had  used  the  cry  of  economy  as  a 
means  of  defeating  its  adversaries,  and,  as  is  too  often  the  case,  this 
appeal  had  been  made  without  a  just  discrimination  between  that 
liberal  saving,  which  anticipates  future  waste  by  present  expenditure, 
and  that  which  can  be  no  better  described  than  by  the  homely  axiom 
of  "  penny  wise  and  pound  foolish."  But  the  force  of  things,  always 
a  salutary  corrective  of  the  errors  of  men,  had  compelled  an  arma 
ment,  and  no  better  illustration  of  the  expediency  of  being  prepared 
for  war,  need  be  required  than  is  to  be  found  in  the  facts  of  this  case. 

The  Bey,  accustomed  to  regard  the  Americans  as  tributaries,  had 
been  seeking  a  cause  for  war,  when  he  was  suddenly  met  by  this  high 
tone  on  the  part  of  those  whom  he  had  hitherto  found  so  much  dis 
posed  to  temporise.  At  first  he  appeared  to  place  no  faith  in  the 
demonstration,  and  the  required  answer  was  not  immediately  sent. 
Commodore  Rodgers,  in  consequence,  directed  Captain  Decatur  to 
land,  to  demand  an  audience  of  the  Bey,  and  to  obtain  an  unequivo 
cal  solution  of  the  question  of  peace  or  war. 

It  is  probable  that  the  Bey  regarded  this  mission  as  one  of  a  doubt 
ful  nature,  also,  for  he  refused  to  receive  Captain  Decatur  in  the 
character  in  which  he  had  been  sent.  That  spirited  officer,  little 
accustomed  to  temporising,  declined  being  admitted  in  any  other. 
As  soon  as  the  intentions  of  both  parties  had  been  explained,  Cap 
tain  Decatur  returned  on  board,  when  "  the  royal  breast"  of  the  Bey 
••'  appeared  to  be  panic  struck."  A  letter  was  sent  to  the  commo- 


1805.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  9 

dore,  signed  by  the  pacha  himself,  in  which  he  expressed  a  desire  to* 
treat,  and  using  the  most  pacific  language.  Shortly  after  he  an 
nounced  a  wish  to  send  a  minister  to  Washington.  This  moderated 
tone  put  an  end  to  the  threatened  hostilities,  and  after  a  negotiation 
that  lasted  nearly  a  month,  the  affair  was  arranged  with  the  regency, 
to  the  satisfaction  of  one  of  the  parties  at  least.  The  xebeck  and 
her  prizes  were  not  given  up.  In  September,  a  Tunisian  ambassa 
dor  embarked  in  the  Congress  38,  Captain  Decatur,  and  in  due  time 
he  was  landed  at  Washington. 

Commodore  Rodgers  remained  in  Tunis  Bay  more  than  a  month, 
literally  negotiating  under  the  muzzles  of  his  guns,  and  the  result 
proved  the  wisdom  of  the  course  he  had  taken.  The  navy,  the  ablest 
of  all  negotiators  in  such  matters,  had  completely  reversed  the  an 
cient  order  of  things,  for,  instead  of  an  American  agent's  being  com 
pelled  to  solicit  the  restoration  of  prizes,  illegally  taken,  in  Africa,  an 
African  agent  was  now"  soliciting  the  restoration  of  prizes  legally 
captured  in  America.  At  a  later  day,  the  xebeck  and  her  consorts 
were  given  up,  as  of  no  moment ;  but  when  the  Tunisian  minister 
added  a  demand  Yor  tribute,  agreeably  to  former  usage,  he  met  with 
an  explicit  denial.  After  a  short  residence,  he  returned  to  his  master 
with  the  latter  answer,  but  the  Bey  did  not  see  fit  to  take  any  steps 
in  consequence.  The  impression  made  by  the  attacks  on  Tripoli, 
and  of  the  appearance  of  the  American  squadron  before  his  own 
town,  would  seem  to  have  been  lasting. 

After  the  settlement  of  the  dispute  with  Tunis,  the  vessels  in  the 
Mediterranean  were  gradually  reduced,  though  it  was  still  deemed 
necessary  to  keep  a  small  squadron  in  that  sea.  The  government 
also  became  better  apprised  of  the  nature  of  the  force  that  was 
required,  in  carrying  on  a  war  with  the  Barbary  states,  and  several 
new  vessels  were  put  into  the  water  about  this  time,  among  which 
were  two  regularly  constructed  bombards,  the  Etna  and  the  Vesu 
vius.  Two  sloops  of  war,  of  the  most  approved  models,  were  also 
built,  and  became  active  cruisers  on  the  peace  establishment.  These 
vessels  were  the  Wasp  18,  and  the  Hornet  18,  the  former  being  a 
ship  and  the  latter  a  brig.  These  two  beautiful  and  efficient  sloops 
had  no  gun-decks,  poops,  or  top-gallant  forecastles,  but  were  con 
structed  after  the  designs  of  the  French,  and  they  had  armaments  of 
16  thirty-two  pound  carronades,  and  2  long  twelves  each. 

In  April,  1806,  a  law  was  passed  which  authorised  the  President 
to  employ  as  many  of  the  public  vessels  as  he  might  deem  necessary, 
but  limiting  the  number  of  the  officers  and  seamen.  By  this  act  the 
list  of  the  captains  was  increased  to  thirteen,  that  of  the  masters  and 
commanders  to  eight,  and  that  of  the  lieutenants  to  seventy-two. 
The  rank  of  masters  and  commanders  was  re-established  in  1804, 
as  has  been  already  shown,  and,  of  the  thirty-six  lieutenants  retained 
in  1801,  fifteen  had  been  promoted,  thirteen  had  resigned,  one  had 
died  on  service,  one  had  been  drowned  on  service,  one  had  been 
killed  in  battle,  one  had  been  killed  in  a  duel,  one  had  beeji  dis 
missed,  and  three  still  remained  on'the  list  of  lieutenants.  Of  those 


10  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1805. 

that  had  been  promoted,  one*  had  resigned,  and  onet  had  been  killed 
in  battle.  It  follows,  that,  in  order  to  complete  the  new  list  to  seventy- 
two,  sixty-nine  midshipmen  were  raised  to  the  rank  of  lieutenants. 

The  list  of  captains,  under  the  new  law,  and  after  the  changes 
just  named,  consisted  of  the  following  gentlemen,  viz: 

1  Samuel  Nicholson,  8  Hugh  G.  Campbell, 

2  Alexander  Murray,  9  Stephen  Decatur, 

3  Samuel  Barron,  10  Thomas  Tingey, 

4  John  Rodders,-  11  Charles  Stewart, 

5  Edward  Preble,  12  Isaac  Hull, 

6  James  Barron,  13  John  Shaw, 

7  William  Bainbridge,  14  Isaac  Chauncey. 

The  list  of  masters  and  commanders  at  the  same  period,  were  as 
follows,  viz: 

1  John  Smith,  5  David  Porter, 

2  George  Cox,  6  John  Cassin, 

3  John  H.  Dent,  7  Samuel  Evans, 

4  Thomas  Robinson,  8  Charles  Gordon. 

The  condition  of  the  navy  may  be  said  to  have  been  negative  at 
the  period  of  which  we  are  now  writing,  for  while  all  who  reflected 
seriously  on  the  subject,  felt  the  necessity  of  greatly  increasing  this 
branch  of  the  national  defence,  nothing  efficient  was  attempted,  or, 
apparently  contemplated.  Ships  of  the  line,  without  which  it  would 
be  impossible  to  prevent  any  of  even  the  secondary  maritime  states 
of  Europe  from  blockading  the  ports  of  the  country,  were  now 
scarcely  mentioned,  and  the  materials  that  had  been  collected  for 
that  object,  in  1800,  were  rapidly  disappearing  for  the  purposes  of  re 
pairs  and  re-constructions.  It  is,  indeed,  difficult  to  imagine  a  policy 
as  short-sighted  and  feeble,  as  that  pursued  by  Congress  at  this  partic 
ular  juncture.  With  political  relations  that  were  never  free  from  the 
appearances  of  hostilities,  a  trade  that  covered  all  the  seas  of  the 
known  world,  and  an  experience  that  was  replete  with  lessons  on  the 
necessity  of  repelling  outrages  by  force,  this  great  interest  was  treated 
with  a  neglect  that  approached  fatuity.  To  add  to  this  oversight, 
and  to  increase  the  despondency  of  the  service,  as  well  as  of  all  those 
whose  views  extended  to  the  future  necessities  of  the  country,  the 
government  appears  to  have  adopted  a  policy,  in  connexion  with'the 
defence  of  the  harbours,  bays,  and  sounds  of  the  coast,  that  was 
singularly  adapted  to  breaking  down  the  high  tone  that  the  navy  had 
acquired  in  its  recent  experience.  This  plan,  which  has  been  gen 
erally  known  as  the  "  gun-boat  policy,"  originated  as  far  back  as  the 
year  1803,  though  it  did  not  become  of  sufficient  moment  to  be  par 
ticularly  noticed  until  the  time  at  which  we  are  now  arrived,  in  the 
regular  order  of  events. 

In  February,  1803,  the  relations  of  the  country  with  Spain,  in  con 
sequence  of  a  denial  of  a  place  of  deposit  at  New  Orleans,  had  an 
aspect  so  threatening,  that  a  law  was  passed  appropriating  $50,000 

*  Sterrett.  t  Somers. 


1806.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  11 

for  the  construction  of  gun-boats.  In  consequence  of  the  acquisition 
of  Louisiana,  by  treaty,  however,  this  money  was  never  used, 
although  steps  had  been  taken  to  procure  models  of  the  gun-boats  of 
Spain  and  Naples,  nations  whose  naval  histories,  for  the  previous 
century,  offered  out  questionable  examples  for  the  imitation  of  a 
people  as  singularly  maritime  as  that  of  America. 

In  1804,  gun-boats  were  obtained  in  Naples  to  cannonade  Tripoli, 
the  position  of  the  rocks  before  that  town  admitting  of  their  use  under 
circumstances  of  advantage.  The  Neapolitan  boats  proving  defec 
tive  a  few  were  built  at  home,  and  this  species  of  vessel  first  appeared 
afloat  in  1805.  The  hardy  manner  in  which  they  were  carried  across 
the  ocean  and  returned,  has  already  been  mentioned.  The  law 
under  which  these  boats  had  been  built,  contemplated  their  future 
use,  as  an  auxiliary  means  of  permanent  harbour  defence. 

Motives  had  been  gradually  accumulating,  however,  to  induce  the 
executive  to  extend  this  policy.  The  English  had  set  up  new 
doctrines  on  the  subject  of  blockades  and  the  colonial  trade,  in  oppo 
sition  to  doctrines  of  France,  that  were  equally  opposed  to  common 
sense,  obvious  justice,  and  usage  ;  and,  as  the  former  possessed  a 
numerous  and  active  marine,  these  conflicting  practices  resulted  in  a 
species  of  indirect  and  half-way  blockade  of  the  entire  American 
coast.  English  cruisers  were  constantly  hovering  around  the  most 
frequented  of  the  ports  of  the  country,  while  privateers  under  French 
commissions,  were  occasionally  guilty  of  the  grossest  excesses.  In 
short,  we  have  now  reached  the  commencement  o£that  extraordinary 
state  of  things,  when  each  of  the  great  European  belligerents  appear 
ed  to  think  that  an  act  of  aggression  by  its  enemy  on  a  neutral,  was 
an  ample  justification  for  retaliating  on  the  unoffending  and  suffering 
party. 

The  gun-boats,  at  first,  were  well  received  in  the  service,  since  it  gave 
enterprising  young  officers  commands ;  and  the  vessels  originally 
constructed,  were  of  an  equipment,  size  and  force,  which  in  a  meas 
ure,  removed  the  objections  that  young  sea-officers  would  be  apt  to 
urge  against  serving  in  them.  At  the  close  of  the  year  1806,  the 
President  announced  to  Congress  that  the  gun-boats  already  author 
ised  by  a  law  of  April  of  the  same  year,  50  in  number,  were  so  far 
advanced -as  to  put  it  in  the  power  of  the  government  to  employ  them 
all,  the  succeeding  season,  and  the  message  contained  a  recommen 
dation  to  extend  the  system. 

An  event  soon  occurred  that  not  only  stimulated  this  policy,  but 
which  induced  the  government  to  resort  to  new  measures  to  protect 
the  country,  some  of  which  were  as  questionable,  as  they  were  novel. 
A  few  ships  had  been  kept  in  the  Mediterranean,  as  stated,  and  it  is 
worthy  of  being  noted,  that,  with  a  commerce  that,  in  1807,  employ 
ed  1,200,000  tons  of  shipping,  this  was  the  only  foreign  station  on 
which  an  American  cruiser  was  ever  seen  !  Neither  was  there  any 
proper  home  squadron,  notwithstanding  the  constant  complaints  that 
were  made  of  the  wrongs  inflicted  by  English  and  French  cruisers, 
particularly  the  former,  at  the  very  mouths  of  the  harbours  of  the 
country. 


12  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1806. 

On  the' 25th  of  April,  1800,  the  British  ship  Lcander  50,  Captain 
Whitby,  in  endeavouring  to  cut  off  a  small  coaster,  that  was  running 
for  Sandy  Hook,  fired  a  shot  into  her,  which  killed  one  of  her  peo 
ple  ;  and,  as  this  outrage  occurred  quite  near  the  shore,  it  excited  a 
strong  feeling  of  indignation,  in  a  portion  of  the  country,  at  least. 
But,  unfortunately,  party  spirit  had,  at  that  period,  taken  the  worst, 
most  dangerous,  and  least  creditable  form,  in  which  it  can  exist  in  a 
free  country.  By  neglecting  to  place  the  republic  in  an  attitude  to 
command  respect,  the  government  had  unavoidably  been  reduced  to 
appeal  to  arguments  and  principles,  in  those  cases  in  which  an  appeal 
to  force  is  the  only  preservative  of  national  rights,  and,  in  so  doing, 
it  opened  the  door  to  the  admission  of  sophisms,  counter-arguments 
and  discussions,  that,  in  the  end,  effectually  arrayed  one  half  of  the 
community  against  the  other,  and  this  too,  on  matters  in  which 
foreign  nations  were  the  real  parties  on  one  side,  and  the  common 
country  on  the  other.  In  a  word,  the  great  mistake  was  made  of 
admitting  of  controversy  concerning  interests  that  all  wise  govern 
ments  hold  to  be  beyond  dispute.  There  will  presently  be  occasion 
to  advert  to  some  of  the  consequences  of  this  extraordinary  state  of 
things,  that  are  more  peculiarly  connected  with  our  subject. 

While  the  feelings,  policy,  and  preparations  of  the  United  States 
were  in  the  condition  just  mentioned,  the  Chesapeake  38,  was  order 
ed  to  be  put  in  commission,  with  a  view  of  sending  her  to  the  Medi 
terranean,  as  the  relief-ship,  the  time  of  the  people  of  the  Constitu 
tion  44,  the  flag-ship  on  that  station,  being  nearly  up.  Captain 
Charles  Gordon,  the  youngest  master-commandant  on  the  list,  was 
attached  to  the  Chesapeake  as  her  captain,  and  Captain  James  Bar- 
ron  was  selected  to  hoist  a  broad  pennant  in  her,  as  commander  of 
the  squadron.  Both  these  officers  enjoyed  high  characters  in  the 
service;  Commodore  Barren,  in  particular,  being  deemed  one  of  the 
most  ingenious  and  ready  seamen  that  America  had  ever'produced. 
*  The  Chesapeake  was  lying  at  the  navy  yard  Washington,  and  was 
put  in  commission  early  in  1807.  By  an  order  of  the  date  of  Feb 
ruary  22d  of  that  year,  Captain  Gordon  was  first  attached,  but  the 
specific  orders  to  Commodore  Barron  do  not  appear  to  have  been 
given  until  May  the  loth.  The  ship  remained  at  Washington,  taking 
in  her  masts  and  stores,  and  receiving  officers  and  men-,  until  the 
close  of  the  spring.  During  this  time  the  English  minister  informed 
the  government  that  three  deserters  from  his  B.  M.  ship  Melampus, 
had  enlisted  among  the  crew  of  the  Chesapeake,  and  he  requested 
that  they  might  be  given  up.  Although  the  right  to  demand  desert 
ers  is  not  recognised  by  the  laws  of  nations,  there  is  usually  a  dispo 
sition  between  friendly  governments  to  aid  each  other  in  securing 
these  delinquents,  especially  when  it  can  be  done  under  circumstan 
ces  that  produce  no  direct  injury,  and  the  matter  was  referred  to 
Commodore  Barron,  for  investigation,  by  the  navy  department. 
The  inquiry  appears  to  have  been  made  in  a  proper  temper,  and 
with  a  sincere  wish  to  dismiss  the  men,  should  they  actually  prove  to 
be  what  was  represented,  though  it  might  be  questioned  whether  the 
President  himself  legally  possessed  any  power  to  give  them  up  to 


1807.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  13 

their  own  officers.  Commodore  Barron  directed  Captain  Gordon  to 
inquire  into  the  matter  with  care,  and  to  make  his  report.  It  was 
ascertained  that  the  three  men  were  actually  deserters  from  the  ship 
named,  but  they  all  claimed  to  be  impressed  Americans,  who  had 
availed  themselves  of  the  first  opportunity  that  offered  on  landing  in 
their  native  country,  to  make  their  escape  from  illegal  and  unjust 
detention.  One  of  these  men  was  said  to  be  a  native  of  the  Eastern 
Shore,  a  part  of  the  country  in  which  Captain  Gordon  was  born,  and 
that  officer,  after  a  careful  examination,  appears  to  have  been  satisfied 
with  the  truth  of  his  account.  Another  was  a  coloured  man,  and 
there  was  hardly  a  doubt  of  the  truth  of  his  allegations  ;  while  the 
case  of  the  third  seaman,  though  in  part  established,  was  not  entirely 
clear.  Under  the  circumstances,  however,  a  seaman  found  in  the 
country,  and  demanding  the  protection  of  its  laws  as  a  native,  could 
not  be  given  up  to  a  service  that  was  known  constantly  to  violate  the 
rights  of  individuals,  on  the  naked  demand  of  that  service,  and  in  the 
absence  of  all  affirmative  proof  of  its  being  in  the  right.  The  Eng 
lish  minister  received  the  report,  and  he  appears  to  have  been  satis 
fied,  as  no  more  was  said  on  the  subject. 

Although  Captain  Gordon  was  attached  to  the  Chesapeake  in 
February,  he  does  not  appear  to  have  actually  taken  the  command 
of  the  ship  until  the  1st  of  May,  as  she  was  still  in  the  hands  of  the 
mechanics.  About  the  beginning  of  June  she  sailed  from  Washing 
ton  for  Norfolk.  At  this  time,  there  were  but  twelve  guns  on  board  ; 
and,  as  it  is  customary  for  all  vessels  of  war  to  fire  a  salute  in  passing 
Mount  Vernon,  it  was  discovered,  on  that  occasion,  that  some  of  the 
equipments  of  the  guns  were  imperfect.  Orders  were  issued  by  Cap 
tain  Gordon  in  consequence,  though  the  circumstance  probably  ex 
cited  less  attention  than  would  otherwise  have  been  the  case,  on 
account  of  the  unfinished  state  of  the  vessel.  The  Chesapeake  arriv 
ed  in  Hampton  Roads  on  the  4th  of  June,  and  on  the  6th,  Commo 
dore  Barron  paid  her  a  short  visit. 

Between  the  6th  of  June  and  the  19th,  the  remainder  of  the  guns 
and  stores  were  received  on  board  the  Chesapeake,  her  crew  was 
completed  to  about  375  souls,  and,  on  the  latter  day,  Captain  Gor 
don  reported  her  to  Commodore  Barron,  as  ready  for  sea.  Up  to  the 
6th  of  June,  the  people  had  not  even  been  quartered  at  all,  and  be 
tween  that  day  and  the  time  of  sailing,  they  had  been  at  quarters  but 
three  times  ;  on  neither  of  which  occasions  were  the  guns  exercised. 

About  8  A.  M.,  June  22d,  1807,  the  Chesapeake  38,  Captain  Gor 
don,  bearing  the  broad  pennant  of  Commodore  Barron,  got  under 
way,  from  Hampton  Roads,  bound  to  the  Mediterranean.  At  that 
early  day,  the  armament  of  the  ship  consisted  of  28  eighteen-pound- 
erson  her  gun-deck,  and  of  12  carronades  above,  making  a  total  of 
40  guns.  She  was  a  roomy  and  convenient  vessel,  but  was  thought 
to  be  weak  for  her  dimensions,  and  her  sailing  was  remarkable 
neither  way. 

A  squadron  of  British  ships  of  war,  varying  constantly  in  numbers 
and  vessels,  had  been  watching  some  French  frigates  that  lay  at 
Annapolis,  several  months  ;  and  it  was  their  practice  to  lie  in  Lynn- 

VOL.  II.  1 


14  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1807. 

haven,  or,  occasionally,  to  cruise  in  the  offing.  On  the  21st  of  June, 
this  squadron  had  consisted  of  three  vessels,  one  of  which  was  the 
Bellona  74,  and  another  the  Melampus  38,  the  ship  from  which  the 
three  seamen,  already  mentioned,  had  deserted.  On  the  evening  of 
the  same  day,  a  fourth  vessel,  which  was  afterwards  ascertained  to 
be  the  Leopard  50,  Captain  Humphreys,  came  in  and  anchored. 
The  Leopard  was  a  small  two-decker,  had  a  lower-deck  battery  of 
twenty-fours,  and  is  said  to  have  mounted  56  guns.  When  the 
Chesapeake  weighed,  up  at  Hampton  Roads,  the  Leopard  lifted  her 
anchor,  and  preceded  the  American  frigate  to  sea  by  several  miles. 
The  wind  was  light,  at  northwest ;  and  as  the  Leopard  got  an  offing, 
she  disappeared  behind  Cape  Henry. 

A  little  after  12  o'clock,  the  Chesapeake  was  up  with  the  cape, 
when  the  wind  shifted  to  the  southward  and  eastward.  As  she 
opened  the  offing,  the  Leopard  was  seen  a  few  miles  distant  to  wind 
ward,  heading  to  the  eastward,  with  apparently  very  little  air.  She 
soon  took  the  new  wind,  however,  when  both  ships  made  stretches 
to  get  free  of  the  land,  there  being  a  good  working  breeze  and  per- 
feotly  smooth  water.  The  Leopard  tacked  with  the  Chesapeake, 
though  the  latter  ship  appears  to  have  closed  with  her,  the  distance 
between  the  two  vessels  gradually  lessening.  By  some  accounts  the 
English  ship  shortened  sail  in  order  to  allow  this.  Up  to  this  mo 
ment,  however,  it  is  the  better  opinion,  thatthere  was  nothing  unusual, 
or  suspicious,  in  her  movements.  The  British  cruisers  were  in  the 
habit  of  standing  out  in  this  manner,  and  the  Leopard  obtained  the 
weather  gage  altogether  by  the  shift  of  wind. 

About  3  o'clock,  both  vessels  having  an  offing  of  some  six  or  eight 
miles,  the  Chesapeake  tacked  to  the  eastward  again,  and  the  Leopard, 
then  about  a  mile  to  windward,  wore  round  and  came  down  upon 
her  weather  quarter,  when  she  hailed,  informing  Commodore  Barron 
that  she  had  despatches  for  him.  In  all  this  there  was  nothing 
unusual,  despatches  having  been  put  on  board  the  Wasp  18,  Captain 
Smith,  from  the  Bellona  74,  a  few  days  previously,  the  American 
ship  being  bound  to  Europe.  Commodore  Barron  answered  that  he 
would  heave  to,  and  receive  a  boat.  Both  vessels  now  came  to,  the 
Chesapeake  by  laying  her  main-topsail  to  the  mast,  while  the  accounts 
appear  uncertain,  whether  the  Leopard  backed  her  forward  or  her 
after  sails.  At  this  time,  it  was  observed  by  some  of  the  officers  on 
board  the  Chesapeake,  however,  that  the  English  ship  had  her  lower 
ports  triced  up,  and  the  tompions  out  of  her  guns.  It  does  not 
appear  that  the  latter  fact,  the  only  one  of  moment,  was  reported  to 
either  Captain  Gordon  or  Commodore  Barron. 

In  a  few  minutes,  a  boat  from  the  Leopard  came  alongside  of  the 
Chesapeake,  and  her  officer  was  shown  into  the  cabin,  where  he  was 
received  by  Commodore  Barron.  Here  the  English  lieutenant  pro 
duced  an  order,  signed  by  Vice-Admiral  Berkeley,  datt  \  Halifax, 
June  1st,  and  addressed  to  all  the  captains  of  the  ships  inder  his 
command,  directing  them,  should  they  fall  in  with  the  Chesapeake, 
out  of  the  waters  of  the  United  States,  and  at  sea,  to  show  her  com 
mander  this  order,  to  "  require  to  search  for  deserters,"  and,  "  to  pro- 


1807.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  15 

ceed  and  search  for  the  same,"*  offering  at  the  same  time,  to  allow 
of  a  similar  search  on  board  their  own  vessels.  Accompanying  this 
order,  was  a  note  from  the  commander  of  the  Leopard,  addressed  to 
the  commander  of  the  Chesapeake,  referring  to  the  order  of  the  vice- 
admiral,  and  expressing  a  hope  "  that  every  circumstance  respecting 
them  (the  deserters)  may  be  adjusted  in  a  manner  that  the  harmony 
subsisting  between  the  two  countries  may  remain  undisturbed."  To 
this  note,  Commodore  Barren  returned  an  answer,  stating  that  he 
knew  of  no  such  deserters  as  described.  He  added,  that  his  recruit 
ing  officers  had  been  particularly  instructed  by  the  government,  not 
to  enter  any  deserters  from  the  English  ships,  and  that  his  orders 
would  not  allow  him  to  suffer  his  people  to  be  mustered  by  any  offi 
cer  but  their  own. 

By  referring  to  this  correspondence,  which  will  be  found  in  the 
appendix,  it  will  be  seen  that  neither  the  order  of  Vice-Admiral 
Berkeley,  the  note  of  Captain  Humphreys,  nor  the  answer  of  Com 
modore  Barren,  was  perfectly  explicit  on  the  important  points,  of 
whether  force  would  be  used,  if  the  alleged  deserters  were  not  given 
up,  or  whether  they  would  be  refused,  could  it  be  shown,  by  any 
other  means  than  that  of  being  mustered  by  foreign  officers,  that  the 
men  required  were  among  the  Chesapeake's  crew.  In  a  word,  the 
order  and  note  were  vague  and  general;  and  the  answer,  as  far  as  it 
went,  the  most  direct  document  of  the  three,  appears  to  have  been 
framed  in  a  similar  spirit.  The  British  officer  was  ordered  to  "  re 
quire"  of  the  captain  of  the  Chesapeake,  "  to  search  his  ship  for 
deserters,"  &c.,  and  "  to  proceed  and  search  for  the  same,"  &c. 
Nothing  is  said  of  compelling  a  search  ;  and  though  the  term  "  re 
quire"  was  a  strong  one,  the  whole  phraseology  of  the  order  was  such 
as  might  very  well  raise  doubts,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances, 
how  far  a  party,  who  made  professions  of  a  desire  to  preserve  the 
harmony  of  the  two  nations,  might  feel  disposed  to  violate  public 
law,  in  order  to  enforce  its  object.  The  note  of  Captain  Humphreys 
was  just  as  explicit,  and  just  as  vague  as  the  order,  being  a  mere  echo 
of  its  spirit.  Commodore  Barron  very  clearly  refused  to  permit  a 
British  officer  to  search  for  a  deserter,  while  he  did  not  touch  the 
general  principle,  or  what  he  might  do,  could  it  be  shown  by  less 
objectionable  means,  that  there  was  a  British  deserter,  of  the  sort 
mentioned  in  the  order,  on  board  the  Chesapeake,!  and  the  demand 
on  the  partof  the  English  officers  to  search  in  person,  was  abandoned. 
Had  there  even  existed  a  clause  in  the  treaty  between  England  and 
America,  rendering  it  obligatory  on  the  two  nations  to  deliver  up  each 
other's  deserters,  the  requisition  of  Vice-Admiral  Berkeley,  taken  as 
an  order  to  search  in  person,  would  have  so  far  exceeded  the  probable 
construction  of  reason,  as  to  justify  an  officer  in  supposingthat  noth 
ing  beyond  a  little  well-managed  intimidation  was  intended,  since 
nations  do  not  usually  permit  their  treaties  to  be  enforced  by  any 

*See  cote  A,  end  of  volume. 

T  It  would  have  been  illegal  for  Commodore  Barron  to  give  tip  a  man  regularly  enter, 
ed  among  his  crew,  as  a  deserter.  He  might  have  returned  a  deserter  that  came  on 
board  his  ship,  but  nothing  more. 


16  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1807. 


but  their  own  agents.  While  there  was  something  very  equivocal, 
beyond  doubt,  in  the  whole  procedure  of  the  British,  it  was  so  high 
handed  a  measure  to  commence  a  demand  for  deserters,  by  insisting 
on  a  right  to  search  a  foreign  vessel  of  war  in  person  for  them,  that  it 
would  be  very  difficult  to  believe  any  design  to  enforce  a  demand  so 
utterly  out  of  the  regular  course  of  things,  could  be  seriously  enter 
tained.  It  ought  to  be  added,  that  the  deserters  alluded  to  in  the 
order  of  Vice-Admiral  Berkeley,  were  not  those  from  the  Melampus, 
already  spoken  of,  but  men  from  other  ships,  who  were  supposed  to 
have  entered  on  board  the  Chesapeake  at  a  much  later  day.* 

The  English  lieutenant  was  on  board  the  Chesapeake  some  time  ; 
the  accounts  of  the  length  of  his  visit  varying  from  15  to  45  minutes. 
It  is  probable  he  was  fully  half  an  hour  in  the  cabin.  His  stay 
appears  to  have  been  long  enough  to  excite  uneasiness  on  board  his 
own  ship,  for,  while  Commodore  Barren  was  deliberating  on  the 
course  he  ought  to  pursue,  information  was  sent  below  that  a  signal 
was  flying  on  board  the  Leopard,  which  her  officer  immediately 
declared  to  be  an  order  for  the  return  of  the  boat.  Soon  after  this 
signal  was  shown,  the  answer  of  Commodore  Barron  was  delivered. 

Commodore  Barron  now  sent  for  Captain  Gordon,  and  told  him 
to  get  the  gun-deck  clear,  a  duty  that  had  been  commenced  an  hour 
or  two  before,  without  reference  to  the  Leopard.  He  then  went  on 
deck.  Soon  after  the  English  officer  had  passed  out  of  the  ship  into 
his  own  boat,  by  the  larboard,  or  lee-gangway,  Commodore  Barron 
appeared  in  the  starboard,  or  weather-gangway,  to  examine  the 
Leopard.  Here  it  would  seem  that  the  latter  was  forcibly  struck 
with  the  appearance  of  preparation  on  board  the  English  ship,  and 
the  idea  that  recourse  might  be  had  to  force  began  to  impress  him 
seriously.  He  issued  an  order  to  Captain  Gordon,  to  hasten  the 
work  on  the  gun-deck,  and  to  go  to  quarters.  In  consequence  of 
the  latter  order,  a  few  taps  were  beaten  on  the  drum,  but  that  instru 
ment  was  stopped  by  directions  of  Commodore  Barron,  and  instruc 
tions  were  given  to  get  the  people  to  their  quarters  with  as  little  noise 
and  parade  as  possible,  in  order  to  gain  time,  if  the  Leopard  really 
meditated  hostilities. 

It  is  not  easy  to  imagine  a  vessel  of  war  in  a  more  unfortunate  situ- 
tion,  than  that  of  the  Chesapeake  at  this  particular  moment.  With 
a  ship  of  superior  force  within  pistol-shot,  on  her  weather  quarter 
her  guns  trained,  matches  burning,  people  drilled,  and  every  thing 
ready  to  commence  a  heavy  fire,  while  she  herself  was  littered  and 
lumbered,  with  a  crew  that  had  not  yet  exercised  her  guns,  and  which 
had  been  only  three  times  even  mustered  at  their  quarters.  The 
business  of  coiling  away  her  cables,  which  had  lain  on  the  gun-deck 
until  after  2  o'clock,  was  still  going  on,  while  the  cabin  bulk-head, 
cabin  furniture,  arid  some  temporary  pantries  were  all  standing  aft. 

*  It  is  said  that  one  man  in  particular  who  had  run  from  the  Halifax  sloop  of  war,  had 
been  seen  by  his  old  captain  in  Norfolk,  and  that  he  had  insulted  the  latter  in  the  street. 
This  was  the  person  the  English  officers  were  the  most  anxious  to  obtain.  It  does  not 
appear,  however,  that  any  men,  but  those  from  the  Melampus,  had  ever  been  formally 
demanded  of  the  proper  authorities,  though  something  may  have  passed  on  the  subject 
between  subordinates. 


1807.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  17 

A  good  deal  of  the  baggage  of  the  passengers  in  the  ship  was  also  on 
the  gun-deck.  It  would  seem,  however,  that  some  of  the  lieutenants 
had  regarded  the  movements  of  the  Leopard  with  distrust  from  the 
beginning ;  and  the  vessel  being  particularly  well  officered,  these 
gentlemen  soon  made  an  active  commencement  towards  getting  the 
ship  clear.  The  guns  were  all  loaded  and  shotted,  but  on  examina 
tion,  it  was  found  that  there  was  a  deficiency  in  rammers,  wads, 
matches,  gun-locks,  and  powder-horns.  While  things  were  in  this 
awkward  condition,  Commodore  Barren  continued  in  the  gangway 
examining  the  Leopard.  The  boat  of  the  latter  was  about  five 
minutes  in  pulling  back  to  that  vessel,  and  as  soon  as  the  people  were 
out  of  her,  she  was  dropped  astern,  where  most  of  her  boats  were 
towing,  and  the  English  ship  hailed.  Commodore  Barron  answered 
that  he  did  not  understand  the  hail,  when  the  Leopard  fired  a  shot 
ahead  of  the  Chesapeake.  In  a  few  seconds  this  shot  was  followed 
by  an  entire  broadside.  By  this  discharge,  in  addition  to  other 
injuries  done  the  ship,  Commodore  Barron,  who  continued  in  the 
gangway,  and  his  aid,  Mr.  Broom,  were  wounded.  The  Leopard 
was  now  hailed,  and  some  answer  was  returned,  but  the  noise  and 
confusion  rendered  all  attempts  at  a  communication  in  this  mode 
useless.  A  boat  was  shortly  after  ordered  to  be  lowered,  to  be  sent 
to  the  Leopard,  but  it  did  not  proceed. 

Every  exertion  was  making  all  the  while,  to  get  the  batteries  ready, 
and  with  the  exception  of  the  forward  gun  below,  the  port  of  which 
was  still  down  on  account  of  the  anchor,  it  appears  that  one  broad 
side  might  have  been  fired,  had  not  the  means  of  discharging  the 
guns  been  absolutely  wanting.  For  some  time,  there  was  no  priming 
powder,  and  when  an  insufficient  quantity  did  finally  arrive,  there 
were  no  matches,  locks,  or  loggerheads.  Some  of  the  latter  were 
brought  from  the  galley,  however,  and  they  were  applied  to  the  prim 
ing,  but  were  yet  too  cold  to  be  of  use.  In  the  mean  while,  the 
Leopard,  in  an  excellent  position,  and  favoured  by  smooth  water, 
was  deliberately  pouring  in  her  whole  fire  upon  an  unresisting  ship. 
This  state  of  things  lasted  from  twelve  to  eighteen  minutes,  when 
Commodore  Barron,  having  repeatedly  desired  that  one  gun  at  least, 
might  be  discharged,  ordered  the  colours  to  be  hauled  down.  Just 
as  the  ensign  reached  the  taffrail,  one  gun  was  fired  from  the  second 
division  of  the  ship.* 

The  Chesapeake  immediately  sent  a  boat  on  board  the  Leopard, 
to  say  that  the  ship  was  at  the  disposal  of  the  English  captain,  when 
the  latter  directed  his  officers  to  muster  the  American  crew.  The 
three  men  claimed  to  be  deserters  from  the  Melampus,  and  one  that 
had  run  from  the  Halifax  sloop  of  war,  were  carried  away.  Com 
modore  Barron  now  sent  another  note  to  Captain  Humphreys  to 
state  his  readiness  to  give  up  his  ship  ;  but  the  latter  declining  to  take 
charge  of  her,  a  council  of  the  officers  was  called,  and  the  Chesa 
peake  returned  to  Hampton  Roads  the  same  evening. 

*  This  gun  was  discharged  by  means  of  a  coal  brought  from  the  galley,  which  wag 
applied  by  Lieutenant  Allen,  the  officer  of  the  division,\vith  his  fingers,  after  an  unsuO" 
cessful  attempt  to  make  use  of  a  loggerhead. 


18  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1807. 

In  this  affair,  the  Leopard,  of  course,  suffered  very  little.  The 
single  shot  that  was  fired,  it  is  understood  hulled  her,  but  no  person 
was  injured.  Not  so  with  the  Chesapeake,  although  the  injuries  she 
sustained,  were  probably  less  than  might  have  been  expected.  The 
accounts  of  the  duration  of  the  firing,  vary  from  seven  to  twenty 
minutes,  though  the  majority  of  opinions  place  it  at  about  twelve 
But  three  men  were  killed  on  the  spot ;  eight  were  badly,  and  ten 
were  slightly  wounded  ;  making-  a  total  of  twenty-one  casualties 
The  Leopard  appears  to  have  thrown  the  weight  of  her  grape  int° 
the  lower  sails,  the  courses  and  fore-topmast  stay-sail  having  beer 
riddled  with  that  description  of  shot.  Twenty-one  round  shot  struck 
the  hull.  As  it  is  known  that  the  first  broadside,  when  vessels  are 
near  and  in  smooth  water,  usually  does  as  much  injury  as  several  of 
the  succeeding-,  and  as  all  the  firing  of  the  Leopard,  in  one  sense  afc 
least,  may  be  said  to  have  possessed  this  advantage,  the  execution  she 
did  cannot  be  considered  as  any  thing  remarkable.  All  three  of  the 
lower  masts  of  the  American  frigate  were  injured,  it  is  true,  and  a  good 
deal  of  rigging  was  cut ;  still  the  impression  left  by  the  occurrence 
went  to  convince  the  American  service,  that  English  fire  was  not  so 
formidable  as  tradition  and  rumour  had  made  it. 

The  attack  on  the  Chesapeake,  and  its  results,  created  a  strong 
and  universal  sensation  in  America.  At  first,  as  ever  happens  while 
natural  feeling  and  national  sentiment  are  uninfluenced  by  calcula 
tions  of  policy,  there  was  but  one  voice  of  indignation  and  resent 
ment,  though,  in  a  short  time,  the  fiend  of  party  lifted  his  head,  and 
persons  were  not  wanting  who  presumed  to  justify  the  course  taken 
by  the  English  vice-admiral.  Notwithstanding  these  exceptions,  the 
general  effect  was  certainly  very  adverse  to  the  British  cause  in 
America,  and  the  injury  was  not  fairly  forgotten,  until  it  had  been 
effaced  from  the  public  mind  by  many  subsequent  victories. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  wounded  national  feeling 
eagerly  sought  for  some  palliative,  and,  as  usually  happens  in  such 
cases,  the  commanding  officer  of  the  Chesapeake  soon  became  the 
subject  of  those  inconsiderate  and  unjust  comments,  which  ever 
accompany  popular  clamour,  when  the  common  self-esteem  is  les 
sened.  A  court  of  inquiry  sat,  as  a  matter  of  course,  and  the  results 
were  courts-martial  on  Commodore  Barron,  Captain  Gordon,  Cap 
tain  Hall,  the  commanding  marine  officer  on  board,  and  the  gunner. 

The  charges  produced  against  Commodore  Barron  were  four, 
viz:  1st.  "For  negligently  performing  the  duty  assigned  him." 
Under  this  charge  the  specifications  alleged  that  he  had  not  .suffi 
ciently  visited  and  examined  the  ship,  previously  to  sailing.  2d. 
"  For  neglecting,  on  the  probability  of  an  engagement,  to  clear  his 
ship  for  action."  There  were  six  specifications  under  this  charge, 
all  tending  to  the  same  point.  3d.  "  Failing  to  encourage,  in  his 
own  person,  his  inferior  officers  and  men  to  fight  courageously." 
Ten  specifications  were  made  under  this  charge,  all,  more  or  less, 
implicating  the  military  judgment  and  personal  courage  of  the  ac 
cused.  4th.  "For  not  doing  his  utmost  to  take  or  destroy  the 


1807.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  19 

Leopard,  which  vessel  it  was  his  duty  to  encounter."     Five  specifi 
cations  supported  this  charge. 

There  is  little  question  that  the  government,  nation,  and  we  might 
almost  add,  the  navy,  felt  a  predisposition  to  condemn  Commodore 
Barron,  previously  to  the  trial,  for  it  is  the  natural  and  most  common 
refuge  of  masses  of  men,  to  seek  a  victim  whenever  they  find  them 
selves  in  any  manner  implicated  in  their  characters  or  conduct. 
The  court  was  well  composed,  and  its  hearing  was  solemn  and  digni 
fied.  It  has  been  said  that  this  tribunal  first  set  the  example  of  a 
rigid  adherence  to  principles,  forms,  and  precepts  in  its  proceedings, 
and  it  has  always  been  spoken  of  with  respect  for  its  impartiality  and 
motives.  Of  the  four  charges  made,  Commodore  Barron  was  en 
tirely  acquitted  of  the  first,  third,  and  fourth,  and  found  guilty  under 
the  second.  Several  of  the  specifications  of  the  other  charges  were 
found  to  be  true,  but  the  court  decided  that  they  did  not  involve  the 
guilt  implied  in  the  accusations.  It  was  the  final  decision,  that  Com 
modore  Barron  was  guilty  of  the  5th  and  6th  specifications  of  the 
2d  charge,  which  were  in  the  following  words  : — "  5th.  In  that,  the 
said  James  Barron  did  receive  from  the  commanding  officer  of  the 
Leopard,  a  communication  clearly  intimating,  that  if  certain  men 
were  not  delivered  up  to  him,  he  should  proceed  to  use  force,  and 
still,  the  said  James  Barron  neglected  to  clear  his  ship  for  action." 
Gth.  "  In  that,  the  said  James  Barron  did  verily  believe  from  the 
communication  he  received  from  the  commanding  officer  of  the  said 
ship  Leopard,  that  the  said  ship  would  fire  upon  the  said  frigate  Ches 
apeake,  or  take  by  force,  if  they  could  not  be  obtained  by  other 
means,  any  British  deserters  that  could  be  found  on  board  the  Ches 
apeake,  and  still  the  said  James  Barron  neglected  to  clear  his  ship 
for  action."  On  these  two  specifications,  under  the  charge  of  neg 
lect  of  duty,  Commodore  Barron  was  sentenced  to  be  suspended  for 
five  years,  without  pay  or  emoluments. 

It  may  be  questioned  if  the  order  of  Vice-Admiral  Berkeley  and 
the  note  of  Captain  Humphreys  will  be  thought,  by  all  persons,  to 
be  "  communications  clearly  intimating"  an  intention  to  resort  to 
force,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  case.  The  first  would 
seem  to  have  been  framed  with  great  art,  expressing  nothing  very 
clearly,  and  coupled  with  the  fact  of  its  containing  instructions  to 
show  the  order  itself  to  the  American  captain,  it  might  very  well  be 
supposed  to  have  been  no  more  than  an  expedient  ingeniously  de 
vised  to  obtain  the  ends  of  the  British  officers  by  intimidation. 
Could  the  Chesapeake  have  been  prepared  for  action,  for  instance, 
and  the  English  lieutenant  detained,  and  Commodore  Barron, 
assuming  that  the  order  of  Admiral  Berkeley  was  an  act  of  hostility, 
as,  in  effect,  was  assumed  by  the  court,  attacked  and  subdued  the 
Leopard,  the  world  would  probably  have  heard  the  complaints  of 
England  for  a  violation  of  good  faith,  under  the  plea  that  to  "  require 
to  search  his  ship  for  deserters,"  with  an  offer  to  submit  to  a  similar 
search  on  board  the  British  ship,  was  not  necessarily  an  act  of  hos 
tility,  and  that  the  additional  order  "  to  proceed  and  search  for  the 


20  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1807. 

same,"  was  merely  given  under  the  supposition  that  the  demand 
contained  in  the  requisition  would  have  been  amicably  granted. 

If  the  testimony  fully  sustained  the  6th  specification,  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  Commodore  Barron  was  guilty  of  culpable  neglect, 
but  it  may  be  thought  that  this  point,  also,  admits  of  some  qualifica 
tion.  It  appears,  by  the  finding  of  the  court,  that  it  made  up  its  de 
cision  on  this  specification  from  two  facts,  viz.  expressions  in  a  note 
accompanying  the  official  report  made  of  the  affair  by  Commodore 
Barron  to  the  navy  department,  and  expressions  he  had  used  in  con 
versation  prior  to  the  attack.  As  regards  the  first,  Commodore  Bar 
ron  tells  the  secretary,  that  the  purport  of  Vice-Admiral  Berkeley's 
order  was  to  take  the  men  by  force,  in  the  event  of  no  other  means 
offering;  a  statement  that  is  certainly  not  borne  out  by  the  order 
itself,  as  it  has  since  been  given  to  the  world.  On  his  trial,  Commo 
dore  Barron  explains  this  discrepancy  between  the  fact  and  his  own 
statement,  and  which  appears  to  have  militated  so  much  against  his 
own  interests,  by  saying  that  he  wrote  the  note  after  the  affair  had 
occurred,  under  much  bodily  suffering  from  wounds,  and  great  men 
tal  agitation,  and  that  he  must  have  confounded  the  impressions  left 
by  events,  with  opinions  formed  previously  to  their  occurrence.  On 
examining  this  part  of  the  subject,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  answer  is 
not  without  much  force. 

The  second  fact  rests  on  the  testimony  of  Captain  Gordon,  who 
informed  the  court  that,  while  at  dinner,  an  hour  or  two  before  the 
Leopard  closed,  Commodore  Barron  said  he  distrusted  her  move 
ments.  As  respects  verbal  declarations,  they  are  always  to  be  taken 
with  great  allowances,  the  ordinary  language  of  men  being  so  much 
qualified  by  the  circumstances  under  which  it  is  uttered,  and  they 
have  always  been  held  questionable  evidence,  except  when  used  in 
cases  of  gravity  and  solemnity.  A  remark  of  this  nature  may  have 
been  made  without  suspecting  hostilities,  since  a  demand  for  deser 
ters,  by  no  means  would  infer  an  intention  to  resort  to  force,  OD 
receiving  a  denial. 

In  his  defence,  Commodore  Barron  says  that  he  expected  another 
communication  from  Captain  Humphreys,  which  would  have  allowed 
ample  time  to  clear  the  ship  for  action,  had  she  been  in  a  condition 
to  engage  at  all.  In  short,  after  carefully  reviewing  the  testimony 
and  the  finding  of  the  court,  most  persons  will  be  led  to  believe  that 
Commodore  Barron  was  punished  to  the  fullest  extent  of  his  offence, 
and,  whatever  may  be  the  dictations  of  a  rigid  military  code,  and  the 
exactions  of  stern  military  principles,  that  he  was  the  victim  of  cir 
cumstances,  rather  than  of  any  unpardonable  error  of  his  own.  It 
would  have  been  safer,  wiser,  and  more  in  conformity  with  naval 
rules,  to  have  gone  to  quarters  as  the  ships  approached  each  other; 
and,  as  soon  as  the  letter  of  Captain  Humphreys  was  received,  it 
would  seem  that  what  before  was  only  expedient  became  imperative  ; 
but  the  case  admits  of  so  much  extenuation,  that  general  rules  will 
hardly  apply  to  it.  It  is  highly  satisfactory  to  be  able  to  add,  that  a 
court  composed  of  men  who,  in  so  many  instances,  have  shown  their 
own  devotion  to  the  honour  of  the  flag,  closed  its  finding  on  the  sub- 


1807.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  21 

ject  of  the  personal  conduct  of  the  accused,  in  the  following  im 
pressive  language  : — "  No  transposition  of  the  specifications,  or  any 
other  modification  of  the  charges  themselves,  would  alter  the  opinion 
of  the  court  as  to  the  firmness  and  courage  of  the  accused.  The 
evidence  on  this  point  is  clear  and  satisfactory." 

The  trial  of  Captain  Gordon  resulted  in  his  being  found  guilty  of 
negligently  performing  his  duty,  in  connexion  with  some  trifling 
informalities  in  the  gunner's  reports,  and  in  those  of  the  marine  offi 
cer.  He  was  sentenced  to  be  privately  reprimanded. 

Captain  Hall,  of  the  marines,  fared  still  better,  his  offence  being 
purely  technical ;  and  in  sentencing  him  to  be  also  privately  repri 
manded,  the  court  added  that  if  it  could  have  discovered  a  lighter 
punishment,  it  would  have  inflicted  it. 

The  gunner  was  cashiered,  chiefly  because  he  had  neglected  to  fill 
a  sufficient  number  of  the  priming  horns,  notwithstanding  a  direct 
order  had  been  given  to  that  effect,  which  he  had  reported  executed. 

It  is  not  easy  to  discover  any  defects  in  the  three  last  decisions  of 
the  court,  which  would  seem  to  have  been  justified  by  the  testimony, 
although  it  was  clearly  established  by  the  evidence  of  nearly  all  the 
sea-officers  examined,  that  had  they  succeeded  in  firing  the  guns  that 
were  loaded,  the  means  were  wanting  to  discharge  a  second  broadside. 

The  revelations  made  by  these  courts-martial,  contain  matter  for 
grave  reflection ;  and  it  may  well  be  questioned,  if  any  impartial 
person,  who  coolly  examines  the  whole  subject,  will  not  arrive  at  the 
conclusion,  that  the  real  delinquents  were  never  put  on  their  trial. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  in  the  year  1807,  America  possessed 
the  experience  of  three  naval  wars  ;  that  by  the  force  of  things,  she 
had  created  a  corps  of  officers,  which,  small  as  it  was,  had  no  supe 
rior,  in  any  other  country  ;  that  her  artisans  put  on  the  ocean  as  fine 
vessels  of  their  classes  as  floated,  and  that  the  conviction  of  the  neces 
sity  of  an  efficient  marine  was  deep  and  general.  In  the  face  of  all 
these  striking  facts,  it  is  seen  that  four  months  were  required  to  fit  a 
single  frigate  for  sea,  at  a  yard  immediately  under  the  eyes  of  Con 
gress,  and  this  too  at  a  moment  when  there  existed  a  pressing 
necessity  for  hastening  the  preparations.*  Under  such  circumstan 
ces,  we  find  that  this  frigate  did  not  receive  all  her  guns  until  a  few 
days  before  she  sailed  ;  that  her  crew  was  coming  on  board  to  the 
latest  hour  ;  that  her  people  had  been  quartered  but  three  days  before 
the  ship  went  to  sea,  and  that  the  responsible  officer  was  acquitted 
of  neglect,  on  the  plea  of  the  imperious  necessity  under  which  he  had 
acted,  although  it  was  admitted  that  when  a  foreign  vessel  of  war 
came  alongside  of  his  ship  to  offer,  not  only  an  indignity  to  his  flag, 
but  direct  violence  to  his  men,  his  people  had  never  been  exercised 
at  their  guns.  A  public  cruiser  had  been  sent  out  in  face  of  those, 
who,  armed  at  all  points,  sought  her  destruction, as  unceremoniously, 
hurriedly,  and  negligently,  as  if  her  employment  was  merely  that  of 
a  passenger-hoy.  When  it  was  found  that  the  nation  had  been  dis- 

*  The  Chesapeake  was  destined  to  relieve  the  Constitution  ,-  and  the  crew  of  the  latter 
ship  was  actually  in  a  state  of  mutiny,  if  they  can  be  called  mutineers  who  were  illegally 
detained,  because  their  times  were  up,  and  they  were  entitled  to  their  discharges. 


22  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1807. 

graced,  so  unsound  was  the  state  of  popular  feeling,  that  the  real 
delinquents  were  overlooked,  while  their  victims  became  the  object 
of  popular  censure. 

It  is  an  axiom,  as  true  as  it  is  venerable,  that  a  "  divided  power  be 
comes  an  irresponsible  power."  Such,  in  fact,  is  the  nature  of  the 
authority  wielded  by  the  national  legislature,  the  neglect  of  which, 
in  the  way  of  military  and  naval  preparations,  would  long  since  have 
ruined  most  of  the  statesmen  of  the  country,  had  they  been  guilty  of 
the  same  omissions,  as  individuals,  that  they  had  sanctioned  as  bodies 
of  men.  We  may  lament  the  infatuation,  condemn  the  selfishness, 
and  denounce  the  abandonment  of  duty,  which  impel  ambitious  pol 
iticians  to  convert  the  legislative  halls  into  arenas  for  political  contro 
versies  that  ought  never  to  degrade  their  deliberations,  or  impair  the 
sanctity  of  their  oaths;  but  when  we  find  the  consequences  of  such 
unconstitutional  innovations  putting  in  jeopardy  the  Jives  and  hon 
ours  of  those  who  are  subject  to  martial  law,  a  solemn  arid  reproving 
sentiment  must  mingle  with  the  views  of  every  honest  citizen,  as  he 
maturely  considers  the  hardships  of  the  case. 

The  act  of  Vice-Admiral  Berkeley  was  disavowed  by  the  English 
government,  and  reparation  was  made  for  the  wrong.*  That  officer 
was  recalled  from  the  American  station  ;  though  the  people  of  tlie 
republic  found  just  cause  of  complaint,  in  the  circumstance  that  he 
was  shortly  after  sent  to  a  command  that  was  considered  more  im 
portant.  It  was,  perhaps,  fortunate  that  the  attack  on  the  Chesa 
peake  occurred  at  a  moment  when  the  relations  between  the  two 
countries  were  rather  more  amicable  than  they  had  been  for  several 
years,  or  it  might  have  led  to  an  immediate  declaration  of  war. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Strange  policy  of  government,  as  shown  in  the  embargo — More  vessels  put  in  commis 
sion — Developement  of  gun-boat  system — Commencement  of  armaments  on  the  Lakes 
— Affair  of  the  President  and  Little  Belt — the  merits  of  that  occurrence,  and  the  feel 
ing  of  the  country — The  question  of  the  right  of  Impressment  considered. 

THE  assault  of  the  Leopard  on  the  Chesapeake,  was  replete  with 
political  lessons  for  the  people  of  the  United  States.  It  showed  the 
insults  and  outrages  to  which  nations  render  themselves  liable,  when 
they  neglect  the  means  of  defence  ;  it  demonstrated  how  boldly  their 
great  commercial  rivals  calculated  on  the  influence  of  that  spirit  of 

*  Although  the  Melampus  was  not  one  of  the  ships  mentioned  in  the  order  of  Vice- 
Admiral  Berkeley,  the  three  deserters  from  that  ship,  as  has  been  seen,  were  taken  away, 
with  one  from  the  Halifax.  Two  of  the  former  were  returned,  and  the  third  died.  The 
two  men  returned,  were  delivered  on  the  deck  of  the  ship  from  which  they  had  been 
violently  taken  away.  It  is  understood  that  the  deserter  from  the  Halifax  was  hanged, 
before  orders  could  be  received  from  England  to  deliver  him  up.  It  is  also  said  that 
Captain  Humphreys  was  never  again  employed,  in  consequence  of  its  being  thought  that 
he  had  exceeded  his  instructions. 


1807.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  23 

gain  which  was  thought  to  predominate  in  the  councils  of  the  repub 
lic  ;  and  it  exhibited  a  determination  on  the  part  of  the  English 
agents,  if  not  on  that  of  the  government,  to  insist  on  claims  that  can 
never  be  yielded  by  independent  nations,  without  a  concession  of  a 
portion  of  their  sovereign  rights.  But  humiliating  as  all  these  con 
siderations  make  the  case,  and  extraordinary  as  were  the  conduct 
and  feeling  of  the  English,  the  policy  pursued  by  the  American  gov 
ernment,  as  a  means  of  punishing  the  aggressors,  and  of  vindicating 
the  rights  of  the  country,  was  quite  as  much  out  of  the  ordinary  chan 
nel  of  correct  reasoning.  With  a  foreign  trade  that  employed  700,- 
000  tons  of  American  shipping  alone,  Congress  passed  a  law  on  the 
22d  day  of  December,  1807,  declaring  an  unlimited  embargo,  for  all 
the  purposes  of  foreign  commerce,  on  every  port  in  the  Union  ;  an 
ticipating  a  large  portion  of  the  injuries  that  might  be  expected  from 
an  open  enemy,  by  inflicting  them  itself! 

This  extraordinary  measure  was  not  avowedly  taken  in  conse 
quence  of  the  attack  on  the  Chesapeake,  for  the  English  government 
early  professed  a  readiness  to  atone  for  that  outrage,  but  it  originated 
in  the  feelings  it  engendered.  The  national  pride  had  been  wound 
ed,  and  the  injury  rankled  the  deeper,  because  all  intelligent  men 
felt  that  the  nation  was  not  in  a  condition  to  resent  the  insult.  The 
squadron  that  then  lay  in  Lynnhaven,  was  probably  equal  to  block 
ading  the  entire  naval  force  of  the  United  States  of  America,  and 
this  too,  it  ought  never  to  be  forgotten,  in  a  country  that  met  its  cur 
rent  expenses  and  extinguished  an  ancient  debt,  with  the  duties  on 
its  imports  alone,  which  possessed  the  amount  of  shipping  already 
mentioned,  and  had  nearly  100,000  registered  seamen. 

Congress  was  convened  on  the  26th  of  October,  and,  as  soon  as 
there  had  been  time  to  deliberate  on  what  had  passed,  the  President 
by  his  proclamation,  interdicted  all  British  vessels  of  war  from  enter 
ing  the  American  waters.  When  the  national  legislature  assembled, 
a  proposition  to  increase  the  number  of  gun-boats  was  laid  before  it. 
Without  a  sufficient  naval  force  to  raise  a  blockade  that  shoqld  be 
sustained  by  three  ships  of  the  line ;  with  all  the  experience  of  the 
war  of  the  Revolution  fresh  in  their  recollections ;  and  with  the 
prospect  of  a  speedy  contest  with  a  people  that  scarcely  hesitated 
about  closing  the  ports  of  the  Union  in  a  time  of  peace,  the  states-** 
men  of  the  day  misdirected  the  resources  of  a  great  and  growing 
country,  by  listening  to  this  proposition,  and  creating  a  species  of 
force  that,  in  its  nature,  is  merely  auxiliary  to  more  powerful  means, 
and  which  is  as  entirely  unfitted  to  the  moral  character  of  the  people, 
as  it  is  to  the  natural  formation  of  the  coast.  On  the  18th  of  De 
cember,  a  law  was  passed  authorising  the  construction  of  188  gun 
boats,  in  addition  to  those  already  built,  which  would  raise  the  total 
number  of  vessels  of  this  description  in  the  navy  to  257.  This  was 
the  developement  of  the  much-condemned  "  gun-boat  system ,"  which, 
for  a  short  time,  threatened  destruction  to  the  pride,  discipline,  tone, 
and  even  morals  of  the  service. 

There  can  be  no  question,  that,  in  certain  circumstances,  vessels 
of  this  nature  may  be  particularly  useful,  but  these  circumstances  are 


24  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1808. 

of  rare  occurrence,  as  they  are  almost  always  connected  with  attacks 
on  towns  and  harbours.  As  the  policy  is  now  abandoned,  it  is  un 
necessary  to  point  out  the  details  by  which  it  is  rendered  particularly 
unsuitable  to  this  country,  though  there  is  one  governing  principle 
that  may  be  mentioned,  which,  of  itself,  demonstrates  its  unfitness. 
The  American  coast  has  an  extent  of  near  two  thousand  miles,  and 
to  protect  it  by  means  of  gun-boats,  even  admitting  the  practicability 
of  the  method,  would  involve  an  expenditure  sufficient  to  create  a 
movable  force  in  ships,  that  would  not  only  answer  all  the  same  pur 
poses  of  defence,  but  which  would  possess  the  additional  advantage 
of  acting,  at  need,  offensively.  In  other  words,  it  was  entailing  on 
the  country  the  cost  of  an  efficient  marine,  without  enjoying  its 
advantages. 

At  the  time  when  the  laws  of  nations  and  the  flag  of  the  United 
States  were  outraged,  in  the  manner  related  in  the  preceding  chap 
ter,  the  government  was  empowered  to  employ  no  more  than  1425 
seamen,  ordinary  seamen  and  boys,  in  all  the  vessels  of  the  navy, 
whether  in  commission  or  in  ordinary.  The  administration  felt  that 
this  number  was  insufficient  for  the  common  wants  of  the  service,  and 
early  in  1808,  the  secretary  asked  for  authority  to  raise  1272  addi 
tional  men.  to  be  put  on  board  the  gun-boats  that  were  now  ready  to 
receive  them.  The  necessary  law,  however,  was  withheld. 

The  near  approach  of  a  war,  that  succeeded  the  attack  of  the 
Leopard,  appears  to  have  admonished  the  English  government  of 
the  necessity  of  using  some  efficient  means  of  settling  the  long-pend 
ing  disputes  between  the  two  nations,  and  negotiations  were  carried 
on  during  the  year  1808,  in  a  temper  that  promised  a  pacific  termin 
ation  to  the  quarrel,  and  in  strict  conformity  with  a  practice,  (it  would 
be  an  abuse  of  terms  to  call  it  a  policy,)  that  has  long  prevailed  in 
the  country,  the  time  that  should  have  been  actively  employed  in 
preparations,  was  irreclaimably  lost,  in  the  idle  expectation  that  they 
would  not  be  needed.  No  act  was  passed,  nor  any  appropriation 
made,  either  for  the  employment  of  more  men,  or  for  the  placing  in 
commission  any  additional  vessels,  until  the  last  of  January,  1809, 
when  the  President  was  directed  to  equip  the  United  States  44,  Pres 
ident  44,  Essex  32,  and  John  Adams  24  ;  the  latter  vessel  having 
been  cut  down  to  a  sloop  of  war.*  By  the  same  law,  the  navy  was 
greatly  increased  in  efficiency,  as  respects  the  officers  and  men,  the 
President  being  authorised  to  appoint  as  many  additional  midship 
men  as  would  make  a  total  of  450,  and  to  employ  in  all,  5025  sea 
men,  ordinary  seamen,  and  boys.  By  adding  the  remaining  officers, 
and  the  marine  corps,  the  whole  service  could  not  have  contained  a 

*  This  ship,  which  was  built  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  has  undergone  many 
changes.  She  was  constructed  for  a  small  frigate,  carrying  24  twelves  on  her  gun- deck ; 
wag  then  cut  down  to  a  sloop  ;  next  raised  upon  to  be  a  frigate,  and  finally  once  more 
cut  down.  It  is  p;ti:l  that  the  ship  was  built  by  contract,  and  that  the  original  contractor, 
let  out  one  side  of  her  to  a  sub-contractor,  who  in  a  spirit  of  economy,  so  much  reduced 
her  moulds  that  the  ship  had  actually  several  inches  more  beam  onone  side,  than  on  the 
other.  As  a  consequence,  she  both  bore  her  canvass  and  sailed  better  on  one  tack  than 
on  the  other.  The  John  Adams  was  rebuilt  entirely,  a  few  years  since  ;  and  the  present 
vessel  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  ships  of  her  class  that  floats 


1810.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  25 

total  of  less  than  7000  persons,  when  the  act  was  carried  into  exe 
cution. 

The  equipment  of  the  ships  just  mentioned,  and  the  active  em 
ployment  of  all  the  small  vessels  of  the  service,  probably  saved  the 
navy  of  the  United  States  from  a  total  disorganisation.  It  was  the 
means  of  withdrawing  a  large  portion  of  the  officers  from  the  gun 
boats,  and  of  renewing  that  high  tone  and  admirable  discipline  which 
had  distinguished  it,  at  the  close  of  the  Tripolitan  war.  By  this  time, 
nearly  all  the  midshipmen  who  had  been  before  Tripoli,  were  lieuten 
ants  ;  and  there  was  already  one  instance  in  which  an  officer,  who 
had  entered  the  navy  as  a  midshipman,  commanded  the  frigate  in 
which  he  had  first  served.* 

About  this  time,  too,  the  government  seriously  turned  its  attention 
towards  those  inland  waters  on  which  its  future  policy  might  render 
the  employment  of  vessels  of  war  necessary.  Both  England  and 
France  had  used  cruisers  on  the  great  lakes,  in  the  early  history  of 
the  country,  though  the  settlements  of  the  former  did  not  extend  to 
their  shores,  until  after  the  conquest  of  Canada.  In  the  war  of  the 
Revolution,  vessels  were  built  on  LakeChamplain,  by  both  the  belli 
gerents,  though  in  no  instance,  had  any  American  naval  officer  ever  /| 
yet  been  employed  in  the  interior  waters.  In  the  course  of  the  sum 
mer  of  1608,  however,  it  was  thought  prudent  to  make  a  commence 
ment  towards  the  employment  of  a  force  in  that  quarter,  England 
already  possessing  ships  on  Ontario  arid  Erie. 

There  being  no  especial  law  for  such  an  object,  advantage  was 
taken  of  the  discretionary  powers  granted  to  the  President  under  the 
act  for  building  gun-boats.  A  few  officers  were  placed  under  the 
orders  of  Lieutenant  M.  T.  Woolsey,  and  that  gentleman  was  em 
powered  to  make  contracts  for  the  construction  of  three  vessels,  one 
of  which  was  to  be  built  on  Lake  Ontario,  and  the  other  two  on  Lake 
Champlain.  The  two  vessels  constructed  on  Lake  Champlain  were 
merely  ordinary  gun-boats,  but  that  constructed  on  Lake  Ontario 
was  a  regular  brig  of  war.  The  latter  was  of  about  two  hundred  and 
forty  tons  measurement,  was  pierced  for  sixteen  guns,  and  when 
delivered  by  the  contractors,  in  the  spring  of  1809,  to  the  sea-officers 
ordered  to  receive  her,  she  mounted  16  twenty-four  pound  carron- 
ades.  In  consequence  of  an  arrangement  that  was  made,  about  this 
time,  with  England,  but  which  was  not  ratified  in  Europe,  this  ves 
sel,  which  was  called  the  Oneida,  was  not  equipped  and  sent  upon 
the  lake  till  the  following  year. 

This  was  a  period  of  vacillating  policy  in  both  nations,  England, 
at  times,  appearing  disposed  to  arrange  amicably  the  many  different 
points  that  had  arisen  with  America,  and  the  latter  country  acting, 
at  moments,  as  if  it  believed  war  to  be  impossible,  while  at  others,  it 
seemed  to  be  in  earnest  with  its  preparations.  Thus  passed  the 
years  1808,  1809,  and  1810,  the  embargo  having  been  raised,  follow 
ed  by  a  non-intercourse  law  with  Great  Britain,  and  succeeded  by  an 
absence  of  all  restrictions. 

'Captain  Decatur. 


26  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1811. 

During  this  period  of  doubt,  the  vessels  of  the  navy  that  were  in 
commission,  were  principally  employed  on  the  coast,  or  they  kept 
up  the  communications  with  the  different  diplomatic  agents  in 
Europe,  by  carrying  despatches.  There  is  no  question  that  these 
were  important  years  to  the  service,  for,  since  the  attack  on  the 
Chesapeake,  the  utmost  vigilance  prevailed,  and  every  commander 
watched  jealously  for  an  opportunity  to  wipe  out  the  disgrace,  real 
or  imaginary,  of  that  unfortunate  affair.  No  more  vessels  were  sent 
to  the  Mediterranean,  but  the  whole  maritime  force  of  the  republic 
was  kept  at  home.  The  country  had  now  in  active  service  the 
following  vessels,  viz : 

President  44,  Hornet  18, 

Constitution        44,  Argus  16, 

United  States     44,  Siren  16, 

Essex  32,  Nautilus  12, 

John  Adams       28,  Enterprise  12, 

Wasp  18,  Vixen  12. 

In  addition  to  these  cruisers,  were  a  great  number  of  gun-boats, 
which  were  principally  commanded  by  sailing-masters,  who  had 
been  selected  from  among  the  officers  of  merchant  vessels.  The 
Nautilus  and  Vixen  had  both  been  rigged  into  brigs  ;  the  Enter 
prise  soon  after  was  altered  in  the  same  manner,  and  there  proving 
an  occasion  to  rebuild  the  Hornet,  she  was  converted  into  a  ship, 
and  pierced  for  two  more  guns,  making  twenty  in  all.  But,  un 
happily,  the  opportunity  was  lost,  of  building  and  equipping  a  force 
that  could  prevent  blockades. 

The  English  increased  their  cruisers  on  the  American  coast,  in 
proportion  to  the  Americans  themselves,  though  their  vessels  no 
longer  lay  off  the  harbours,  impressing  men,  and  detaining  ships.  It 
was  seldom  that  a  British  cruiser  was  now  seen  near  the  land,  the 
government  probably  cautioning  its  commanders  to  avoid  unneces 
sary  exhibitions  of  this  sort,  with  a  view  to  prevent  collisions.  Still 
they  were  numerous,  cruised  at  no  great  distance,  and  by  keeping 
up  constant  communications  between  Bermuda  and  Halifax,  may  be 
said  to  have  intercepted  nearly  every  ship  that  passed  from  one 
hemisphere  to  the  other. 

Such  in  effect,  was  the  state  of  things  in  the  spring  of  the  year 
1811,  when  information  was  received  by  the  senior  officer  of  the 
navy  afloat,  Commodore  Rodgers,  that  a  man  had  been  impressed 
from  an  American  brig,  at  no  great  distance  from  Sandy  Hook,  by 
an  English  frigate  that  was  supposed  to  be  the  Guerriere  38,  Captain 
Dacres.  The  broad  pennant  of  Commodore  Rodgers  was  flying  on 
board  the  President  44,  Captain  Ludlow,  which  ship  was  then 
anchored  off  Annapolis.  Repairing  on  board  his  vessel,  he  got 
under  way  with  an  intention  of  proceeding  off  New  York  to  inquire 
into  the  facts,  on  the  10th  of  May,  passing  (he  capes  shortly  after. 

On  the  16th  of  May,  at  noon,  a  sail  was  made  from  the  President, 
which  ship  was  then  about  six  leagues  from  the  land,  to  the  south 
ward  of  New  York.  It  was  soon  perceived  that  the  stranger  was  a 
vessel  of  war,  by  the  squareness  of  his  yards,  and  the  symmetry  of 


1811.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  27 

his  sails,  and  the  American  frigate  stood  for  him,  with  an  intention 
to  get  within  hail.  At  2  the  President  set  her  broad  pennant  and 
ensign.  The  stranger  now  made  several  signals,  but  finding  they 
were  not  answered,  he  wore  and  stood  to  the  southward.  Although 
the  President  gained  upon  the  chase,  the  wind  lessened,  and  night 
set  in  before  she  could  get  near  enough  to  distinguish  her  force.  It 
was  past  7  o'clock  in  the  evening  when  the  stranger  took  in  his 
studding-sails,  hauled  up  his  courses,  and  came  by  the  wind  on  the 
starboard  tack.  He  now  set  an  ensign  at  his  gaff,  but  it  was  too 
dark  to  discover  the  nation.  As  he  came  to  the  wind,  he  necessarily 
showed  his  broadside,  and  was  taken  for  a  small  frigate. 

The  President  continuing  to  stand  down,  the  chase  wore  four 
several  times,  in  order  to  prevent  the  American  frigate  from  getting 
a  position  to  windward.  It  was  consequently  near  half  past  8  be 
fore  Commodore  Rodgers  could  bring  to,  as  he  had  desired,  on  the 
weather  bow  of  the  stranger,  or  a  little  forward  of  his  beam,  when, 
being  within  a  hundred  yards,  he  hailed,  and  demanded  "what  ship 
is  that  V  No  answer  was  given  to  this  question,  but  it  was  repeated, 
word  for  word,  from  the  stranger.  After  a  short  pause  the  question 
was  again  put,  when  the  stranger  fired  a  gun,  the  shot  from  which 
cut  away  a  breast-back-stay,  and  entered  the  main-mast.  Commo 
dore  Rodgers  was  on  the  point  of  ordering  a  shot  to  be  returned, 
when  one  of  the  guns  was  discharged  from  the  second  division  of 
the  President.  The  stranger  now  fired  three  guns  in  quick  succes 
sion,  and  then,  after  a  short  pause,  the  remainder  of  his  broadside 
and  all  his  musketry.  The  President,  as  a  matter  of  course,  deliv 
ered  her  broadside  in  return.  In  a  few  minutes,  however,  it  was 
perceived  on  board  the  American  vessel,  that  they  were  engaged  with 
an  adversary  so  inferior  as  to  render  her  resistance  very  feeble,  and 
orders  were  sent  to  the  different  divisions  to  stop  their  fire. 

The  guns  of  the  President  were  soon  silent,  when,  to  the  surprise 
of  all  on  board  her,  the  stranger  opened  anew.  The  fire  of  the 
American  frigate  recommenced,  but  it  was  again  stopped  in  the 
course  of  a  very  few  minutes,  in  consequence  of  the  crippled  con 
dition  of  her  antagonist,  who  lay  nearly  end  on,  and  apparently 
unmanageable.  The  American  now  hailed  again,  and  got  an 
answer  that  her  adversary  was  a  British  ship  of  war,  though  the 
name  was  inaudible,  on  account  of  the  wind,  which  had  increased. 
Satisfied  that  his  late  opponent  was  disabled,  and  having  no  desire 
to  do  more  than  had  already  been  accomplished,  Commodore 
Rodgers  gave  the  name  of  his  own  ship,  wore  round,  and  running  a 
short  distance  to  leeward,  he  hauled  by  the  wind  again,  with  a  view 
to  remain  nigh  the  English  vessel  during  the  night.  The  President 
kept  lights  displayed,  in  order  to  let  her  late  antagonist  know  her 
position,  and  wore  several  times  to  remain  near  her. 

When  the  day  dawned  the  English  ship  was  discovered  some  dis 
tance  to  leeward,  her  drift  in  the  night  having  been  considerable. 
The  President  bore  up  under  easy  canvass,  and  running  down  to 
her,  a  boat  was  lowered,  and  Mr.  Creighton,  the  first  lieutenant,  was 
sent  on  board,  with  an  offer  of  services.  The  stranger  proved  to  be 


28  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1811. 

his  Britannic  majesty's  ship  Little  Belt  18,  Captain  Bingham.  The 
Little  Belt  was  a  vessel  of  twenty-two  guns,  but  having  a  light  spar- 
deck  above,  on  which  no  guns  were  mounted,  she  had  the  external 
appearance  of  a  small  frigate.  She  had  suffered  severely  by  the  fire 
of  the  President,  and  thirty-one  of  her  people  had  been  killed  and 
wounded.  As  Captain  Bingham  declined  receiving  any  assistance, 
the  vessels  parted,  each  making  the  best  of  her  way  to  a  port  of  her 
own  nation. 

This  occurrence  gave  rise  to  much  angry  discussion  in  America, 
and  widened  the  breach  which  already  existed  between  the  English 
and  the  American  nations.  The  account  given  by  Captain  Bingham 
differed  essentially  from  that  of  Commodore  Rodgers,  and  official 
investigations  were  made  on  both  sides.  On  that  of  the  Americans 
a  formal  court  of  inquiry  was  held,  and  every  sea-officer  that  was  in 
the  ship  was  examined,  as  well  as  a  great  many  of  the  petty  officers 
The  testimony  was  very  clear,  and  it  was  in  a  great  measure  free 
from  the  discrepancies  that  usually  distinguish  the  accounts  of  battles, 
whether  by  sea  or  land.  The  fact  that  the  Little  Belt  fired  the  first 
gun  was  established  by  the  oath  of  the  officer  who  ordered  the  gun 
fired  in  return,  as  this  gentleman  distinctly  testified  that  he  gave  the 
command,  under  a  standing  order  of  the  ship,  and  in  consequence 
of  having  seen  the  flash  and  heard  the  report  of  the  Little  Belt's  gun. 
He  not  only  testified  that  he  heard  the  report  of  the  gun,  but  that  he 
also  heard  the  noise  made  by  the  shot  which  entered  the  mast.  Other 
officers  and  men  corroborated  this  account,  and  in  a  way  to  render 
their  evidence  not  only  consistent  with  itself,  but  with  probability. 
As  the  President  was  very  fully  officered,  the  number  and  respecta 
bility  of  the  witnesses,  put  all  cavilling  about  the  facts  at  rest  in  the 
country. 

It  is  believed  that  there  was  no  proper  court  of  inquiry  held  on  the 
conduct  of  Captain  Bingham,  though  affidavits  of  most  of  his  officers 
were  published.  By  that  gentleman's  official  account,  as  it  has  been 
given  to  the  world,  as  well  as  by  the  affidavits  mentioned,  it  is  af 
firmed  that  the  President  commenced  the  action  by  firing,  not  a 
single  gun,  but  an  entire  broadside.  He  also  intimated  that  the 
action  lasted  three  quarters  of  an  hour,  and  appeared  desirous  of 
leaving  the  impression  that  the  President  had  sheered  off. 

As  between  the  two  governments,  the  question  was  reduced  to  one 
of  veracity.  If  the  account  of  the  American  officer  was  true,  that 
of  the  English  officer  was  untrue.  Each  government,  as  commonly 
happens,  seeming  disposed  to  believe  its  own  officer,  contrary  to 
what  might  have  been  expected,  no  political  consequences  followed 
this  rencontre.  The  President  sustained  little  injury,  no  round  shot 
besides  the  one  in  her  main-mast,  and  another  in  her  fore-mast, 
having  struck  her,  and,  of  her  people,  one  boy  alone  was  slightly 
wounded  by  a  musket-ball.  The  Little  Belt,  on  the  otlier  hand, 
having  suffered  even  out  of  proportion  to  the  disparity  of  force  be 
tween  the  vessels,  the  American  government  was  satisfied  with  the 
punishment  already  inflicted  on  the  assailants;  while  the  English 
government  could  not  well  demand  reparation,  without  demanding 


1811.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  29 

that  the  American  functionaries  would  not  believe  their  own  officer, 
After  some  communications  on  the  subject,  and  an  exchange  of  the 
testimony  that  had  been  given,  nothing  further  appears  to  have  been 
done,  or  contemplated,  by  eitner  government. 

Not  so,  however,  with  the  people  of  the  two  nations.  In  England 
the  account  of  Captain  Bingham  was  generally  believed,  and  it 
served  to  increase  a  dislike  that  was  so  little  concealed  as  to  attract 
general  comment.  In  America  there  were  two  parties,  one  of  which 
as  blindly  defended,  perhaps,  as  the  other  blindly  condemned  their 
own  officer.  A  strong  feeling  existed  in  the  towns,  and  among  a 
certain  portion  of  the  rural  population,  in  favour  of  what  was  called 
the  English  cause,  as  the  struggles  of  Great  Britain  were  connected 
with  the  general  war,  arid  party  feeling  had  blinded  so  many  to  the 
truth,  that  the  country  had  a  great  number  of  persons  who,  without 
stopping  to  examine  into  facts,  were  disposed  to  believe  their  own 
government  and  all  its  agents  wrong,  whenever  they  came  at  all  in 
collision  with  that  of  England.  This  portion  of  the  community, 
influenced  by  the  remains  of  colonial  dependence,  fostered  by  the 
prejudices  and  influence  of  English  merchants  settled  in  the  towns, 
and  strengthened  by  the  acrimony  of  party,  was  bitter  in  its  denun 
ciations  against  Commodore  Rodgers  ;  and  it  may  be  doubted  if  that 
officer  ever  regained,  in  the  public  estimation,  the  standing  that  was 
lost  by  means  so  equivocal.  They  who  judge  of  military  life  merely 
by  its  brilliancy  and  parade,  in  moments  of  display,  know  little  of 
the  privations  of  the  soldier  and  sailor.  Obliged  to  live  under  laws 
that  are  peculiar  to  himself,  weighed  down  with  a  responsibility  that 
makes  no  show  to  casual  observers,  and  placed  in  situations  to  decide 
and  act  in  cases  in  which  the  principles  are  contested  even  by  the 
most  acute  minds,  the  officer  of  rank  is  entitled  to  receive  every  in 
dulgence  which  comports  with  justice  and  reason.  Most  of  all  ought 
he  to  be  protected  against  the  calumnies  arid  assaults  of  the  enemy,  and 
of  the  disaffected  of  his  own  nation.  That  his  country's  enemies 
should  assail  him  wrongfully,  though  unjustifiable,  is  perhaps  to  be 
expected;  but  when  the  blow  comes  from  those  who  should  ever 
listen  coldly  to  hostile  accusations,  bitter  indeed  is  the  draught  that 
he  is  made  to  swallow. 

In  the  case  of  Commodore  Rodgers,  much  sophistry,  in  addition 
to  some  arguments  that  were  not  without  their  force,  was  used  to 
show  that  tie  was  wrong  in  chasing  the  Little  Belt,  and  in  not  ans 
wering  her  hail,  instead  of  insisting  on  receiving  a  reply  to  his  own. 
As  the  case  is  connected  with  general  principles  that  are  in  constant 
use  in  the  intercourse  between  vessels,  it  may  be  useful  to  give  them 
a  brief  examination. 

Those  who  condemned  Commodore  Rodgers,  insisted  that  it  was 
the  duty  of  a  neutral  not  to  chase  a  belligerent,  but  to  submit  to  be 
chased  by  her;  and,  as  a  neutral  could  have  no  inducement  to  con 
ceal  her  name,  he  was  bound  to  make  a  prompt  answer  when  hailed 
by  the  Little  Belt,  the  latter  being  a  belligerent.  These  two  positions 
were  supported  by  quotations  from  some  of  the  writers  on  interna 
tional  law,  who  have  laid  down  opinions  to  this  effect. 

VOL.  n.  2 


30  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1811. 

The  laws  of  nations  are  merely  a  set  of  rules  that  have  grown  out 
of  necessity,  and  which,  like  the  common  law,  are  founded  in  reason. 
The  received  commentators  on  this  code,  while  they  have  confined 
themselves  to  principles,  have  been  remarkable  for  their  knowledge, 
and  the  justice  of  their  deductions  ;  but,  in  many  cases  in  which  they 
have  descended  to  details,  they  betray  the  ignorance  which  distin 
guishes  the  mere  man  of  theory,  from  him  who  has  been  taught  in 
the  school  of  practice.  Without  the  right  to  chase,  a  vessel  of  war 
would  be  perfectly  useless  in  a  time  of  peace,  and  pirates,  smugglers, 
mutineers,  and  even  those  vessels  which,  by  being  subject  to  the 
laws  of  the  same  country,  are  properly  amenable  to  the  supervision 
of  a  man-of-war,  would  escape  by  steering  in  a  direction  different 
from  that  of  the  cruiser.  No  military  duty,  whatever,  could  be 
discharged  at  sea,  without  the  right  to  chase  ;  nor  is  it  usual  among 
seamen,  to  consider  the  mere  act  of  chasing  an  act  of  hostility.  Ves 
sels  chase  each  other,  even  when  the  object  is  to  ask  succour,  nor  is 
it  possible  to  deliver  despatches,  to  communicate  news,  to  ask  for 
information,  or  to  do  any  thing  which  requires  that  ships  should  be 
near  each  other,  without  chasing,  when  one  of  the  parties  sees  fit  to 
steer  in  a  wrong  direction. 

Neither  is  the  right  to  hail  a  purely  belligerent  right,  since,  like  the 
right  to  chase,  it  is  clearly  a  step  in  communicating,  after  vessels  are 
near  enough  to  speak.  Ifa  hail  necessarily  brought  a  true  answer, 
there  would  be  more  reason  in  bestowing  the  right  on  belligerents, 
though  even  in  that  case,  it  would  be  easy  to  cite  instances  in  which 
it  would  be  useless.  There  may  be  many  wars  at  the  same  time, 
and  belligerents  that  are  neutrals  as  respects  each  other  might  meet 
on  the  high  seas,  and  if  both  parties  stood  on  their  abstract  right  to 
hail,  a  combat  would  be  inevitable.  Belligerents  are  properly  in 
vested  with  no  exclusive  privileges  that  are  not  in  their  nature  rea 
sonable,  and  which  bring  with  them  direct  and  useful  consequences. 
Thus  the  right  to  hail,  without  a  right  to  insist  on  a  true  answer,  is 
a  perfectly  negative  privilege,  and  it  will  not  be  pretended  that  ships 
will  not  answer  as  they  may  see  expedient  at  the  moment.  So  far 
from  the  answer  to  a  hail's  bringing  with  it  any  necessary  advantage 
to  the  party  hailing,  in  time  of  war  it  is  often  the  means  of  placing 
the  latter  in  a  worse  situation  than  he  would  be  without  resorting  to 
the  hail  at  all.  Such  was  the  fact  in  the  case  of  the  Philadelphia 
when  destroyed,  the  people  of  that  ship  having  been  lulled  into  a 
fatal  security  by  the  answer  received  to  their  hail.  In  short,  as  the 
right  to  hail  brings  with  it  no  necessary  advantage,  it  is  folly  to 
attribute  it  to  any  party  as  an  exclusive  privilege.  Vessels  of  war 
must  ascertain  which  are  enemies,  and  which  are  neutrals,  in  the 
best  manner  they  can,  as  civil  officers  are  compelled  to  look  out  the 
individuals  they  would  arrest  in  society,  being  certain  that  both  foes 
and  debtors  will  deceive  those  who  seek  them,  if  there  is  a  motive  and 
an  opportunity. 

But  the  vindication  of  Commodore  Rodgers1  course  is  by  no 
means  limited  to  this  argument.  He  was  cruising  on  his  own  coast, 
where  it  was  the  particular  province  of  a  vessel  of  war  to  exercise 


1811.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  31 

vigilance,  and  particularly  to  be  on  the  alert,  lest  the  belligerents 
themselves  exceeded  their  powers.  Neutrals  are  by  no  means  des 
titute  of  rights  of  this  important  nature.  It  was  known  that  the 
English  cruisers  were  in  the  practice  of  seizing  American  vessels  on 
pretences  that  were  not  recognised  by  international  law,  and  of  even 
impressing  seamen  under  a  regulation  that  was  purely  municipal, 
and  which,  so  far  from  being  in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  nations, 
was  not  only  opposed  to  them,  but  which  was  a  direct  violation  .*f 
national  rights,  of  common  sense,  reason,  and  natural  justice.  T;iis 
was  not  all;  in  executing  this  municipal  law  on  the  high  seas,  they 
even  exceeded  the  limits  acknowledged  by  themselves,  and  were  in 
the  constant  practice  of  carrying  off  Americans,  and  seamen  of  other 
nations,  from  American  ships,  as  well  as  the  subjects  of  the  British 
crown.  As  it  is  clearly  the  general  duty  of  the  commander  of  an 
American  vessel  of  war,  to  prevent  the  violation  of  the  laws  of  nations, 
whenever  it  is  in  his  power,  unless  expressly  ordered  by  his  own 
government  not  to  interfere,  it  was  more  particularly  the  duty  of  such 
a  commander  to  be  vigilant,  and  to  prevent  these  abuses  on  his  own 
coast.  No  English  vessel  of  war  would  hesitate  an  instant,  in  pre 
venting  impressment  from  a  merchant  ship  of  his  nation,  nor  should 
any  American.  The  American  commander  of  a  public  ship,  who 
should  passively  witness  an  impressment  from  a  merc-hant  vessel  of 
his  own  nation,  unless  restrained  by  his  orders,  would  deserve  to  be 
cashiered.  As  connected  solely  with  public  law  and  general  justice, 
there  can  be  no  question  that  the  commander  of  a  vessel  of  war,  who 
knew  that  a  countryman  had  been  impressed  by  a  ship  of  another 
nation,  would  have  a  perfect  right  to  pursue  that  ship,  and,  at  need, 
to  liberate  the  man  by  force.  That  high  considerations  of  policy 
have  hitherto  prevented  the  American  government  from  issuing 
orders  to  that  effect,  or  have  induced  it  to  issue  orders  of  a  contrary 
nature,  in  no  degree  impairs  a  right  which  is  connected  with  one  of 
the  principal  objects  for  which  vessels  of  war  are  kept  afloat,  the 
protection  of  the  person  and  property  of  the  citixen,  when  beyond 
the  reach  of  local  authority.  How  far  Commodore  Rodgers  was 
authorised  to  act  in  this  manner,  by  his  own  government,  or  whether 
he  was  prohibited  from  interfering  at  all  on  motives  of  policy,  does 
not  appear;  but  we  are  bound  to  believe  that  every  officer  is  disposed 
to  do  his  whole  duty.  As  the  subject  is  connected  with  the  causes 
of  quarrel  which,  shortly  after  the  rencontre  between  the  President 
and  Little  Belt,  produced  a  war  between  the  two  countries,  this  may 
be  a  proper  place  to  make  a  further  allusion  to  the  occurrences  and 
claims  that  brought  about  that  important  event. 

From  the  period  of  the  commencement  of  the  general  war  in  Europe, 
the  American  commerce  had  been  exposed  to  a  series  of  decrees, 
orders  in  council,  blockades,  and  constructions  of  belligerent  rights 
that  were  entirely  novel,  both  in  principles  and  practice,  and  which, 
in  the  end,  rested  on  a  justification  no  better  than  a  determination  to 
ictaliate  for  the  wrongs  done  to  neutrals  through  the  hostile  nation, 
oy  punishing  the  sufferer.  It  is  unnecessary  to  add,  that  Great 
Britain  and  France  were  the  nations  that  pursued  this  high-handed 


32  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1811. 

and  illegal  policy,  unduly  subjecting  all  the  rest  of  Christendom  to 
the  consequences  of  their  quarrels.  In  this  strife  in  injustice,  there 
was  not  any  essential  difference  in  the  conduct  of  the  two  great 
belligerents,  so  far  as  principle  was  concerned,  though  England  was 
enabled  to  do  America  much  the  most  harm,  in  consequence  of  her 
superior  power  on  the  ocean. 

To  the  wrongs  inflicted  on  the  American  commerce,  by  means  of 
her  illegal  blockades  and  forced  constructions  of  colonial  privileges, 
England,  however,  added  the  intolerable  outrage  of  impressment  from 
on  board  American  vessels  on  the  high  seas. 

The  government  of  England  claims  a  right,  by  prescription,  to 
require  the  services  of  all  its  own  seamen,  as  well  as  those  of  all 
subjects  who  may  be  deemed  vagabonds,  for  the  royal  navy,  in  a 
time  of  war.  Some  exceptions  are  made  in  favour  of  apprentices 
and  others,  either  by  statutes  or  by  concessions  from  the  administra 
tion,  but  these  do  not  impair  the  principle.  That  communities  have 
a  legal  right  to  make  any  regulations  of  this  nature  is  not  disputed, 
though  in  exercising  privileges  that  the  usages  of  mankind  tolerate, 
nothing  is  easier  than  to  oflend  against  natural  justice  and  the  laws  of 
God.  It  is  evident,  in  the  first  place,  that  a  law  or  a  usage,  whicli 
compels  a  particular  portion  of  society  to  serve  on  board  ships,  for 
an  unlimited  period,  without  reciprocity  as  regards  their  fellow- 
subjects,  and  for  a  compensation  determined  by  the  state,  is  founded 
in  injustice.  England  may  find  her  justification  for  the  practice  in 
her  necessities,  perhaps,  though  necessity  is  but  a  poor  apology  for 
any  moral  wrong,  but  it  cannot  be  seriously  contended  that  she  has  a 
right  to  make  another  people  an  accessary,  directly  or  indirectly,  to 
the  oppression.  In  considering  the  purely  legal  question,  this  moral 
consideration  should  never  be  lost  sight  of. 

Admitting,  in  the  fullest  extent,  the  right  of  a  nation  to  impress  its 
own  citizens  or  subjects,  it  is,  in  no  manner,  a  belligerent  right.  The 
fact  that  it  claims  no  power  to  exercise  the  practice  in  a  time  of 
peace,  does  not  give  the  latter,  in  the  least,  the  character  of  a  belli 
gerent  right,  since  all  belligerent  rights  are  deducible  from  interna 
tional  law,  whereas  the  authority  to  impress  is  derived  solely  from 
the  government  in  which  the  practice  exists.  That  England  exer 
cises  the  power  to  impress  only  in  a  time  of  war,  is  dependent  on  her 
own  will,  whereas  a  belligerent  right  would  be  altogether  indepen 
dent  of  local  control.  It  is  just  as  competent  for  the  parliament  of 
Great  Britain  to  say  it  will  impress  in  a  time  of  peace,  as  it  is  to 
permit  impressment  in  time  of  war,  or  for  it  to  except  certain  classes 
from  the  operation  ofthe  practice.  The  king  of  England,  according 
to  the  theory  ofthe  British  constitution,  makes  war,  and  it  is  the 
king  who  requires  the  services  of  this  particular  class  of  his  subjects; 
and  if  he  thus  requires  them  under  the  law  of  nations,  the  parlia 
ment  has  no  power  to  curtail  his  authority.  In  passing  a  Jaw  to 
exempt  any  portion  ofthe  community  from  impressment,  the  English 
government  itself  admits  that  the  authority  to  impress,  is  derived 
from  municipal,  and  not  from  international  law.  The  only  privilege 
conferred  by  the  usages  of  nations,  in  connexion  with  this  practice, 


1811.]  NAVAL  HISTORY. 


is  the  permission  for  each  country  to  make  its  own  municipal  regu 
lations  ;  and  in  granting  to  England  the  right  to  impress  her  own 
seamen,  they  also  grant  to  America  the  right  to  say  that  no  impress 
ment  shall  take  place  under  the  American  flag. 

The  fact,  however,  that  impressment  is  a  local  and  not  a  general 
right,  is  independent  of  all  ex  parte  admissions,  or  narrow  regula 
tions.  There  must  be  an  entire  reciprocity,  in  the  nature  of  things, 
in  all  international  law ;  and  no  country  that  in  the  least  defers  to 
natural  justice,  can  devote  a  particular  class  of  its  people  to  a  com 
pulsory  service  in  vessels  of  war.  It  follows  as  necessary  conse 
quences,  that  the  monstrous  doctrine  must  be  asserted,  that  one 
nation  shall  not  respect  natural  justice  in  its  laws,  because  it  is  not 
convenient  for  all  other  nations  to  imitate  it;  that  reciprocity  is  not 
necessary  to  international  law;  or  that  impressment  is  strictly  a 
national  and  not  an  international  regulation.  For  a  particular 
people  to  pretend  to  legislate  on,  or  to  qualify,  in  any  manner,  a 
right  derived  from  the  laws  of  nations,  is  an  insult  to  the  community 
of  nations,  since  it  is  arrogating  to  themselves  a  power  to  control  that 
which  is  only  dependent  on  common  consent. 

If  it  be  admitted  that  the  right  to  impress  is  solely  a  municipal 
power,  it  follows  inevitably  that  it  cannot  legally  be  practised  on  the 
high  seas,  on  board  of  vessels  of  a  nation  different  from  that  of  the 
party  claiming  to  exercise  the  authority.  No  principle  is  better 
settled  than  that  which  declares  a  ship,  for  all  the  purposes  of  mu 
nicipal  law,  to  be  solely  within  the  jurisdiction  of  her  own  flag,  while 
out  of  all  territorial  jurisdiction.  England  might  just  as  legally  claim 
to  arrest  persons  for  treason,  poaching,  or  crime  of  any  sort,  on  board 
American  vessels  on  the  high  seas,  as  to  claim  a  right  to  impress  even 
her  own  seamen.  Both  cases  would  be  an  attempt  to  extend  the 
jurisdiction  of  one  people  over  the  authority  of  another. 

Although,  as  a  general  rule,  impressment  and  the  seizure  of  crim 
inals  on  board  American  vessels  on  the  high  seas,  would  be  an  equal 
violation  of  public  and  municipal  law,  as  a  particular  grievance  the 
former  practice  would  give  more  just  ground  of  complaint  than  the 
latter.  The  arrest  of  a  criminal  merely  invades  the  jurisdiction  arid 
oifends  the  sovereignty  of  a  people,  while  impressment  inflicts  a 
serious  practical  evil,  by  depriving  ships  of  their  crews,  at  a  moment 
when  they  have  the  greatest  need  of  them.  Did  England  actually 
possess  the  right  to  take  her  seamen  on  the  high  seas,  America,  under 
those  great  principles  that  pervade  all  law,  whether  public  or  private, 
would  have  a  claim  to  insist  that  this  right  should  be  exercised  in  a 
way  to  do  her  the  least  possible  injury. 

Such  are  the  general  principles  that  touch  the  case.  An  examin 
ation  of  the  subordinate  facts  leaves  England  still  less  justification 
for  the  practice  she  asserts.  In  the  first  place,  that  country  contends 
that  America  gives  employment  to  a  large  number  of  British  subjects 
in  her  mercantile  and  her  public  marine.  This  is  true  ;  but  Eng 
land  does  the  same  as  respects  all  other  nations.  During  the  gen 
eral  wars,  the  merchant  vessels  of  Great  Britain  receive  seamen  from 
all  parts  of  the  world,  and  probably  one  half  of  those  thus  employed 


34  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1811. 

are  foreigners,  Americans  included.  Not  only  are  volunteers  of  all 
nations  received  in  her  ships  of  war,  hut  frequently  men  are  im 
pressed  who  have  not  the  smallest  personal,  or  national,  similitude 
to  English  subjects.  It  is  true,  that  England  never  asserted  a  right 
to  take  any  but  her  own  subjects,  on  the  high  seas  or  elsewhere,  but 
it  is  equally  true,  that,  in  exercising  the  right  she  claims,  her  agents 
have  impressed  thousands  of  native  Americans.*  The  excuse 
for  taking  these  men,  was  the  difficulty  of  distinguishing  between  an 
English  and  an  American  sailor,  by  mere  external  evidence.  This 
difficulty,  of  itself,  is  an  additional  reason  why  England  should  hesi 
tate  about  resorting  to  the  practice,  even  admitting  the  right  to  exist, 
since  it  is  a  governing  principle  which  qualifies  the  exercise  of  every 
right,  that  it  is  not  to  be  used  affirmatively,  to  the  prejudice  of  third 
parties. 

That  England  may  need  the  services  of  her  seamen,  in  no  manner 
entitles  her  to  violate  neutral  privileges  to  obtain  them.  Such  a  doc 
trine  would  authorise  a  belligerent  nation,  in  its  extremity,  to  rob  the 
treasury  of  a  neutral,  in  order  to  pay  its  troops.  The  attempt  which 
has  been  made,  in  connexion  with  this  subject,  to  liken  the  necessities 
of  states  to  the  necessities  of  individuals,  involves  a  violation  of  all 
principle.  There  is  no  just  similitude  between  the  cases.  The  man 
who  is  starving,  probably  commits  no  moral  crime,  when,  after  hav 
ing  exhausted  all  the  legal  means  of  procuring  nourishment  that  are 
in  his  power,  he  takes  food  that  does  not  belong  to  him,  since  in  all 
respects  he  yields  to  an  imperious  natural  necessity  ;  but  the  nation 
that  urges  such  an  excuse  for  its  violations  of  neutral  and  legal  rights, 
is  merely  upholding  artificial  interests,  and  those  too  that  are  often 
unjust  in  themselves,  by  artificial  expedients.  But,  even  admitting 
the  validity  of  this  argument,  it  does  not  affect  the  rights  of  this 
country  to  resist  the  expedients  of  this  necessity.  We  may  not  cen 
sure  the  drowning  man  who  fastens  upon  our  legs,  but  no  one  will 
dispute  out  right  to  shake  him  off. 

Expediency  has  no  necessary  connexion  with  right ;  but  if  the 
necessities  of  England  are  to  be  used  as  an  argument  in  favour  of  her 
doctrine  of  impressment,  so  may  necessity  be  used  against  it  on  the 
part  of  America.  The  first  is  a  country  with  an  overflowing  popu 
lation,  among  whom  men  are  driven  to  obtain  livelihoods  in  the  best 
manner  they  can.  Thus,  in  time  of  peace,  the  excess  of  seamen,  in 
Great  Britain,  drives  them  abroad  to  seek  employment,  and  they  have 
the  effect  to  keep  the  American  on  shore,  by  lowering  prices.  As  a 
consequence,  a  large  portion  of  the  men  in  American  ships  are  Eng 
lish  sailors,  who,  under  the  doctrine  of  England,  are  all  liable  to  be 
reclaimed  for  the  service  of  that  country,  in  a  time  of  war.  This 
system  is  evidently  rendering  the  American  mercantile  marine  a 

*  It  has  been  satisfactorily  ascertained  that  the  number  of  impressed  Americans  on 
board  British  ships  of  war,  was  seldom  less  than  the  entire  number  of  seamen  in  the 
American  navy,  between  the  years  1802  and  1812.  At  the  declaration  of  war  in  1812, 
the  number  that  was  turned  over  to  the  prison  ships  for  refusing  to  fi.crht  against  their 
own  country,  is  said  to  have  exceeded  two  thousand.  The  propriety  of  such  t  policy 
need  not  be  argued. 


1811.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  35 

nursery  for  English  seamen,   and  converting  a  legitimate  means  of 
national  force,  into  a  scheme  for  destroying  it.* 

The  principles  that  control  this  interest,  are  of  a  very  simple  char 
acter.  Each  nation  has  a  right  to  make  its  own  municipal  ordi 
nances,  and  the  country  that  claims  the  services  of  its  seamen,  is 
hound  to  extend  its  regulations  so  far  as  to  keep  that  class  of  its  sub 
jects  within  its  own  jurisdiction,  or  to  incur  the  risk  of  having  its 
claim  defeated,  by  the  conflicting  rights  of  other  states. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Events  just  preceding  the  war— Constitution  at  Portsmouth — nt  Cherbourg,  &c — State  of 
the  navy  in  1812 — Marine  Corps — Policy  of  the  government  in  reference  to  the  navy  in 
the  event  of  war — Feeling  of  the  country  on  the  subject. 

IT  has  been  seen  that  no  consequences,  beyond  an  increased  alien 
ation  between  the  two  countries,  followed  the  rencontre  between  the 
President  and  Little  Belt.  Although  the  American  navy  could  not 
exult  in  a  victory  over  a  force  as  inferior  as  that  of  the  English  vessel, 
it  did  not  fail  to  make  comparisons  between  the  effect  of  the  fire  of 
their  own  frigate,  and  that  of  the  Leopard,  in  the  attack  on  the  Ches 
apeake.  In  both  cases  the  water  was  sufficiently  smooth,  and  the 
trifling  resistance  made  by  the  Little  Belt,  was  so  much  against  the 
chances  of  the  President,  as  the  Chesapeake  made  no  resistance  at 
all.  Close  observers  noted  the  important  fact,  that  the  English  ship, 
in  twelve  minutes'  unresisted  firing,  killed  and  wounded  but  twenty- 
one  persons  among  a  frigate's  ship-company,  while  the  American 
vessel,  in  a  firing  of  but  six  or  eight  minutes,  had  killed  and  wounded 
thirty-one  on  board  a  sloop  of  war.f 

Not  long  after  the  meeting  between  the  President  and  Little  Belt, 
the  United  States  44,  bearing  the  broad  pennant  of  Commodore  De- 
catur,  fell  in  with  the  Eurydice  and  Atalanta,  British  ships,  off  New 
York,  and,  while  the  commanders  were  hailing,  one  of  the  seamen 
of  the  former  vessel,  in  carelessly  handling  the  lanyard  of  his  lock, 
fired  a  gun.J  The  reader  will  learn  in  this  fact,  the  high  state  of 
preparation  that  then  prevailed  in  an  American  man-of-war,  the  lock 
having  been  cocked,  and  every  thing  in  perfect  readiness  to  commence 
an  action,  at  a  moment's  notice.  Happily  both  parties  were  cool 

"The  actual  state  of  things  places  England  still  more  in  the  wrong,  as  regards  her  pre 
tension.  It  is  a  matter  of  notoriety  that  the  legal  authorities  of  that  country  export  fam 
ilies  of  paupers  to  this  hemisphere,  in  order  to" be  relieved  from  them.  The  government 
also  encourages  emigration.  To  set  up  the  claim  of  allegiance  against  families  thus 
driven  away,  to  be  saddled  on  other  nations,  is  an  outrage  on  common  sense. 

t  In  consequence  of  the  President's  forging  ahead,  her  forward  guns  were  not  all  fired 
the  second  time. 

t  This  was  the  excuse  of  the  man.  Commodore  Decatar  believed  that  the  gun  was 
fired  intentionally  by  its  captain,  with  a  view  to  bring  on  an  engagement.  So  strong  was 
the  feeling  among  the  seamen  of  the  day,  that  such  an  occurrence  is  highily  probable. 


36  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1811. 

and  discreet,  and  proper  explanations  having  been  made,  the  Eng 
lish  commander  was  entirely  satisfied  that  no  insult,  or  assault  was 
intended. 

During  the  remainder  of  the  year  1811,  and  the  commencement 
of  that  of  1812,  the  public  ships  were  kept  actively  cruising  on  the 
coast,  as  before,  or  they  were  employed  in  communicating  with  the 
different  diplomatic  agents  in  Europe. 

About  this  time,  the  Constitution  44,  Captain  Hull,  was  sent  to 
Europe,  having  on  board  specie  for  the  payment  of  the  interest  on 
the  debt  due  in  Holland.  After  touching  at  Cherbourg,  the  Con 
stitution  went  off  the  Texel,  and  landing  her  money,  though  not 
without  great  difficulty,  in  consequence  of  the  roughness  of  the 
weather,  and  the  great  distrust  of  those  on  shore,  who  were  closely 
blockaded  by  the  English,  she  proceeded  to  Portsmouth,  where  she 
remained  a  few  days,  in  order  to  communicate  with  the  legation  at 
London. 

Having  despatched  his  business  in  England,  Captain  Hull  sailed 
for  France.  The  day  succeeding  the  night  on  which  the  Constitu 
tion  left  Portsmouth,  several  sail  of  English  men-of-war  were  seen 
in  chase,  and  as  there  had  been  some  difficulty  about  deserters  while 
in  port,*  it  was  the  impression  on  board  the  American  ship  that  the 

*  While  lying  at  anchor  in  the  roads,  a  man  let  himself  into  the  water/and  swam  with 
the  tide  to  the  Madagascar  frigate,  which  was  lying  directly  astern  of  the  Constitution. 
The  deserter  was  too  much  exhausted  when  first  taken  up,  to  state  his  object,  and  the 
Madagascar  sent  a  boat  to  acquaint  the  officers  of  the  Constitution  that  one  of  their  men 
had  fallen  overboard,  and  had  been  picked  up  by  that  ship.  Accordingly,  a  cutter  was 
sent  in  the  morning  to  procure  the  man.  when  the  officer  was  told  that  he  had  claimed 
protection  as  an  Englishman,  and  that  he  had  been  sent  on  board  the  guard-ship.  Cap 
tain  Hull  was  not  on  board  at  the  time,  and  Mr.  Morris,  the  first  lieutenant,  sought  an 
interview  with  Sir  Roger  Curtis,  the  admiral  then  in  command  at  Portsmouth.  Mr. 
Moms  was  very  politely  received,  and  he  stated  his  errand.  The  admiral  informed  him, 
that  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  give  up  a  deserter  who  claimed  to  be  a  British  subject. 
"  Have  you  any  evidence,  Sir  Roger,  beyond  the  man's  own  word,  that  he  is  actually  an 
Englishman  ?"  "  None  whatever,  sir,  but  we  are  obliged  to  take  his  declaration  to  that 
effect."  Nothing  remained  for  the  American  officer  but  to  return  on  board  his  own  ship. 

That  night  extra  sentinels  were  posted,  with  positive  orders  to  fire  at  any  thing  that 
might  be  seen  floating  near  the  ship.  About  midnight  two  or  three  muskets  were  dis 
charged,  and,  on  inquiry,  it  wag  found  that  there  was  a  man  in  the  water  close  along 
side.  A  boat  was  lowered,  and  it  brought  on  board  a  seaman  of  the  Madagascar,  who 
had  contrived  to  buoy  himself  up  by  means  of  some  shells  of  blocks,  and,  profiting  by  a 
turn  in  the  tide,  to  drift  down  upon  the  Constitution.  This  man  was  asked  what  coun 
tryman  he  was,  and  he  answered,  in  a  strong  Irish  accent, "  an  American,  your  honour." 
He  was  sent  below,  with  orders  to  take  good  care  of  him. 

The  next  day  the  deserter  was  inquired  after,  and  it  was  intimated  that  as  he  said  he 
was  an  American,  he  could  not  be  given  up.  It  is  believed,  however,  that  no  formal  de 
mand  was  made  for  the  man,  though  it  was  rumoured  on  shore  that  there  would  be 
trouble  when  the  Constitution  attempted  to  go  to  sea,  as  it  was  known  she  was  about  to 
do  that  night.  In  the  course  of  the  day  two  frigates  came  and  anchored  near  her,  when 
disliking  his  berth,  the  American  commanding  officer  got  underway,  and  dropped  out 
about  a  mile  farther  to  seaward.  So  close  were  the  British  ships  at  the  time,  that  the 
pilot  expressed  his  apprehensions  of  getting  foul  of  one  of  them,  and  he  was  told  to  go 
foul,  if  he  could  do  no  better.  By  careful  handling,  however,  the  ship  went  clear. 

A  frigate  followed  the  Constitution  to  her  new  anchorage.  About  8  o'clock,  Captain 
Hull,  who  was  now  on  board,  ordered  the  ship  cleared  for  action.  The  lanterns  were 
lighted,  fore  and  aft,  and  the  people  went  to  quarters,  by  beat  of  drum.  It  is  not  easy  to 
portray  the  enthusiasm  that  existed  in  this  noble  ship,  every  officer  and  man  on  board 
believing  that  the  affair  of  the  Chesapeake  was  about  to  be  repeated,  so  far,  at  least,  as 
the  assault  was  concerned.  The  manner  in  which  the  people  took  hold  of  the  gun- 
tackles  has  been  described  as  if  they  were  about  to  jerk  the  guns  through  the  ship's  sides. 
An  officer  who  was  passing  through  the  batteries,  observed  to  the  men,  that  if  there  was 
an  occasion  to  fight,  it  would  be  in  their  quarrel,  and  that  he  expected  good  service  from 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  37 

vessels  were  sent  in  pursuit.  The  Constitution  outsailed  all  the 
strangers  but  one,  a  frigate  that  weathered  upon  her.  After  leading 
this  ship  a  long  distance  ahead  of  the  others,  Captain  Hull  hove  to, 
beat  to  quarters,  and  waited  to  know  her  object.  It  fortunately  proved 
to  be  amicable. 

Before  quitting  Cherbourg,  off  which  place  English  cruisers  were 
constantly  hovering,  it  had  been  agreed  that  the  Constitution,  on  her 
return,  should  show  a  particular  signal,  in  order  that  the  French 
batteries  might  not  mistake  her  for  a  cruiser  of  the  enemy.  On 
reaching  the  entrance  of  the  port,  one  of  the  English  vessels  kept 
close  to  the  American  frigate,  while  the  latter  was  turning  up  into 
the  roads,  with  a  fresh  breeze,  and  in  thick  weather.  Unfortunately, 
some  strong  objections  existed  to  making  the  signal,  and  the  batteries 
fired  a  gun.  The  shot  struck  the  Constitution  in  the  bends.  It  was 
soon  followed  by  a  second  that  flew  between  the  masts.  A  third 
passed  through  the  hammocks  stowed  in  the  waist,  and  stove  one  of 
the  boats.  The  steadiness  of  the  frigate  now  induced  the  French  to 
pause,  and  an  opportunity  offering  soon  after  to  show  the  signal,  the 
firing  ceased.  The  English  ship  bore  up,  as  soon  as  the  battery 
opened.* 

The  Hornet  18,  Captain  Lawrence,  followed  the  Constitution  to 
Europe,  and  the  Wasp  the  Hornet.  In  this  manner  did  the  autumn 
of  1811,  and  the  spring  of  1812  pass,  ship  succeeding  ship,  with  the 
despatches  and  diplomatic  communications  that  so  soon  after  ter 
minated  in  the  war  with  England.  As  we  are  now  approaching  the 
most  important  period  in  the  history  of  the  American  navy,  it  may 
be  well  to  take  a  short  review  of  its  actual  condition. 

Between  the  reduction  in  1801,  and  the  commencement  of  1812, 
a  period  of  eleven  eventful  years,  during  which  the  nation  was 
scarcely  a  day  without  suffering  violations  of  its  neutral  rights,  not  a 
single  frigate  had  been  added  to  the  navy  !  The  ships  of  the  line 
authorised  in  1799  were  entirely  abandoned,  and  notwithstanding  the 
critical  relations  of  the  country,  the  experience  of  the  past,  and  so 
many  years  of  commercial  prosperity,  the  navy,  in  some  respects, 
was  in  a  worse  situation  than  after  the  sale  of  the  ships  in  ISO  1.  Of 
the  thirteen  frigates  retained  at  that  time,  the  Philadelphia  38,  had 
been  taken  and  destroyed,  and  the  New  York  36,  General  Greene 
28,  and  Boston  28,  had  gone  to  decay,  without  repairs.  Thus,  in 

them.  "Let  the  quarter-deck  look  out  for  the  colours,"  was  the  answer,  "  and  we  will 
look  out  for  the  guns."  In  short,  it  was  not  possible  for  a  ship's  company  to  be  in  a  bet 
ter  humour  to  defend  the  honour  of  the  flag,  when  the  drum  beat  the  retreat,  and  the 
boatswain  piped  the  people  to  the  capstan-bar.  The  ship  lifted  her  anchor,  and  stood 
over  towards  Cherbourg,  however,  without  being  followed.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the 
prudence  of  Sir  Roger  Curtis  alone  prevented  an  engagement  of  some  sort  or  other,  on 
this  occasion.  That  officer  probably  felt,  as  many  of  the  older  officers  of  the  British  ser 
vice  are  understood  to  have  felt,  the  injustice  of  the  English  system,  particularly  ash 
was  practised  towards  America. 

*  One  of  those  singular  cases  of  death,  is  said  to  have  occurred  on  board  the  Constitu 
tion,  on  this  occasion,  that  sometimes  follow  injuries  inflicted  by  cannon-shot.  A  mid 
shipman  was  passing  along  the  ship's  waist,  at  the  moment  the  shot  that  stove  the  boat 
entered,  and  he  fell.  He  was  taken  up,  carried  below,  and  in  a  day  or  two  died,  though 
no  external  hurt  "was  visible.  It  is  supposed  that  the  shot  must  have  produced  the  death, 
enough  in  what  manner  is  unknown. 


38  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812. 

point  of  fact,  though  twelve  ships  of  this  class  appear  on  the  list  of 
the  day,  but  nine  actually  existed,  for  any  practical  purposes.  The 
various  vessels  of  inferior  force,  that  have  been  already  mentioned  in 
this  work,  as  constructed  under  different  laws,  had  been  added  to  the 
navy,  while  two  or  three  temporarily  taken  into  the  service  were 
already  sold.  A  few  small  schooners  had  been  purchased.  Navy 
yards  had  been  established  at  Philadelphia,  New  York,  Boston, 
Washington,  Gosport,  and  Portsmouth,  though  they  were  still  in 
their  infancy,  and  very  incomplete.  One  hundred  and  seventy  gun 
boats  had  also  been  built,  and  were  distributed  in  the  different  ports 
of  the  country. 

While  the  navy  on  the  whole,  the  gun-boats  excepted,  had  rather 
lost  than  gained  in  physical  force,  since  the  reduction  of  1801 ,  it  had 
improved  immeasurably  in  discipline,  tone,  and  in  an  esprit  de  corps. 
The  little  that  had  been  lost,  in  these  respects,  through  the  service  in 
gun-boats,  was  more  than  regained  by  the  effect  produced  by  the 
attack  on  the  Chesapeake,  and  the  constant  state  of  excitement  that 
prevailed  with  regard  to  English  aggressions,  during  the  few  preced 
ing  years.  The  lists  of  captains,  masters-commandant,  and  lieuten 
ants  were  small,  but  filled  with  men  trained  to  obedience,  and  con 
sequently,  qualified  to  command.  It  is  true,  but  one  of  the  officers 
of  the  Revolution  remained,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  service;  and 
he  was  nearly  superannuated  by  years  and  infirmities  ;  but  those  to 
whom  they  had  imparted  their  traditions  and  spirit  had  succeeded 
them.  Commodore  Samuel  Nicholson,  whose  name  first  appeared 
in  our  pages,  in  1776,  as  commander  of  the  Dolphin  10,  died  at  the 
head  of  the  service  at  the  close  of  the  year  1811.  The  celebrated 
Preble  had  preceded  him  several  years  to  the  grave,  and  Commodore 
Murray  alone  remained  of  those  officers  who  might  be  said  to  have 
belonged  to  the  old  school.*  Still,  the  new  school  was  in  no  respect 

*  Edward  Preble  was  born  in  August,  1761,  at  Portland,  in  the  present  state,  then 
province,  of  Maine.  His  direct  ancestor,  Abraham  Preble,  lived  in  the  colonies  as  early 
as  1637,  at  least,  and  his  father,  Jedediah  Preble,  died  at  Portland  in  1784,  having  held 
the  rank  of  Brigadier  General  in  the  militia  of  the  Revolution.  Young  Preble  went 
early  to  sea.  and  is  said  to  have  served  as  a  midshipman,  in  the  Massachusetts  state  ship 
Protector,  Captain  Williams,  in  her  hard-fought  action  with  the  Duff.  He  appears  sub 
sequently  on  board  the  Winthrop,  Captain  Little,  a  cruiser  in  the  service  of  the  same 
state,  as  her  first  lieutenant.  In  this  capacity,  he  boarded  and  carried,  in  the  Penobscot, 
a  strong  letter  of  marque,  an  exploit  that,  in  its  day,  was  thought  to  be  little  inferior  to  the 
capture  of  the  Philadelphia.  At  the  peace  of  1733,  Mr.  Preble,  who  was  then  but 
twenty -two,  was  compelled  to  retire  to  private  life,  though  he  carried  with  him  a  reputa 
tion  that  was  not  forgotten.  During  the  twelve  or  fourteen  years  that  succeeded,  Mr 
Preble  was  employed  in  command  of  merchant  vessels,  increasing  his  nautical  experi 
ence,  and  improving  his  private  circumstances.  He  also  married. 

When  the  present  navy  was  established,  Mr.  Preble  entered  it  as  oneof  the  senior  lieu 
tenants.  He  is  believed  to  have  been  the  first  of  the  1st  lieutenants  ordered  to  the  Con 
stitution  44;  and  as  the  principle  was  laid  down,  that  the  officers  of  the  frigates  first  built, 
should  have  relative  rank  agreeably  to  the  seniority  of  their  captains,  this  would  have 
made  Mr.  Preble  the  second  lieutenant  in  the  navy.  He  did  not  remain  long  in  the  Con 
stitution,  however,  his  name  appearing  as  early  as  1798,  in  command  of  the  Pickering  14. 
The  commission  of  lieutenant  commandant,  is  known  to  have  been  issued  during  the  war 
with  France,  and  Mr.  Preble's  name  standing  in  the  reports  of  the  day  as  a  lieutenant 
commandant  he  is  believed  to  have  held  it.  On  the  15th  of  May,  1799,  Mr.  Preble  was 
raised  to  the  rank  of  captain,  without  having  passed  by  that  of  master-commandant.  He 
was  shortly  after  appointed  to  the  Essex  32,  of  which  ship  he  was  the  first  commander. 
While  in  the  Essex,  he  cruised  as  far  as  the  East  Indies,  returning  home  about  the  time 
peace  was  restored.  No  opportunity  occurred  for  Captain  Preble  to  distinguish  himself 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  39 

inferior  ;  and  in  some  particulars,  it  was  greatly  the  superior  of  that 
which  had  gone  before  it.  The  vessels,  generally,  were  good  ships 
of  their  respective  classes,  and  the  officers,  as  a  body,  were  every  way 
worthy  to  take  charge  of  them.  Several  of  those  who  had  been 
retained  as  midshipmen,  after  the  war  with  France,  were  already 
commanders,  and  the  vessels  beneath  the  rate  of  frigates,  with  one 
exception,  were  commanded  by  gentlemen  of  this  description.  The 
exception  was  in  the  case  of  the  Wasp  18,  on  board  which  ship  was 
Captain  Jones,  who  had  been  the  youngest  of  the  lieutenants  retain 
ed  in  1801,  and  who  was  now  nearly  the  oldest  master-commandant. 
He  had  joined  the  service,  however,  as  a  midshipman. 

If  the  naval  armaments  made  by  the  country,  under  the  prospect 
of  a  war  with  Great  Britain,  are  to  be  regarded  with  the  eyes  of  pru 
dence,  little  more  can  be  said,  than  to  express  astonishment  at  the 
political  infatuation  which  permitted  the  day  of  preparation  to  pass 
unheeded.  Still  a  little  was  done,  and  that  little  it  is  our  duty  to 
record. 

Early  in  1809,  the  marine  corps  was  augmented  by  an  addition  of 
near  700  men,  which  probably  put  this  important  branch  of  the  navy, 
on  a  footing  equal  to  the  rest  of  the  service,  as  it  then'existed  ;  the 
entire  corps  containing  about  1300  men  when  full.  On  the  30th  of 
March,  1812,  or  less  than  three  months  previously  to  the  war  with 
England,  Congress  authorised  the  President  to  cause  three  addi 
tional  frigates  to  be  put  in  service,  and  the  sum  of  $200,000  annually 
was  appropriated  for  the  purchase  of  timber  to  rebuild  the  three 
frigates  that  had  been  permitted  to  decay,  and  the  one  that  had  been 
captured. 

When  the  amount  of  these  appropriations  is  considered,  the  con 
clusion  would  seem  inevitable,  that  the  government  did  not  at  all 
anticipate  hostilities,  were  it  not  for  the  more  ample  preparations  that 
were  making  on  land,  and  the  large  sums  that  had  been  expended 
on  gun-boats.  It  is  not  improbable,  therefore,  that  those  to  whom 
the  direction  of  affairs  was  confided,  believed  the  naval  force  of  the 
country  too  insignificant,  and  that  of  Great  Britain  too  overwhelm- 
in  this  war.  In  1803,  Captain  Preble  hoisted  his  broad  pennant  on  board  the  Constitu 
tion,  as  commander  of  the  Mediterranean  squadron.  His  services  in  that  important  sta 
tion,  are  already  related  in  the  body  of  the  work. 

Commodore  Preble  suffered  much  from  ill  health,  and  after  his  return  home,  he  was 
employed  in  the  command  of  a  navy  yard.  He  died  August  the  25th,  1807. 

The  name  of  Preble  •will  always  be  associated  with  the  reputation  of  the  American 
navy.  He  was  the  first  officer  who  ever  commanded  a  series  of  active  military  opera 
tions,  in  squadron,  against  an  enemy,  unless  the  irregular  and  anomalous  cruise  of  Paul 
Jones  entitled  him  to  that  distinction  ;  none  of  the  other  commands,  during  the  two  pre 
vious  wars,  partaking  exactly  of  this  character.  In  addition  to  this  advantage,  Commo 
dore  Preble  had  high  professional  qualities.  Although,  personally,  far  from  being  a 
favourite  with  those  under  his  orders,  he  possessed  the  perfect  respect,  and  entire  obedi 
ence  of  his  subordinates.  His  discipline  was  high-toned,  and  his  notions  of  the  duties  of 
an  inferior,  were  of  the  most  rigid  kind.  On  one  occasion,  he  is  known  to  have  sternly 
rebuked  an  officer  for  covering  and  protecting  a  bombard  against  an  attempt  to  cut  her 
off,  because  it  was  done  without  a  signal  from  the  flag-ship.  He  was,  however,  gener 
ous  and  liberal  in  his  appreciation  of  merit,  and  quite  ready  to  do  justice  to  all  who  de 
served  his  commendations.  As  he  died  at  the  early  age  of  45,  the  country  lost  many 
years  of  service  that  it  had  expected  ;  and  Commodore  Preble  himself,  in  all  probability, 
much  renown  that  one  of  his  charactei  would  have  been  likely  to  gain  ''n  the  war  that 
succeeded. 


40  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812. 

» 

ing  to  render  any  serious  efforts  to  create  a  marine,  at  that  late  hour 
expedient.  A  comparison  of  the  naval  forces  of  Great  Britain  mid 
the  United  States,  with  their  respective  conditions,  will  render  this 
idea  plausible,  although  it  may  not  fully  justify  it,  as  a  measure  of 
policy. 

In  1812,  the  navy  of  Great  Britain  nominally  contained  a  thou 
sand  and  sixty  sail,  of  which  between  seven  and  eio;ht  hundred  were 
efficient  cruising  vessels.  France  had  no  fleets  to  occupy  this  great 
marine,  Spain  was  detached  from  the  alliance  against  England,  the 
north  of  Europe  no  longer  required  a  force  to  watch  it,  and  Great 
Britain  might  direct  at  once,  towards  the  American  coast,  as  many 
ships  as  the  nature  of  the  war  could  possibly  demand. 

As  opposed  to  this  unexampled  naval  power,  America  had  on  hei 
list  the  following  vessels,  exclusively  of  gun-boats,  viz  : 

Constitution         44,  John  Adams         28, 

President  44,  Wasp  18, 

United  States       44,  Hornet  18, 

Congress  38,  Argus  16, 

Constellation        38,  Siren  16, 

Chesapeake          38,  Oneida  16, 

New  York  36,  Vixen  14, 

Essex  32,  Nautilus  14, 

Adams  28,  Enterprise  14, 

Boston  28,  Viper  12. 

Of  these  vessels,  the  New  York  36,  an'd  Boston  28,  were  unsea- 
worthy,  and  the  Oneida  16,  was  on  Lake  Ontario.  The  remainder 
were  efficient  for  their  rates,  though  the  Adams  required  extensive 
repairs  before  she  could  be  sent  to  sea.  It  follows  that  America  was 
about  to  engage  in  a  war  with  much  the  greatest  maritime  power 
that  the  world  ever  saw,  possessing  herself  hut  seventeen  cruising 
vessels  on  the  ocean,  of  which  nine  were  of  a  class  less  than  frigates. 
At  this  time  the  merchant  vessels  of  the  United  States  were  spread 
over  the  face  of  the  entire  earth.  No  other  instance  can  be  found  of 
so  great  a  stake  in  shipping  with  a  protection  so  utterly  inadequate. 
If  any  evidence  were  wanting  to  show  how  much  facts  precede 
opinion  in  America,  it  would  be  amply  furnished  in  this  simple  state 
ment.  Throughout  the  whole  of  the  events  we  have  been  required 
to  record,  we  have  seen  that  the  navy  has  followed  the  exigencies 
of  the  state,  or  the  absolute  demands  of  necessity,  instead  of  having 
been  created,  fostered,  and  extended,  as  the  cheapest,  most  efficient, 
and  loast  onerous  means  of  defence,  that  a  nation  so  situated  could 
provide. 

In  addition  to  her  vast  superiority  in  ships,  Great  Britain  possessed 
her  islands  in  the  West  Indies,  Bermuda,  and  Halifax,  as  ports  for 
refitting,  and  places  of  refuge  for  prizes,  while,  on  the  part  of  Amer 
ica,  though  there  were  numerous  ports,  all  were  liable  to  be  blockad 
ed  the  moment  an  enemy  might  choose  to  send  a  force  of  two  line- 
of-battle  ships  and  one  frigate  to  any  given  point ;  for  it  is  not  to  be 
concealed  that  three  two-decked  ships  could  have  driven  the  whole 
of  the  public  cruising  marine  of  America  before  them,  at  the  time  of 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  41 

which  we  are  writing.  Such  was  the  condition  of  a  great  maritime 
people,  on  the  eve  of  a  serious  war,  and  in  defiance  of  the  experience 
of  a  struggle,  in  which  the  men  in  power  had  been  prominent  actors  ! 

There  can  be  but  one  manner  of  accounting  for  this  extraordinary 
state  of  things,  that  already  mentioned  of  the  belief  of  the  impossi 
bility  of  keeping  vessels  at  sea,  in  face  of  the  overwhelming  force  of 
Great  Britain.  It  is  in  corroboration  of  this  opinion,  that  a  project  is 
said  to  have  been  entertained  by  the  cabinet  of  laying  up  all  the  ves 
sels  in  ordinary,  with  a  view  to  prevent  them  from  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy.  This  step  would  have  been  a  death-blow  to 
the  navy,  for  the  people  would  have  been  perfectly  justifiable  in  refus 
ing  to  support  a  marine,  that  was  intended  solely  for  peace.  It  is 
affirmed  that  this  resolution  was  only  prevented  by  the  interference 
of  two  officers  of  the  service,  who  happened  to  be  at  the  seat  of  gov 
ernment  when  the  subject  was  under  discussion.  These  gentlemen*^ 
are  said  to  have  made  a  vigorous  written  remonstrance  against  the 
scheme,  and  by  means  of  their  representations  to  have  induced  the 
cabinet  to  change  its  policy. 

Under  ordinary  circumstances  the  intention  just  stated,  would 
have  been  indicative  of  great  feebleness  of  action,  and  of  a  narrow 
ness  of  views,  that  was  entirely  unsuited  to  the  characters  of  states 
men.  But  the  circumstances  were  extraordinary.  Not  only  was  the 
marine  of  Great  Britain  much  the  most  powerful  of  any  in  the  world, 
but  it  was  more  powerful  than  those  of  all  the  rest  of  Christendom 
united.  In  addition  to  its  actual  physical  force,  it  had  created  for 
itself  a  moral  auxiliary  that  was  scarcely  less  available  in  practice 
than  its  guns  and  men.  The  reputation  of  invincibility  was  very 
generally  attached  to  an  English  man-of-war,  and  perhaps  no  peo 
ple  gave  England  more  ample  credit  for  every  species  of  superiority, 
whether  physical  or  moral,  that  she  claimed  for  herself,  than  those 
of  the  United  States  of  America.  The  success  of  the  British  navy 
was  indisputable,  and  as  few  Americans  then  read  books,  or  journals, 
in  foreign  tongues,  while  scarcely  a  newspaper  appeared  without  its 
columns  containing  some  tribute  to  British  glory,  it  would  not  be  easy 
to  portray  the  extent  of  the  feeling,  or  the  amount  of  the  credulity 
that  generally  existed  on  such  subjects. 

That  the  officers  of  the  navy  should,  in  a  great  degree,  be  superior 
to  this  dependent  feeling  was  natural.  They  had  enjoyed  means  of 
comparison  that  were  denied  the  bulk  of  their  fellow-citizens,  and 

'Captains  Bainbridge  and  Stewart.  These  two  officers  were  shown  orders  to  Com 
modore  Rodgers  not  to  quit  New  York,  but  to  keep  the  vessels  in  port  to  form  a  part  of 
its  harbour  defence.  They  sought  an  interview  with  the  Secretary,  who  was  influenced 
by  their  representations,  and  who  procured  for  them  an  audience  of  the  President.  Mr. 
Madison  listened  to  the  representations  of  the  two  captains,  with  attention,  and  observed 
that  the  experience  of  the  Revolution  confirmed  their  opinions.  The  cabinet  was  con 
vened,  but  it  adhered  to  its  former  advice.  Captains  Bainbridge  and  Stewart,  then  ad 
dressed  a  strong  letter  to  the  President,  who  took  on  himself  to  change  the  plan.  It  is 
said,  that  one  or  two  of  the  cabinet  acceded  to  this  decision,  on  the  ground  that  the  ships 
would  soon  be  taken,  and  that  the  country  would  thus  be  rid  of  the  cost  of  maintaining 
them,  and  at  more  liberty  to  direct  its  energies  to  the  army.  It  is  no  more  than  just  to 
state,  that  Mr.  Gallatin,  the  only  survivor  of  that  cabinet,  asserts  his  utter  ignorance  of 
any  such  plan.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  good  proof  that  such  a  project  did  exist  in 
the  Department,  and  of  the  interference  of  the  two  officers  named. 


42  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812. 

the  result  had  taught  them  more  confidence  in  themselves.  They 
knew  that  their  ships  were  at  least  as  good  as  those  of  England,  that 
they  sailed  as  fast,  were  worked  as  well,  and,  in  every  essential  on 
which  a  seaman  prides  himself,  that  England  could  justly  claim  no 
other  superiority  than  that  which  might  be  supposed  to  belong  to  her 
greater  experience  in  naval  warfare.  Against  this  odds,  they  were 
willing  to  contend.  Not  so  with  the  nation.  Notwithstanding  the 
best  dispositions  on  the  part  of  a  vast  majority  of  the  American  peo 
ple,  the  conviction  was  general  that  an  American  vessel  of  war  would 
contend  against  an  English  vessel  of  war  with  very  few  chances  of 
success.  After  making  every  allowance  for  equality  in  all  the  other 
essentials,  the  great  point  of  practice  was  against  the  former,  and  the 
confidence  produced  by  a  thousand  victories,  it  was  believed,  would 
prove  more  available  than  zeal  or  courage. 

It  is  not  as  easy  to  describe  the  feeling  on  the  other  side.  Among 
the  young  officers  of  the  British  navy  it  is  pretty  safetosay  that  a  notion 
of  overwhelming  superiority  was  very  generally  prevalent,  but  among 
the  older  men  there  were  many  who  had  studied  the  American 
cruisers  with  observant  eyes,  and  a  few  who  still  recollected  the  war 
of  the  Revolution,  when  ill-equipped,  uncoppered  and  half-manned 
ships,  had  rendered  victory  dear,  and,  not  unfrequently,  defeat  cer 
tain.  The  journals  of  Great  Britain  indulged  in  that  coarse  and  im 
politic  abuse,  which  had  probably  done  more  towards  raising  a  hos 
tile  feeling  throughout  Christendom  against  their  nation,  than  any 
political  injustice,  or  political  jealousies  ;  and  the  few  ships  of  the 
American  navy  did  not  escape  their  sneers  and  misrepresentations. 
One  of  the  very  last  of  the  vessels  they  attempted  to  hold  up  to  the 
derision  of  Europe  was  the  Constitution,  a  frigate  that  was  termed 
"  a  bunch  of  pine  boards,"  sailing  "  under  a  bit  of  striped  bunting." 
As  indecorous  as  was  this  language,  and  as  little  worthy  as  it  might 
be  to  excite  feeling,  or  comment,  America  was  too  keenly  alive  to 
English  opinion,  to  hear  it  with  indifference,  and  the  day  was  at  hand 
when  she  exultingly  threw  back  these  terms  of  reproach,  with  taunts 
and  ridicule  almost  as  unbecoming  as  the  gibes  that  had  provoked 
them. 

There  is  little  doubt  that  even  the  friends  of  the  navy  looked  for 
ward  to  the  conflict  with  distrust,  while  the  English  felt  a  confidence 
rhat,  of  itself,  was  one  step  towards  victory. 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  43 


War  declared  against  England — Vessels  sail  on  a  cruise — Chase  of  the  Belvidera36  ; 
and  action  with  that  ship — Cruise  of  C 


CHAPTER  IV. 

3  sail  on  a  cruis 

om.  Rodgers — Constitution  sails  under  Capt. 

Hull — Her  brilliant  escape  from  an  English  squadron — Essex  32,  Capt.  Porter,  sails  on 
a  cruise — captures  the  Alert  15 — Constitution  captures  the  Quen-iere — Ett'ect  of  the  vic 
tory — Promotion  of  Lt.  Morris  to  be  a  captain. 

ALLUSION  has  been  made  to  the  events  which  led  to  hostilities 
between  America  and  England,  though  they  belong  to  the  political 
rather  than  to  the  naval  history  of  the  country.  In  the  winter  of 
1812,  a  plot  on  the  part  of  English  agents,  to  sever  the  American 
Union,  was  revealed  to  the  government ;  and,  at  a  later  day,  the  de 
termination  of  the  English  ministry  to  adhere  to  her  orders  in  coun 
cil,  was  formally  communicated  to  the  President.  At  the  same  time, 
the  claim  to  impress  English  seamen  out  of  American  ships  on  the 
high  seas,  was  maintained  in  theory,  while  in  practice,  the  outrage 
wras  constantly  extended  to  natives  ;  the  boarding  officers  acting,  in 
effect,  on  the  unjust  and  perfectly  illegal  principle,  that  the  seaman 
who  failed  to  prove  that  he  was  an  American,  should  be  seized  as  an 
Englishman.  Owing  to  these  united  causes,  Congress  formally 
declared  war  against  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  on  the  18th  of 
June,  1812. 

At  the  moment  when  this  important  intelligence  was  made  public, 
nearly  all  of  the  little  American  marine  were  either  in  port,  or  were 
cruising  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  coast.  But  a  single  ship, 
'the  Wasp  18,  Captain  Jones,  was  on  foreign  service,  and  she  was 
on  her  return  from  Europe  with  despatches.  It  is,  however,  some 
proof  that  the  government  expected  nothing  more  from  its  navy  than 
a  few  isolated  exploits,  that  could  produce  no  great  influence  on  the 
main  results  of  the  contest,  that  the  force  the  country  actually  pos 
sessed  was  not  collected,  and  ordered  to  act  in  a  body,  during  the 
short  period  that  it  would  possess  the  advantage  of  assailing  the  en 
emy,  while  the  latter  was  ignorant  of  the  existence  of  hostilities.  A 
squadron  of  three  twenty-four-pounder  frigates,  of  as  many  eighteen- 
pounder  vessels  of  the  same  class,  arid  of  eight  or  ten  smaller  cruisers, 
all  effective,  well  manned,  and  admirably  officered,  might  have  been 
assembled,  with  a  due  attention  to  preparation.  The  enemy  had 
but  one  two-decker,  an  old  64,  on  the  American  coast ;  and  the  force 
just  mentioned  was  quite  sufficient  to  have  blockaded  both  Halifax 
and  Bermuda,  for  a  month ;  or  until  the  English  received  the  intel 
ligence  of  the  war,  and  had  time  to  reinforce  from  the  West  Indies. 
It  has  been  said,  that  several  hundred  homeward-bound  American 
vessels  were  at  sea,  at  that  moment,  and  in  the  event  of  a  few  strag 
gling  cruisers  of  the  enemy's  making  prizes  on  the  coast,  there  would 
have  been  no  port  at  hand,  into  which  they  could  have  been  sent, 
and  a  large  proportion  would  probably  have  been  recaptured  by  the 
American  privateers  that  immediately  covered  the  adjacent  seas. 
Had  the  British  cruisers  collected,  as  indeed  they  did,  under  the  im 


44  NAVAL  HISTOR*. 


pression  that  some  such  policy  would  be  pursued,  it  would  have  been 
easy  to  destroy  them,  or  at  least  to  drive  them  into  port,  when  the 
same  end  would  have  been  obtained  in  a  different  form. 

But  the  declaration  of  war  did  not  find  the  little  marine  of  Ameri 
ca  in  a  condition  to  act  in  this  combined,  intelligent,  and  military 
manner.  The  vessels  were  scattered  ;  some  were  undergoing 
repairs,  others  were  at  a  distance  ;  and  with  the  exception  of  one 
small  squadron,  every  thing  was  virtually  committed  to  the  activity, 
judgment,  and  enterprise  of  the  different  captains.  In  the  port  of 
New  York,  were  collected  the  President  44,  Commodore  Rodgers  ; 
Essex  32,  Captain  Porter  ;  and  Hornet  18,  Captain  Lawrence. 
These  vessels  were  ready  to  sail  at  an  hour's  notice,  except  the 
Essex,  which  ship  was  overhauling  her  rigging,  and  restovving  her 
hold.  Commodore  Rodgers  had  dropped  into  the  bay,  with  the 
President  and  Hornet,  where  he  was  joined  by  the  United  States  44, 
Commodore  Decatur,  Congress  38,  Captain  Smith,  and  Argus  1(5, 
Lieutenant  Commandant  Sinclair,  all  of  which  vessels  arrived  from 
the  southward  on  the  21st  of  June. 

Information  had  been  received  of  the  sailing  of  a  large  fleet  of 
Jamaica-men,  under  protection  of  a  strong  force  ;  and  as  these  ves 
sels  would  naturally  be  sweeping  along  the  American  coast,  in  the 
gulf  stream,  it  was  determined  to  make  a  dash  at  this  convoy,  —  as 
judicious  a  plan,  under  the  circumstances,  as  could  then  have  been 
adopted.  Within  an  hour  after  he  had  received  official  information 
of  the  declaration  of  war,  together  with  his  orders,  Commodore 
Rodgers  was  under  way. 

The  squadron  passed  Sandy  Hook  on  the  afternoon  of  the  21st  of 
June,  and  ran  off  south-east.  That  night  an  American  was  spoken 
that  had  seen  the  Jamaica  ships,  and  sail  was  instantly  crowded  in 
pursuit.  On  the  23d,  however,  at  6  A.  M.,  a  vessel  was  seen  to  the 
northward  and  eastward,  which  was  soon  made  out  to  be  an  enemy's 
frigate,  and  a  general  chase  took  place.  The  wind  was  fresh  for  the 
greater  part  of  the  day,  and  the  enemy  standing  before  it,  the  Presi 
dent,  an  uncommonly  fast  ship  off  the  wind,  soon  gained,  not  only 
on  the  stranger,  but  on  the  rest  of  the  squadron.  About  4  P.  M.} 
she  was  within  gun-shot  of  the  chase,  but  the  wind  had  unfortunately 
fallen,  and  the  American  ships  being  just  out  of  port,  and  deep,  their 
greater  comparative  weight,  under  such  circumstances,  gave  the  en 
emy  an  advantage.  Perceiving  but  very  faint  hopes  of  getting  along 
side  of  the  stranger,  unless  he  could  be  crippled,  Commodore  Rodg 
ers  determined  now  to  open  on  him,  with  his  chase-guns.  With  this 
view,  that  officer  went  forward,  himself,  to  direct  the  cannonade,  and 
about  half  past  4,  the  forecastle  gun  was  discharged.  This  was  the 
first  hostile  shot  fired  afloat  in  the  war  of  1812,  and  the  gun  is  un 
derstood  to  have  been  pointed  by  Commodore  Rodgers  in  person.* 
The  shot  struck  the  chase  in  the  rudder-coat,  and  drove  through  tl.c 
stern  frame  into  the  gun-room.  The  next  gun  was  fired  from  the 
first  division  below,  and  was  pointed  and  discharged  by  Mr.  Gamble, 

*  As  all  the  guns,  at  that  time,  went  with  locks,  it  is  also  probable  that  he  pulled  tho 
lanyard. 


1812.1  NAVAL  HISTORY.  45 


the  second  lieutenant,  who  commanded  the  battery.  The  shot  struck 
the  muzzle  of  one  of  the  enemy's  stern  chasers,  which  it  damaged. 
Commodore  Rodgers  fired  the  third  shot,  which  struck  the  stern  of 
the  chase,  killed  two  men,  badly  wounded  two  more,  and  slightly 
wounded  a  lieutenant  and  two  others.  Mr.  Gamble  again  fired,  when 
the  gun  bursted.  The  shot  flew  broad  off  on  the  President's  bow, 
and  the  explosion  killed  and  wounded  sixteen  men.  The  forecastle 
deck  was  blown  up,  and  Commodore  Rodgers  was  thrown  into  the 
air,  breaking  a  leg  by  the  fall.  The  accident  prevented  the  guns  of 
that  side  from  being  used  for  some  time.  The  pause  enabled  the 
enemy  to  open  from  four  stern  guns,  otherwise  he  would  have  soon 
been  driven  from  the  after  part  of  his  ship.  The  fire  of  the  chase 
was  spirited  and  good,  one  of  his  shot  plunging  on  the  President's 
deck,  killing  a  midshipman,  and  one  or  two  men.  The  President 
shortly  after  began  to  yaw,  with  a  view  to  cut  away  some  of  the 
chase's  spars,  and  her  fire  soon  compelled  the  latter  to  lighten.  The 
enemy  cut  away  his  anchors,  stove  his  boats  and  threw  them  over 
board,  and  started  fourteen  tons  of  water.  By  these  means  he  drew 
ahead,  when  about  7  o'clock  the  President  hauled  up,  and  as  a  last 
resort,  fired  three  broadsides,  most  of  the  shot  of  which  fell  short. 

Finding  it  impossible  to  get  any  nearer  to  the  enemy,  without  ren 
dering  his  own  ship  inefficient  for  a  cruise,  by  lightening,  Commo 
dore  Rodgers  ordered  the  pursuit  to  be  finally  abandoned,  about 
midnight.  It  was  afterwards  known,  that  the  vessel  chased  was  the 
Belvidera  36,  Captain  Byron,  who  deservedly  gained  much  credit 
for  the  active  manner  in  which  he  saved  his  ship.  The  Belvidera 
got  into  Halifax  a  few  days  later,  carrying  with  her  the  news  of  the 
declaration  of  war.  The  President  had  twenty-two  men  killed  and 
wounded  on  this  occasion,  sixteen  of  whom  sufFered  by  the  bursting 
of  the  gun.  Among  the  former,  was  the  midshipman  mentioned  ; 
and  among  the  latter,  Mr.  Gamble.  The  loss  of  the  Belvidera  was 
stated  at  seven  killed  and  wounded  by  shot,  and  several  others  by 
accidents,  Captain  Byron  included.  She  also  suffered  materially  in 
her  spars,  sails,  and  rigging;  while  the  injuries  of  this  nature, 
received  by  the  President,  were  not  serious. 

The  squadron  now  hauled  up  to  its  course,  in  pursuit  of  the 
Jamaica-men  ;  and,  from  time  to  time,  intelligence  was  obtained 
from  American  vessels,  of  the  course  the  fleet  was  steering.  On  the 
1st  of  July,  the  pursuing  ships  fell  in  with  large  quantities  of  the 
shells  of  cocoa-nuts,  orange-peels,  &c.  &c.,  which  gave  an  assurance 
that  they  had  struck  the  wake  of  the  Englishmen.  This  was  a  little 
to  the  eastward  of  the  Banks  of  Newfoundland,  and  the  strongest 
hopes  were  entertained  of  coming  up  with  the  fleet  before  it  could 
reach  the  channel.  On  the  9th  of  July,  an  English  letter  of  marque 
was  captured  by  the  Hornet,  Captain  Lawrence,  and  her  master 
reported  that  he  had  seen  the  Jamaica  vessels  the  previous  evening-, 
under  the  convoy  of  a  two-decked  ship,  a  frigate,  a  sloop  of  war,  and 
a  brig.  He  had  counted  eighty-five  sail.  All  possible  means  were 
now  used  to  force  the  squadron  ahead,  but  without  success,  no  fur 
ther  information  having  b^en  received  of  the  fleet.  The  chase  was 

VOL.    II.  3 


46  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812. 

continued  until  the  13th,  when,  being  within  a  day's  run  of  the  chops 
of  the  channel,  Commodore  Rodgers  stood  to  the  southward,  passing 
Madeira,  and  going  into  Boston  by  the  way  of  the  Western  Islands 
and  the  Grand  Banks. 

This  cruise  was  singularly  unfortunate,  for  such  a  moment, 
although  the  ships  were  kept  in  the  direct  tracks  of  vessels  in  cross 
ing  the  ocean,  each  time.  Seven  merchantmen  were  taken,  how 
ever,  and  one  American  was  recaptured.  The  squadron  was  absent 
on  this  service  seventy  days. 

The  report  of  the  Belvidera  induced  the  enemy  to  collect  as  many 
of  his  vessels  in  squadron,  as  possible  ;  and  a  force  consisting  of  the 
Africa  64,  Captain  Bastard  ;  Shannon  38,  Captain  Broke  ;  Guer- 
riere  38,  Captain  Dacres  ;  Belvidera  36,  Captain  Byron  ;  and  /Solus 
32,  Captain  Lord  James  Townsend,  was  soon  united,  in  the  hope  of 
falling  in  with  Commodore  Rodgers.  Of  this  squadron,  Captain 
Broke,  of  the  Shannon,  was  the  senior  officer.  It  appeared  off  New 
York  early  in  July,  where  it  made  several  captures.  The  Nautilus 
14,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Crane,  had  arrived  in  the  port  of  New 
York,  shortly  after  the  squadron  of  Commodore  Rodgers  sailed  ; 
and  this  little  brigwentout,  with  an  intention  of  cruising  in  the  track 
of  the  English  Indiamen,  at  the  unfortunate  moment  when  Commo 
dore  Broke  appeared  off  the  coast.  The  Nautilus  got  to  sea  quite 
early  in  July,  and  fell  in  with  the  British  squadron  the  next  day.  A 
short,  but  vigorous  chase  succeeded,  in  which  Mr.  Crane  threw  over 
board  his  lee-guns,  and  did  all  that  a  seaman  could  devise  to  escape, 
but  the  Nautilus  buried,  while  the  frigates  of  the  enemy  were  enabled 
to  carry  every  thing  to  advantage,  and  he  struck  to  the  Shannon. 
The  Nautilus  was  the  first  vessel  of  war  taken  on  either  side,  in  this 
contest,  and  thus  the  service  lost  one  of  those  cruisers,  which  had 
become  endeared  to  it,  and  identified  with  its  history,  in  connexion 
with  the  war  before  Tripoli.*  The  enemy  took  out  the  officers  and 
people  of  their  prize,  threw  a  crew  into  her,  and  continued  to  cruise 
in  the  hope  of  meeting  the  American  ships.  Leaving  them  thus  em 
ployed,  it  will  now  be  necessary  to  return  to  port,  in  quest  of  another 
cruiser  to  occupy  their  attention. 

The  Constitution 44,  Captain  Hull,  had  gone  into  the  Chesapeake, 
on  her  return  from  Europe,  and,  shipping  a  new  crew,  on  the  12th 
of  July  she  sailed  from  Annapolis,  and  stood  to  the  northward.  So 
rapidly  was  her  equipment  procured,  that  her  first  lieutenant  joined 
her  only  a  fortnight  before  she  sailed,  and  a  draft  of  a  hundred  men 
was  received  on  the  evening  of  the  llth.  Friday,  July  the  17th,  the 
ship  was  out  of  sight  of  land,  though  at  no  great  distance  from  the 
coast,  with  a  light  breeze  from  the  N.  E.,  and  under  easy  canvass. 
At  1,  she  sounded  in  22  fathoms;  and  about  an  hour  afterwards, 
four  sail  were  made  in  the  northern  board,  heading  to  the  westward 
At  3,  the  Constitution  made  sail,  and  tacked  in  18J  fathoms.  At  4, 
she  discovered  a  fifth  sail  to  the  northward  and  eastward,  which  had 

*Thr>  Enterprise,  Nautilus,  find  Vixen,  were  originally  schooners,  bnt  they  had  nil 
been  rissred  into  brisks,  previously  to  the  war  of  1812.  The  Nautilus,  it  will  be  romem 
bered  \v;is  the  vessel  commanded  bv  the  regretted  and  chivalrous  Soinnrs. 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  47 


the  appearance  of  a  vessel  of  war.  This  ship  subsequently  proved  to 
be  the  Guerriere  38,  Captain  Dacres.  By  this  time,  the  other  four 
sail  were  made  out  to  be  three  ships  and  a  brig  ;  they  bore  N.  N.  W., 
and  were  all  on  the  starboard  tack,  apparently  in  company.  ~  iss 
wind  now  became  very  light,  and  the  Constitution  hauled  up  her 
main-sail.  The  ship  in  the  eastern  board,  however,  had  so  far 
altered  her  position  by  6,  as  to  bear  E.  N.  E.,  the  wind  having  hith 
erto  been  fair  for  her  to  close.  But  at  "a  quarter  past  6,  the  wind 
came  out  light  at  the  southward,  bringing  the  American  ship  to  wind 
ward.  The  Constitution  now  wore  round  with  her  head  to  the  east 
ward,  set  her  light  studding-sails  and  stay-sails,  and  at  half  past  7, 
beat  to  quarters,  and  cleared  for  action,  with  the  intention  of  speak 
ing  the  nearest  vessel. 

The  wind  continued  very  light  at  the  southward,  and  the  two  ves 
sels  were  slowly  closing  until  8.  At  10,  the  Constitution  shortened 
sail,  and  immediately  after  she  showed  the  private  signal  of  the  day. 
After  keeping  the  lights  aloft  near  an  hour,  and  getting  no  answer 
from  the  Guerriere,  the  Constitution,  at  a  quarter  past  11,  lowered 
the  signal,  and  made  sail  again,  hauling  aboard  her  starboard  tacks. 
During  the  whole  of  the  middle  watch  the  wind  was  very  light,  from 
the  southward  and  westward.  Just  as  the  morning  watch  was  called, 
the  Guerriere  tacked,  then  wore  entirely  round,  threw  a  rocket,  and 
fired  two  guns.  At  the  same  time  three  sail  were  discovered  on 
the  starboard  quarter  of  the  Constitution,  and  three  more  astern.  At 
5  A.  M.,  a  fourth  vessel  was  seen  astern. 

This  was  the  squadron  of  Commodore  Broke,  which  had  been 
gradually  closing  with  the  American  frigate  during  the  night,  and 
was  now  just  out  of  gun-shot.  As  the  ships  slowly  varied  their  posi 
tions,  when  the  mists  were  entirely  cleared  away,  the  Constitution 
had  two  frigates  on  her  lee  quarter,  and  aship  of  the  line,  two  frigates, 
a  brig  and  a  schooner  astern.  The  names  of  the  enemy's  ships 
have  already  been  given  ;  but  the  brig  was  the  Nautilus,  and  the 
schooner  another  prize.  All  the  strangers  had  English  colours  flying. 

It  now  fell  quite  calm,  and  the  Constitution  hoisted  out  her  boats, 
and  sent  them  ahead  to  tow,  with  a  view  to  keep  the  ship  out  of  the 
reach  of  the  enemy's  shot.  At  the  same  time,  she  whipt  up  one  of 
the  gun-deck  guns  to  the  spar-deck,  and  run  it  out  aft,  as  a  stern 
chaser,  getting  a  long  eighteen  off  the  forecastle  also  for  a  similar 
purpose.  Two  more  of  the  twenty-fours  below  were  run  out  at  the 
cabin  windows,  with  the  same  object.  It  was  found  necessary  to 
cut  away  some  of  the  taffrail,  in  order  to  make  room. 

By  6  o'clock  the  wind,  which  continued  very  light  and  baffling, 
came  out  from  the  northward  of  west,  when  the  ship's  head  was  got 
round  to  the  southward,  and  all  the  light  canvass  that  would  draw  was 
set.  Soon  after,  the  nearest  frigate,  the  Shannon,  opened  with  her 
bow  guns,  and  continued  firing  for  about  ten  minutes,  but  perceiving 
she  could  not  reach  the  Constitution,  she  ceased.  At  half  past  6, 
Captain  Hull  sounded  in  26  fathoms,  when  finding  that  the  enemy 
was  likely  to  close,  as  he  was  enabled  to  put  the  boats  of  two  ships  on 


48  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812, 

one,  and  was  also  favoured  by  a  little  more  air  than  the  Constitution, 
all  the  spare  rope  that  could  be  found,  and  which  was  fit  for  the  pur 
pose,  was  payed  down  into  the  cutters,  bent  on,  and  a  kedge  was 
run  out  near  a  mile  ahead,  and  let  go.  At  a  signal  given,  the  crew 
clapped  on,  and  walked  away  with  the  ship,  overrunning  and  trip 
ping  the  kedge  as  she  came  up  with  the  end  of  the  line.  When  this 
was  done,  another  kedge  was  carried  ahead,  and,  though  out  of  sight 
of  land  the  frigate  glided  away  from  her  pursuers,  before  they  dis 
covered  the  manner  in  which  it  was  done.  At  half  past  7,  the 
Constitution  had  a  little  air,  when  she  set  her  ensign,  and  fired  a 
shot  at  the  Shannon,  the  nearest  ship  astern.  At  8,  it  fell  calm 
again,  and  further  recourse  was  had  to  the  boats  and  the  kedges, 
the  enemy's  vessels  having  a  light  air,  and  drawing  ahead,  towing 
and  sweeping.  By  9,  the  nearest  frigate,  the  Shannon,  on  which 
the  English  had  put  most  of  their  boats,  was  closing  fast,  and 
there  was  every  prospect,  notwithstanding  the  steadiness  and  ac 
tivity  of  the  Constitution's  people,  that  the  frigate  just  mentioned 
would  get  near  enough  to  cripple  her,  when  her  capture  by  the  rest 
of  the  squadron  would  be  inevitable.  At  this  trying  moment  the 
best  spirit  prevailed  in  the  ship.  Every  thing  was  stoppered,  and 
Captain  Hull  was  not  without  hopes,  even  should  he  be  forced  into 
action,  of  throwing  the  Shannon  astern  by  his  fire,  and  of  maintain 
ing  his  distance  from  the  other  vessels.  It  was  known  that  the  ene 
my  could  not  tow  very  near,  as  it  would  have  been  easy  to  sink  his 
boats  with  the  stern  guns  of  the  Constitution,  and  not  a  man  in  the 
latter  vessel  showed  a  disposition  to  despondency.  Officers  and  men 
relieved  each  other  regularly  at  the  duty,  and  while  the  former  threw 
themselves  down  on  deck  to  catch  short  naps,  the  people  slept  at 
their  guns. 

This  was  one  of  the  most  critical  moments  of  the  chase.  The 
Shannon  was  fast  closing,  as  has  been  just  stated,  while  the  Guer- 
riere  was  almost  as  near  on  tbestarboardquarter.  An  hour  promised 
to  bring  the  struggle  to  an  issue,  when  suddenly,  at  9  minutes  past  9, 
a  light  air  from  the  southward  struck  the  ship,  bringing  her  to  wind 
ward.  The  beautiful  manner  in  which  this  advantage  was  improved, 
excited  admiration  even  in  the  enemy.  As  the  breeze  was  seen  com 
ing,  the  ship's  sails  were  trimmed,  and  as  soon  as  she  was  under  com 
mand,  she  was  brought  close  up  to  the  wind,  on  the  larboard  tack  ; 
the  boats  were  all  dropped  in  alongside  ;  those  that  belonged  to  the 
davits  were  run  up,  while  the  others  were  just  lifted  clear  of  the 
water,  by  purchases  on  the  spare  outboard  spars,  where  they  were 
in  readiness  to  be  used  at  a  moment's  notice.  As  the  ship  came  by 
the  wind,  she  brought  the  Guerriere  nearly  on  her  lee  beam,  when 
that  frigate  opened  a  fire  from  her  broadside.  While  the  shot  of  this 
vessel  were  just  falling  short  of  them,  the  people  of  the  Constitution 
were  hoisting  up  their  boats  with  as  much  steadiness  as  if  the  duty 
was  performing  in  a  friendly  port.  In  about  an  hour,  however,  it 
fell  nearly  calm  again,  when  captain  Hull  ordered  a  quantity  of  the 
water  started,  to  lighten  the  ship.  More  than  two  thousand  gallon* 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  49 

were  pumped  out,  and  the  boats  were  sent  ahead  again  to  tow.  The 
enemy  now  put  nearly  all  his  boats  on  the  Shannon,  the  nearest  ship 
astern  ;  and  a  few  hours  of  prodigious  exertion  followed,  the  people 
of  the  Constitution  being  compelled  to  supply  the  place  of  numbers 
by  their  activity  and  zeal.  The  ships  were  close  by  the  wind,  and 
every  thing  that  would  draw  was  set,  and  the  Shannon  was  slowly, 
but  steadily,  forging  ahead.  About  noon  of  this  day,  there  was  a 
little  relaxation  from  labour,  owing  to  the  occasional  occurrence  of 
cat's-paws,  by  watching  which  closely,  the  ship  was  urged  through 
the  water.  But  at  quarter  past  12,  the  boats  were  again  sent  ahead, 
and  the  toilsome  work  of  towing  was  renewed. 

At  1  o'clock  a  strange  sail  was  discovered  nearly  to  leeward.  At 
this  moment  the  four  frigates  of  the  enemy  were  about  one  point  on 
the  lee-quarter  of  the  Constitution,  at  long  gun-shot,  the  Africa  and 
the  two  prizes  being  on  the  lee-beam.  As  the  wind  was  constantly 
baffling,  any  moment  might  have  brought  a  change,  and  placed  the 
enemy  to  windward.  At  seven  minutes  before  two,  the  Belvidera, 
then  the  nearest  ship,  began  to  fire  with  her  bow  guns,  and  the  Con 
stitution  opened  with  her  stern  chasers.  On  board  the  latter  ship, 
however,  it  was  soon  found  to  be  dangerous  to  use  the  main-deck 
guns,  the  transoms  having  so  much  rake,  the  windows  being  so  high, 
and  the  guns  so  short,  that  every  explosion  lifted  the  upper  deck,  and 
threatened  to  blow  out  the  stern  frame.  Perceiving,  moreover,  that 
his  shot  did  little  or  no  execution,  Captain  Hull  ordered  the  firing  to 
cease  at  half  past  2. 

For  several  hours,  the  enemy's  frigates  were  now  within  gun-shot, 
sometimes  towing  and  kedging,  and  at  others  endeavouring  to  close 
with  the  puffs  of  air  that  occasionally  passed.  At  7  in  the  evening, 
the  boats  of  the  Constitution  were  again  ahead,  the  ship  steering  S. 
\V.  J  W.,  with  an  air  so  light  as  to  be  almost  imperceptible.  At  half 
past  7,  she  sounded  in  24  fathoms.  For  hours,  the  same  toilsome 
duty  was  going  on,  until  a  little  before  11,  when  a  light  air  from  the 
southward  struck  the  ship,  and  the  sails  for  the  first  time  in  many 
weary  hours  were  asleep.  The  boats  instantly  dropped  alongside, 
hooked  on,  and  were  all  run  up.  The  topgallant  studding-sails  and 
stay-sails  were  set  as  soon  as  possible,  and  for  about  an  hour,  the 
people  caught  a  little  rest. 

But  at  midnight  it  fell  nearly  calm  again,  though  neither  the  pur 
suers  nor  the  pursued  had  recourse  to  the  boats,  probably  from  an 
tin  willingness  to  disturb  their  crews.  At  2  A.M.,  it  was  observed  on 
board  the  Constitution  that  the  Guerriere  had  forged  ahead,  and  was 
again  off  their  lee  beam.  At  this  time,  the  top-gallant  studding-sails 
were  taken  in. 

In  this  manner  passed  the  night,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  next 
day,  it  was  found  that  three  of  the  enemy's  frigates  were  within  long 
gun-shot  on  the  lee-quarter,  and  the  other  at  aboutthe  same  distance 
on  the  lee-beam.  The  Africa,  and  the  prizes  were  much  further  to 
leeward. 

A  little  after  daylight,  the  Belvidera,  havinjj  drawn  ahead  suffi 
ciently  to  be  forward  of  the  Constitution's  beam,  tacked,  when  the 


50  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812 


latter  ship  did  the  same,  in  order  to  preserve  her  position  to  wind 
ward.  An  hour  later  the  ^Eolus  passed  on  the  contrary  tack,  so  near 
that  it  was  thought  by  some  who  observed  the  movement,  that  she 
ought  to  have  opened  her  lire  ;  but,  as  that  vessel  was  merely  a 
twelve-pounder  frigate,  and  she  was  still  at  a  considerable  distance, 
it  is  quite  probable  her  commander  acted  judiciously.  By  this  time, 
there  was  sufficient  wind  to  induce  Captain  Hull  to  hoist  in  his  first 
cutter. 

The  scene,  on  the  morning  of  this  day,  was  very  beautiful,  and  of 
great  interest  to  the  lovers  of  nautical  exhibitions.  The  weather  was 
mild  and  lovely,  the  sea  smooth  as  a  pond,  and  there  was  quite  wind 
enough  to  remove  the  necessity  of  any  of  the  extraordinary  means 
of  getting  ahead,  that  had  been  so  freely  used  during  the  previous 
eight-  and-forty  hours.  All  the  English  vessels  had  got  on  the  same 
tack  with  the  Constitution  again,  and  the  five  frigates  were  clouds  of 
canvass,  from  their  trucks  to  the  water.  Including  the  American 
ship,  eleven  sail  were  in  sight,  and  shortly  after  a  twelfth  appeared 
to  windward,  that  was  soon  ascertained  to  be  an  American  merchant 
man.  Cut  the  enemy  were  too  intent  on  the  Constitution  to  regard 
any  thing  else,  and  though  it  would  have  been  easy  to  capture  t-he 
ships  to  leeward,  no  attention  appears  to  have  been  paid  to  them. 
With  a  view,  however,  to  deceive  the  ship  to  windward  they  hoisted 
American  colours,  when  the  Constitution  set  an  English  ensign,  by 
way  of  warning  the  stranger  to  keep  aloof. 

Until  10  o'clock  the  Constitution  was  making  every  preparation 
for  carrying  sail  hard  should  it  become  necessary,  and  she  sounded 
in  25  fathoms.  At  noon  the  wind  fell  again,  though  it  was  found 
that  while  the  breeze  lasted,  she  had  gained  on  all  the  enemy's  ships; 
more,  however  on  some,  than  on  others.  The  nearest  vessel  was  the 
Belvidera,  which  was  exactly  in  the  wake  of  the  Constitution,  distant 
about  two  and  a  half  miles,  bearing  W.  N.  W.  The  nearest  frigate 
to  leeward,  bore  N.  by  W.  J  W.  distant  three  or  three  and  a  half 
miles  ;  the  two  other  frigates  were  on  the  lee-quarter,  distant  about 
five  miles,  and  the  Africa  was  hull  down  to  leeward,  on  the  opposite 
tack. 

This  was  a  vast  improvement  on  the  state  of  things  that  had  ex 
isted  the  day  previous,  and  it  allowed  the  officers  and  men  to  catch  a 
little  rest,  though  no  one  left  the  decks.  The  latitude  by  observa 
tion  this  day,  was  38°  47'  N.,  and  the  longitude  by  dead  reckoning 
730  57'  W. 

At  meridian  the  wind  began  to  blow  a  pleasant  breeze,  and  the 
sound  of  the  water  rippling  under  the  bows  of  the  vessel  was  again 
heard.  From  this  moment  the  noble  old  ship  slowly  drew  ahead  of 
all  her  pursuers,  the  sails  being  watched  and  tended  in  (he  best  man 
ner  that  consummate  seamanship  could  dictate,  until  4,  P.  M.,  when 
the  Belvidera  was  more  than  four  miles  astern,  and  the  other  vessels 
wer»j  thrown  behind  in  the  same  proportion,  though  the  wind  had 
again  got  to  be  very  light. 

In  this  manner  both  parties  kept  passing  ahead  and  to  windward, 
as  fast  as  circumstances  would  allow,  profiting  by  every  change,  and 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  51 

resorting  to  all  the  means  of  forcing  vessels  through  the  water,  that 
are  known  to  seamen.  At  a  little  before  7,  however,  there  was  every 
appearance  of  a  heavy  squall,  accompanied  by  rain  ;  when  the  Con 
stitution  prepared  to  meet  it  with  the  coolness  and  discretion  she  had 
displayed  throughout  the  whole  affair.  The  people  were  stationed, 
and  every  thing  was  kept  fast  to  the  last  moment,  when,  just  before 
the  squall  struck  the  ship,  the  order  was  given  to  clew  up  and  clew 
down.  All  the  light  canvass  was  furled,  a  second  reef  was  taken  in 
the  mizen  topsail,  and  the  ship  was  brought  under  short  sail,  in  an 
incredibly  little  time.  The  English  vessels,  observing  this,  began  to 
let  go  and  haul  down  without  waiting  for  the  wind,  and  when  they 
were  shut  in  by  the  rain,  they  were  steering  in  different  directions  to 
avoid  the  force  of  the  expected  squall.  The  Constitution,  on  the 
other  hand,  no  sooner  got  its  weight,  than  she  sheeted  home  and 
hoisted  her  fore  and  main-topgallant  sails,  and  while  the  enemy  most 
probably  believed  her  to  be  borne  down  by  the  pressure  of  the  wind, 
steering  free,  she  was  flying  away  from  them,  on  an  easy  bowline,  at 
the  rate  of  eleven  knots. 

In  a  little  less  than  an  hour  after  the  squall  struck  the  ship,  it  had 
entirely  passed  to  leeward,  and  a  sight  was  again  obtained  of  the 
enemy.  The  Belvidera,  the  nearest  vessel,  had  altered  her  bearings 
in  that  short  period  two  points  more  to  leeward,  and  she  was  a  long 
way  astern.  The  next  nearest  vessel  was  still  farther  to  leeward, 
and  more  distant,  while  the  two  remaining  frigates  were  fairly  hull 
down.  The  Africa  was  barely  visible  in  the  horizon  ! 

All  apprehensions  of  the  enemy  now  ceased,  though  sail  was  car 
ried  to  increase  the  distance,  and  to  preserve  the  weather  gage.  At 
half  past  10  the  wind  backed  further  to  the  southward,  when  the 
Constitution,  which  had  been  steering  free  for  some  time,  took  in 
her  lower  studding-sails.  At  11  the  enemy  fired  two  guns,  and  the 
nearest  ship  could  just  be  discovered.  As  the  wind  baffled,  and  con 
tinued  light,  the  enemy  still  persevered  in  the  chase,  but  at  daylight 
the  nearest  vessel  was  hull  down  astern  and  to  leeward.  Under  the 
circumstances  it  was  deemed  prudent  to  use  every  exertion  to  lose 
sight  of  the  English  frigates  ;  and  the  wind  falling  light,  the  Constitu 
tion's  sails  were  wet  down  from  the  skysails  to  the  courses.  The  good 
effects  of  this  care  were  soon  visible,  as  at  6  A.  M.  the  topsails  of  the 
enemy's  nearest  vessels  were  beginning  to  dip.  At  a  quarter  past  8, 
the  English  ships  all  hauled  to  the  northward  and  eastward,  fully 
satisfied,  by  a  trial  that  had  lasted  nearly  three  days  and  as  many 
nights,  under  all  the  circumstances  that  can  attend  naval  manoeu 
vres,  from  reefed  topsails  to  kedging,  that  they  had  no  hope  of  over 
taking  their  enemy. 

Thus  terminated  a  chase,  that  has  become  historical  in  the  Amer 
ican  navy,  for  its  length,  closeness,  and  activity.  On  the  part  of 
the  English,  there  were  manifested  much  perseverance  and  seaman 
ship,  a  ready  imitation,  and  a  strong  desire  to  get  alongside  of  their 
enemy.  But  the  glory  of  the  affair  was  carried  off  by  the  officers 
and  people  of  the  Constitution.  Throughout  all  the  trying  circum 
stances  of  this  arduous  struggle,  this  noble  frigate,  which  had  so 


52  •        NAVAL  HISTORY  [1812. 

lately  been  the  subject  of  the  sneers  of  the  English  critics,  main 
tained  the  high  character  of  a  man-of-war.  Even  when  pressed  upon 
the  hardest,  nothing  was  hurried,  confused,  or  slovenly,  but  the 
utmost  steadiness,  order,  and  discipline  reigned  in  the  ship.  A  cool, 
discreet,  and  gallant  commander,  was  nobly  sustained  by  his  offi 
cers  ;  and  there  cannot  be  a  doubt  that  had  the  enemy  succeeded  in 
getting  any  one  of  their  frigates  fairly  under  the  fire  of  the  American 
ship,  that  she  would  have  been  very  roughly  treated.  The  escape 
itself,  is  not  so  much  a  matter  of  admiration,  as  the  manner  in  which 
it  was  effected.  A  little  water  was  pumped  out,  it  is  true  ;  and  per 
haps  this  was  necessary,  in  order  to  put  a  vessel  fresh  from  port  on  a 
level,  in  light  winds  and  calms,  with  ships  that  had  been  cruising 
some  time  ;  but  not  an  anchor  was  cut  away,  not  a  boat  stove,  nor 
a  gun  lost.  The  steady  and  man-of-war  like  style  in  which  the  Con 
stitution  took  in  all  her  boats,  as  occasions  offered  ;  the  order  and 
rapidity  with  which  she  kedged,  and  the  vigilant  seamanship  with 
which  she  was  braced  up,  and  eased  off,  extorted  admiration  among 
the  more  liberal  of  her  pursuers.  In  this  affair,  the  ship,  no  less 
than  those  who  worked  her,  gained  a  high  reputation,  if  not  with  the 
world  generally,  at  least  with  those  who,  perhaps,  as  seldom  err  in 
their  nautical  criticisms  as  any  people  living. 

The  English  relinquished  the  pursuit  at  8  A.  M.,  and  at  half  past 
8  the  Constitution,  discovering  a  vessel  on  her  starboard  bow,  made 
sail  in  chase.  At  three  quarters  past  9  brought  to,  and  spoke  an 
American  brig.  At  10  made  sail  again  in  chase  of  another  vessel 
on  the  lee  bow,  which  also  proved  to  be  an  American,  bound  in.  At 
meridian  hoisted  in  the  boat  used  in  boarding,  took  a  second  reef  in 
the  topsails,  and  stood  to  the  eastward,  the  ship  going  into  Boston 
near  the  middle  of  the  same  month. 

A  few  days  after  the  chase  of  the  Constitution,  the  English  squad 
ron  separated,  the  Africa  returning  to  port  with  the  prisoners  and 
prizes,  and  the  frigates  shaping  their  courses  in  different  directions, 
in  the  hope  that  the  ship  which  had  avoided  them  so  carefully  when 
in  company,  might  be  less  averse  to  meeting  either  singly. 

The  Essex  32,  Captain  Porter,  got  to  sea  from  New  York,  not 
long  after  the  departure  of  Commodore  Rodgers,  and  went  first  to  the 
southward.  She  made  several  prizes  early,  destroy  ing  most  of  them, 
and  receiving  the  prisoners  on  board.  The  weather  now  compelled 
the  Essex  to  run  to  the  northward.  When  a  few  weeks  from  port,  a 
small  fleet  was  approached  at  night,  which  was  immediately  under 
stood  to  be  enemies.  The  English  ships  were  steering  to  the  north 
ward,  before  the  wind,  and  the  Essex  was  stretching  towards  them, 
on  an  easy  bowline,  and  under  short  canvass.  The  niijht  had  a  dull 
moon,  and  it  wanted  but  an  hour  or  two  to  daylight.  As  the  Essex 
drew  near,  it  was  perceived  that  the  English  were  sailing  in  very  open 
order,  with  considerable  intervals  between  them,  and  that  the  con 
voying  ship,  a  large  vessel,  was  some  distance  ahead,  and  of  course 
to  leeward. 

As  it  was  the  intention  of  Captain  Porter  to  preserve  the  weather 
gage,  until  he  ascertained  who  and  what  the  convoy  might  be,  he 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.    '  53 

stretched  in  towards  the  sternmost  ship  of  the  strangers,  which  he 
spoke.  At  this  time,  the  people  of  the  Essex  were  at  their  guns, 
with  every  thing  ready  to  engage,  but  keeping  the  men  on  deck  con 
cealed,  and  having  the  lower  ports  in.  After  some  conversation  with 
the  first  vessel,  it  was  ascertained  that  the  fleet  consisted  of  a  few 
transports,  under  the  convoy  of  a  frigate  and  bomb-vessel,  when 
Captain  Porter  determined  to  get  alongside  of  the  former,  if  possi 
ble,  and  to  carry  her  by  surprise.  With  this  view,  the  Essex  shot 
ahead,  leaving  the  first  vessel,  apparently,  without  exciting  her  sus 
picions.  On  ranging  up  close  abeam  of  a  second,  some  further  dis 
course  passed,  when  the  Englishman  so  far  took  the  alarm,  as  to  an 
nounce  an  intention  to  make  the  signal  of  a  stranger's  having  joined 
the  fleet.  It  became  necessary,  therefore,  to  throw  aside  disguise, 
and  to  order  the  transport  to  haul  out  of  the  convoy,  under  the  pen 
alty  of  being  fired  into.  This  was  done  quietly,  and  seemingly  with 
out  attracting  the  attention  of  the  rest  of  the  fleet,  which,  of  course, 
passed  to  leeward.  On  taking  possession  of  her  prize,  the  Essex 
found  her  filled  with  soldiers,  and  so  much  time  was  necessarily  con 
sumed  in  securing  the  latter,  that  the  day  dawned,  and  it  became 
inexpedient  to  renew  the  attempt  on  the  convoy.  The  frigate  was 
said  to  be  the  Minerva  36,  and  the  troops  in  the  convoy  amounted 
to  near  1000  men.  About  150  were  taken  in  the  prize. 

A  few  days  after  this  success,  the  Essex  made  a  strange  sail  to 
windward.  At  the  moment,  the  frigate  was  disguised  as  a  mer 
chantman,  having  her  gun-deck  ports  in,  top-gallant  masts  housed, 
and  sails  trimmed  in  a  slovenly  manner.  Deceived  by  tnese  appear 
ances,  the  stranger  came  running  down  free,  when  the  American 
ship  showed  her  ensign  and  kept  away,  under  short  sail.  This 
emboldened  the  stranger,  who  followed,  and  having  got  on  the 
weather  quarter  of  his  chase,  he  began  his  fire,  setting  English 
colours.  The  Essex  now  knocked  out  her  ports,  and  opened  upon 
the  enemy,  who  appears  to  have  been  so  much  taken  by  surprise, 
that  after  receiving  one  or  two  discharges,  his  people  deserted  their 
quarters,  and  ran  below.  In  eight  minutes  after  the  Essex  had  begun 
to  fire,  the  English  ship  struck.  On  sending  Lieutenant  Finch*  on 
board  to  take  possession,  the  prize  proved  to  be  his  Britannic 
Majesty's  ship  Alert,  Captain  Laugharne,  mounting  20-  eighteen- 
pound  carronades,  and  with  a  full  crew.  Mr.  Finch  found  seven 
feet  of  water  in  the  Alert,  and  was  obliged  to  ware  round,  to  keep 
her  from  sinking. 

The  Alert  was  the  first  vessel  of  war  taken  from  the  English  in  this 
contest,  and  her  resistance  was  so  feeble  as  to  excite  surprise.  It 
was  not  to  be  expected,  certainly,  that  a  ship  carrying  eighteen-pound 
carronades,  could  successfully  resist  a  ship  carrying  thirty-two-pound 
carronades,  and  double  her  number  of  guns  and  men  ;  but  so 
exaggerated  had  become  the  opinion  of  the  British  prowess  on  the 
ocean,  that  impossibilities  were  sometimes  looked  for.  As  it  is  un 
derstood  that  only  a  pn  tof  the  Essex's  guns  bore  on  the  Alert,  the 

*Since  Captain  Bolton. 


54  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1312, 

manner  in  which  the  latter  was  taken,  must  be  attributed  to  a  sudden 
panic  among  her  people  some  of  whom  were  censured  after  their 
exchange.  One  or  two  of  the  officers  even,  did  not  escape,  the  first 
lieutenant  having  been  dismissed  the  service,  by  a  court-martial. 
The  Alert  had  but  three  men  wounded,  and  the  Essex  sustained  no 
injury  at  all. 

Captain  Porter,  with  the  addition  made  by  the  crew  of  the  Alert, 
had  many  prisoners,  and  as  he  was  apprised  of  their  intention  to  rise, 
in  the  event  of  an  engagement,  he  felt  the  necessity  of  getting  rid  of 
them.  He  accordingly  entered  into  an  arrangement  with  Captain 
Laugharne,  to  convert  the  Alert,  which  was  a' large  ship  bought  for 
the  service,  into  a  cartel,  and  to  send  her  into  St.  John's.  This 
project,  so  favourable  to  the  American  interests,  was  successfully 
accomplished  ;  and  it  is  due  to  his  character  to  say,  that  the  officer 
in  command  at  Newfoundland,  Admiral  SirJ.  T.  Duckworth,  while 
he  protested  against  the  course,  as  unusual  and  injurious  to  a  nation 
like  England,  which  had  so  many  cruisers  at  sea,  by  depriving  her 
of  the  chances  of  recapture,  honourably  complied  with  the  conditions 
entered  into  by  his  inferior. 

The  Essex  continued  to  cruise  to  the  southward  of  the  Grand 
Banks.  On  two  occasions,  she  fell  in  with  enemy's  frigates,  and  af 
one  time  was  so  hard  pressed,  as  to  be  reduced  to  the  necessity  of 
making  every  preparation  to  carry  one  by  boarding  in  the  night, 
since,  another  English  vessel  of  war  being  in  company,  an  engage 
ment  in  the  usual  manner  would  have  been  indiscreet.  The  arrange 
ments  made  on  board  the  Essex,  on  this  occasion,  are  still  spoken 
of  with  admiration,  by  those  who  were  in  the  ship,  and  there  is  great 
reason  to  think  they  would  have  succeeded,  had  the  vessels  met. 
By  some  accident,  that  has  never  been  explained,  the  ships  passed 
each  other  in  the  darkness,  and  shortly  after,  the  Essex  came  into 
the  Delaware  to  replenish  her  water  and  stores. 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  Constitution  was  not  idle.  Remaining  at 
Boston  a  short  time  after  his  celebrated  chase,  Captain  Hull  sailed 
again  on  the  2d  of  August,  standing  along  the  land  to  the  eastward, 
in  the  hope  of  falling  in  with  some  of  the  enemy's  cruisers,  that  were 
thought  to  be  hovering  on  the  coast.  The  ship  ran  down,  near  the 
land,  as  far  as  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  without  seeing  any  thing,  when  she 
went  off  Halifax  and  Cape  Sable,  with  the  same  want  of  success. 
Captain  Hull  now  determined  to  go  farther  east,  and  he  went  near 
the  Isle  of  Sables,  and  thence  to  the  mouth  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Law 
rence,  to  intercept  vessels  bound  to  Halifax  or  Quebec.  Here  two 
prizes,  of  little  value,  were  taken  and  burned.  On  the  morning  of 
the  15th,  five  sail  were  made,  one  of  which  was  a  sloop  of  war.  The 
Constitution  gave  chase,  and  the  enemy  soon  set  one  of  his  vessels,  a 
prize  brig,  on  fire.  The  chases  now  separated,  and  the  sloop  of  war 
being  to  windward,  the  Constitution  followed  a  ship,  which  turned 
out  to  be  an  Englishman,  already  a  prize  to  an  American  privateer. 
This  vessel  had  been  spoken  by  the  sloop  of  war,  but  the  appearance 
of  the  Constitution  prevented  her  recapture.  A  brig  was  next  chased 
to  leeward,  and  proved  to  be  nn  American,  with  a  prize  crew  on 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  55 

board.     She  was  retaken,  and  sent  in.     The  remainder  of  the  vessels 
escaped. 

The  Constitution  next  stood  to  the  southward,  and  on  the  19th, 
at  2  P.  M.,  in  lat.  41°  41',  long.  55°  48',  a  sail  was  made  from  the 
mast-heads,  bearing  E.  S.  E.,  and  to  leeward,  though  the  distance 
prevented  her  character  from  being  discovered.  The  Constitution 
immediately  made  sail  in  chase,  and  at  3,  the  stranger  was  ascer 
tained  to  be  a  ship  on  the  starboard  tack,  under  easy  canvass,  and 
close  hauled.  Half  an  hour  later,  she  was  distinctly  made  out  to  be 
a  frigate,  and  no  doubt  was  entertained  of  her  being  an  enemy. 
The  American  ship  kept  running  free  until  she  was  within  a  league 
of  the  frigate  to  leeward,  when  she  began  to  shorten  sail.  By  this 
time,  the  enemy  had  laid  his  main-topsail  aback,  in  waiting  for  the 
Constitution  to  come  down,  with  every  thing  ready  to  engage.  Per 
ceiving  that  the  Englishman  sought  a  combat,  Captain  Hull  made 
his  own  preparations  with  the  greater  deliberation.  The  Constitu 
tion,  consequently  furled  her  topgallant-sails,  and  stowed  all  her  light 
stay-sails  and  flying  jib.  Soon  after,  she  took  a  second  reef  in  the 
topsails,  hauled  up  the  courses,  sent  down  royal  yards,  cleared  for 
action,  and  beat  to  quarters.  At  5,  the  chase  hoisted  three  English 
ensigns,  and  immediately  after  she  opened  her  lire,  at  long  gun-shot, 
waring  several  times,  to  rake  and  prevent  being  raked.  The  Con 
stitution  occasionally  yawed  as  she  approached,  to  avoid  being 
raked,  and  she  fired  a  few  guns  as  they  bore,  but  her  object  was  not 
to  commence  the  action  seriously,  until  quite  close. 

At  6  o'clock,  the  enemy  bore  up  and  ran  off,  under  his  three  top 
sails  and  jib,  with  the  wind  on  his  quarter.  As  this  was  an  indica 
tion  of  a  readiness  to  receive  his  antagonist,  in  a  fair  yard-arm  and 
yard-arm  fight,  the  Constitution  immediately  set  her  main-topgallant- 
sail  and  foresail,  to  get  alongside.  At  a  little  after  6,  the  bows  of  the 
American  frigate  began  to  double  on  the  quarter  of  the  English  ship, 
when  she  opened  with  her  forward  guns,  drawing  slowly  ahead, 
with  her  greater  way,  both  vessels  keeping  up  a  close  and  heavy  fire, 
as  their  guns  bore.  In  about  ten  minutes,  or  just  as  the  ships  were 
fairly  side  by  side,  the  mizen-mast  of  the  Englishman  was  shot 
away,  when  the  American  passed  slowly  ahead,  keeping  up  a  tre 
mendous  fire,  and  luffed  short  round  on  her  bows,  to  prevent  being 
raked.  In  executing  this  manosuvre,  the  ship  shot  into  the  wind,  got 
stermvay,  and  fell  foul  of  her  antagonist.  While  in  this  situation, 
the  cabin  of  the  Constitution  took  fire  from  the  close  explosion  of  the 
forward  guns  of  the  enemy,  who  obtained  a  small,  but  momentary 
advantage  from  his  position.  The  good  conduct  of  Mr.  Hoffman,* 
who  commanded  in  the  cabin,  soon  repaired  this  accident,  and  a  gun 
of  the  enemy's  that  threatened  further  injury,  was  disabled. 

As  the  vessels  touched,  both  parties  prepared  to  board.  The  Eng 
lish  turned  all  hands  up  from  below,  and  mustered  forward,  with 
that  object,  while  Mr.  Morris,  the  first  lieutenant,  with  his  own 
hands  endeavoured  to  lash  the  ships  together.  Mr.  Aylwin,  themas- 

"Beekman  Verplanck  Hoffman,  the  fourth  lieutenant  of  the  Constitution,  a  gentleman 
of  New  York,  who  died  in  1834,  a  captain. 


56  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812. 


ter,  and  Mr.  Bush,  the  lieutenant  of  marines,  were  upon  the  taffrail 
of  the  Constitution,  to  be  ready  to  spring.  Both  sides  rio\v  suffered 
by  the  closeness  of  the  musketry  ;  the  English  much  the  most,  how 
ever.  Mr.  Morris  was  shot  through  the  body,  the  bullet  fortunately 
missing  the  vitals.  Mr.  Aylwinwas  wounded  in  the  shoulder,  and 
Mr.  Bush  fell  dead  by  a  bullet  through  the  head.  It  being  found 
impossible  for  either  party  to  board,  in  the  face  of  such  a  fire,  and 
with  the  heavy  sea  that  was  on,  the  sails  were  filled,  and  just  as  the 
Constitution  shot  ahead,  the  foremast  of  the  enemy  fell,  carrying 
down  with  it  his  mainmast,  and  leaving  him  wallowing  in  the  trough 
of  the  sea,  a  helpless  wreck. 

The  Constitution  now  hauled  aboard  her  tacks,  ran  off  a  short 
distance,  secured  her  rnasts,  and  rove  new  rigging.  At  7,  she  wore 
round,  and  taking  a  favourable  position  for  raking,  a  jack  that  had 
been  kept  flying  on  the  stump  of  the  mizen-mast  of  the  enemy,  was 
lowered.  Mr.  George  Campbell  Read,*  the  third  lieutenant,  was 
sent  on  board  the  prize,  and  the  boat  soon  returned  with  the  report 
that  the  captured  vessel  was  the  Guerriere  38,  Captain  Dacres,  one 
of  the  ships  that  had  so  lately  chased  the  Constitution,  off  New  York. 

The  Constitution  kept  waring  to  remain  near  her  prize,  and  at  2 
A.  M.,  a  strange  sail  was  seen  closing,  when  she  cleared  for  action ; 
but  at  three,  the  stranger  stood  off.  At  daylight  the  officer  in  charge 
hailed  to  say  that  the  Guerriere  had  four  feet  water  in  her  hold,  and 
that  there  was  danger  of  her  sinking.  On  receiving  this  information, 
Captain  Hull  sent  all  his  boats  to  remove  the  prisoners.  Fortunately, 
.he  weather  was  moderate,  and  by  noon  this  duty  was  nearly  ended. 
At  3  P.  M.,  the  prize  crew  was  recalled,  having  set  the  wreck  on  fire, 
and  in  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  she  blew  up.  Finding  himself  filled 
with  wounded  prisoners,  Captain  Hull  now  returned  to  Boston,  where 
he  arrived  on  the  30th  of  the  same  month. 

It  is  not  easy,  at  this  distant  clay,  to  convey  to  the  reader  the  full 
force  of  the  moral  impression  created  in  America  by  this  victory  of 
one  frigate  over  another.  So  deep  had  been  the  effect  produced  on 
the  public  mind  by  the  constant  accounts  of  the  successes  of  the  Eng 
lish  over  their  enemies  at  sea,  that  the  opinion,  already  mentioned, 
of  their  invincibility  on  that  element,  generally  prevailed;  and  it  had 
been  publicly  predicted  that,  before  the  contest  had  continued  six 
months,  British  sloops  of  war  would  lie  alongside  of  American 
frigates  with  comparative  impunity.  Perhaps  the  only  portion  of 
even  the  American  population  that  expected  different  results  was 
that  which  composed  the  little  .body  of  officers  on  whom  the  trial 
would  fall,  and  they  looked  forward  to  the  struggle  with  a  manly  res 
olution,  rather  than  with  a  very  confident  hope.t  But  the  termina- 

*Since  Commodore  Bead. 

t  About  two  months  before  war  was  declared,  the  officers  of  two  of  the  frigates  passed 
an  evening  together,  when  the  subject  of  what  would  bo  the  probable  result  of  a  conflict 
between  American  and  English  ships,  was  seriously  and  temperately  discussed.  The 
conclusion  was,  that,  in  the  judgment  of  these  gentlemen,  at  that  interesting  moment, 
their  own  chances  of  victory  were  at  least,  equal  to  those  of  the  enemy.  On  the  other 
hand,  General  Moreau,when  witnessing  the  evolutions  of  some  American  ships  in  portf 
about  the  same  time,  after  expressing  his  admiration  of  their  appearance,  gave  an  opinion 
that  it  was  impossible  men  so  inexperienced  should  prevail  over  an  English  vessel. 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  57 

tion  of  the  combat  just  related,  far  exceeded  the  expectations  of  even 
the  most  sanguine.  After  making  all  proper  allowance  for  the  differ 
ence  of  force,  which  certainly  existed  in  favour  of  the  Constitution, 
as  well  as  for  the  excuses  that  the  defeated  party  freely  offered  to  the 
world,  men  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  who  were  competent  to 
form  intelligent  opinions  on  such  subjects,  saw  the  promise  of  many 
future  successes  in  this.  The  style  in  which  the  Constitution  had 
been  handled ;  the  deliberate  and  yet  earnest  manner  in  which  she 
had  been  carried  into  battle  ;  the  extraordinary  execution  that  had 
been  made  in  a  short  time  by  her  fire ;  the  readiness  and  gallantry 
with  which  she  had  cleared  for  action,  so  soon  after  destroying  one 
British  frigate,  in  which  was  manifested  a  disposition  to  meet  another, 
united  to  produce  a  deep  conviction  of  self-reliance,  coolness,  and 
skill,  that  was  of  infinitely  more  weight  than  the  transient  feeling  which 
might  result  from  any  accidental  triumph. 

In  this  combat,  the  Constitution  suffered  a  good  deal  in  her  rigging 
and  sails,  but  very  little  in  her  hull.  Her  loss  was  seven  killed,  and 
seven  wounded.  As  soon  as  she  had  rove  new  rigging,  applied  the 
necessary  stoppers,  and  bent  a  few  sails,  as  has  been  seen,  she  was 
ready  to  engage  another  frigate.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Guerriere 
was  completely  dismasted,  had  seventy-nine  men  killed  and  wounded, 
and,  according  to  the  statement  of  her  commander  in  his  defence, 
before  the  court  which  tried  him  for  the  loss  of  his  ship,  she  had 
received  no  less  than  thirty  shot  as  low  as  five  sheets  of  copper  beneath 
the  bends  !  All  this  execution  had  been  done  between  the  time  when 
the  ships  opened  their  fire  abeam,  and  the  moment  when  the  Guer- 
riere's  masts  fell ;  for  the  few  shot  thrown  by  the  Constitution,  pre 
viously  to  the  first  event,  were  virtually  of  no  use,  and,  subsequently 
to  the  last,  she  did  riot  discharge  a  gun.  The  whole  period,  between 
the  time  when  the  Guerriere  commenced  her  fire  at  long  shot,  and 
that  when  she  actually  hauled  down  her  jack,  something  like  two 
hours,  was  included  in  the  enemy's  accounts  of  the  duration  of  the 
combat ;  but  it  is  well  understood  by  professional  men,  that  in  truth, 
the  battle  was  decided  in  about  a  fourth  of  that  time. 

It  was  natural  that  a  success  so  brilliant  and  unexpected  should 
produce  a  reaction  in  public  feeling ;  and  in  dwelling  on  their 
victory,  exaggerated  and  vainglorious  boastings  mingled  in  the  exulta 
tion  of  the  American  journals  of  the  period,  while  illiberal  and  fraud 
ulent  detraction  made  up  the  accounts  of  a  portion  of  the  English 
writers,  when  apologising  for  the  defeat.  As  is  usual,  on  such  occa 
sions,  each  side  endeavoured  to  make  the  most  of  circumstances ; 
and  it  is  the  province  of  the  historian  to  correct,  as  far  as  it  is  in  his 
power,  these  misrepresentations  and  mistakes.  That  the  Constitu 
tion  was  a  larger  and  a  heavier  ship  than  the  Guerriere,  will  be 
disputed  by  no  nautical  man,  though  it  is  believed  that  the  actual 
difference  between  these  vessels  was  considerably  less  than  might  be 
inferred  from  their  respective  rates.  It  is  understood  that  the  Guer 
riere  was  nearly  as  long  a  ship  as  her  adversary,  and  it  has  been 
asserted  on  respectable  authority,  that  she  was  actually  pierced  for 
54  guns,  though  it  is  admitted  that  she  had  but  49  mounted  in  the 


58  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812. 

action,  one  of  which  was  a  light  boat-earronade.*  Her  gun-deck 
metal  was  eighteen-pounders,  and  her  carronades,  like  those  of  the 
Constitution,  were  thirty-twos.  The  Gucrriere  was  a  French-built 
ship,  but  we  have  no  means  of  ascertaining  whether  her  guns  were, 
or  were  not,  French  eighteen*?.  If  the  latter,  her  shot  of  this  denomi 
nation  would  have  weighed  near  nineteen  and  a  half  pounds,  while,  at 
that  period,  it  is  believed  that  the  twenty-four  pound  shot  of  America 
seldom  much  exceeded  twenty-two  pounds.  Some  experiments 
made  at  that  time,  are  said  to  have  shown  that  the  difference  between 
the  metal  of  these  two  ships  was  much  less  than  would  have  appeared 
from  the  nominal  power  of  their  guns,  t  The  great  inferiority  of  the 
Guerriere,  certainly,  was  in  her  men.  Captain  Dacres,  whose  authority 
on  this  point  there  is  no  reason  to  question,  says  that  he  mustered 
but  263  souls  at  quarters,  in  consequence  of  the  absence  of  one  lieu 
tenant,  two  midshipmen,  and  a  part  of  his  people,  in  prizes.  He 
also  admits  the  important  fact  that  there  were  several  Americans 
among  his  crew,  who  refused  to  fight,  and,  much  to  his  credit,  he 
permitted  them  to  go  below.  This  number  has  been  stated  at  ten, 
in  other  British  accounts. 

After  making  every  allowance  that  was  claimed  by  the  enemy,  the 
character  of  this  victory  is  not  essentially  altered.  Its  peculiarities 
were  a  fine  display  of  seamanship  in  the  approach,  extraordinary 
efficiency  in  the  attack,  and  great  readiness  in  repairing  damages  ; 
all  of  which  denote  cool  and  capable  officers,  with  an  expert  and 
trained  crew;  in  a  word,  a  disciplined  man-of-war.f  Observant  men 
compared  the  injury  done  to  the  Guerriere  in  thirty  minutes,  and  part 
of  that  time  with  the  ships  foul,  in  a  situation  that  compelled  the 
Constitution  to  withhold  her  fire,  with  that  done  to  the  Chesapeake, 
an  unresisting  vessel,  in  twelve  minutes  ;  the  first,  too,  occurring  in 
rough,  and  the  last  in  smooth  water,  with  every  advantage  of  posi 
tion.  While  the  mass  of  the  nation  perceived  that  the  notion  of 
British  invincibility  was  absurd,  and,  perhaps,  began  to  expect 
impossibilities,  this  portion  of  the  observers,  with  justice,  foresaw 
that  America  had  only  to  put  forth  her  power  in  earnest,  to  assert 
the  freedom  of  the  seas  in  a  manner  to  command  respect. 

Captain  Dacres  lost  no  professional  reputation  by  his  defeat.  He 
had  handled  his  ship  in  a  manner  to  win  the  applause  of  his  enemies, 
fought  her  gallantly,  and  only  submitted  when  further  resistance 

*  It  is  stated  on  authority  deemed  worthy  of  credit,  that  the  Guerriere  was  pierced  for 
thirty  guns  on  the  gun-deck,  but  that  she  had  no   bridle-port,  below.     Five   ports  that 
could  have  been  fought  in  broadside,  are  said  to  have  been  empty  on  board  the  Guer 
riere,  when  the  Americans  took  possession. 

t  An  officer  cf  the  Constitution,  of  experience  and  of  great  respectability,  who  is  now 
dead,  assured  the  writer  that  he  actually  weighed  the  shot  of  both  ships,  and  found  that 
the  Constitution's  twenty-fours  were  only  three  pounds  heavier  than  the  Guerriere's 
eighteen s.  and  that  (here  was  nearly  the  Bame  difference  in  favour  of  the  hitter's  thirty- 
twos.  The  writer  has  elsewhere  given  the  result  of  his  own  investigations,  on  this  sub 
ject,  made,  however,  some  years  after  tho  war.  He  never  found  an  English  shot  over 
weight,  though  mo?tof  the  American  shot  fell  short. 

*  Whatever  may  l«ve  been  its  conduct,  and  it  was  excellent  in  the  chase  and  in  the 
engagement,  the  crew  of  the  Constitution  was  actually  new,  her  men  having  been  ship 
ped  just  before  the  war. 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  59 

would  have  been  as  culpable  as,  in  fact,  it  was  impossible.  Less  can 
be  said  in  favour  of  the  efficiency  of  the  Guerriere's  batteries,  which 
were  not  equal  to  the  mode  of  fighting  that  had  been  introduced  by 
her  antagonist,  and  which,  in  fact,  was  the  commencement  of  a  new 
era  in  combats  between  single  ships. 

We  have  dwelt  at  length  on  the  circumstances  connected  with 
this  action,  not  only  because  it  was  the  first  serious  conflict  of  the 
war,  but  because  it  was  characterised  by  features  which,  though 
novel  at  the  time,  became  identified  with  nearly  all  the  subsequent 
engagements  of  the  contest,  showing  that  they  were  intimately  con 
nected  with  the  discipline  and  system  of  the  American  marine. 

Captain  Hull  having  performed  the  two  handsome  exploits  re 
corded,  now  gave  up  the  command  of  his  frigate,  with  a  feeling  that 
was  highly  creditable  to  him,  in  order  to  allow  others  an  equal 
chance  to  distinguish  themselves,  there  being  unfortunately  many 
more  captains  than  vessels  in  the  navy,  at  that  trying  moment. 
Captain  Buinbridge  was  named  to  be  his  successor,  being  transferred 
from  the  Constellation  38,  then  fitting  for  sea  at  Washington,  to  the 
Constitution.* 

As  Captain  Cambridge  was  one  of  the  oldest  officers  of  his  rank 
in  the  service,  he  was  given  a  command  consisting  of  his  own  ship, 
the  Essex  32,  and  the  Hornet  18.  He  hoisted  his  broad  penrlant  on 
board  the  Constitution,  accordingly,  on  the  15th  of  September,  at 
Boston.  Captain  Stewart,  lately  returned  from  a  furlough,  was 
appointed  to  the  Constellation  38,  and  Mr.  Charles  Morris,  the  first 
lieutenant  of  the  Constitution  in  the  chase,  and  in  the  battle,  was 
shortly  after  promoted  to  the  rank  of  captain,  passing  the  step  of 
master-commandant,  as  had  been  the  case  with  Commodore  De- 
catur.f  This  was  the  second  time  this  officer  had  been  promoted 
for  his  conduct  in  battle,  and  he  probably  owed  his  present  elevation 
over  the  heads  of  his  seniors,  to  this  circumstance,  coupled  with  the 
fact  that  his  wound  in  the  late  action  had  so  nearly  been  fatal. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  merits  of  the  officer  who  was  the 
subject  of  this  exercise  of  executive  power,  and  they  are  known  to 
be  of  a  very  hi<?li  order,  there  is  little  question  that  the  precedent  set, 
not  only  in  his  case,  but  in  that  of  Captain  Decatur,  is  of  a  very 
dangerous  character.  No  general  rule  can  be  safer  than  to  promote 
the  first  lieutenant  of  a  victorious  ship;  for  the  efficiency  of  a  man-of- 
war  depends  as  much  on  this  officer  as  on  her  commander,  and 
while  it  may  be  no  more  than  an  act  of  justice,  it  is  an  incentive  to 
constant  preparation  ;  but  no  policy  can  be  weaker  than  that  which 
deprives  many  of  their  self-respect  and  just  professional  pride,  in 
order  to  reward  the  services  and  sustain  the  hopes  of  one.  The 
policy  of  the  navy  has  been  characterised  by  acts  of  this  vacillating 
and  short-sighted  nature  ;  and  thus  it  is  that  we  have  so  long  wit- 

*  Bainbridge  had  been  ordered  to  the  Constitution  before  she  sailed  on  this  cruise,  but 
it  is  not  to  be  supposed  Hull  would  not  have  been  permitted  to  retain  his  command,  after 
his  victory,  had  he  pressed  for  it. 

t  There  may  have  been  a  slight  difference  in  the  two  cases,  as  the  rank  of  masters  and 
commanders  did  not  legally  exist  in  1804,  though  the  executive  issued  it?  commissions. 


60  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812. 

nessed  the  fact  of  veterans  lingering  in  the  stations  that  they  have 
held  for  quite  forty  years,  through  the  neglect  of  the  proper  authori 
ties  to  create  a  new  arid  superior  rank,  in  contrast  with  occasional 
and  indiscreet  exercises  of  patronage.  These  irregularities,  in  which 
there  is  excess  of  favour  on  one  side,  with  denials  of  justice  on 
another,  are  the  fruits  of  the  influence  of  popular  feeling  over  a 
corps,  that,  being  necessarily  subjected,  in  its  ordinary  duties,  to  the 
rigid  exactions  of  martial  law,  is  entitled  at  all  times,  to  have  its 
interests  protected  by  a  uniform,  consistent,  rigidly  just,  and  high- 
toned  code  of  civil  regulations.  It  is  not  the  least  of  the  merits  of 
the  American  marine,  that  it  has  earned  its  high  reputation  in 
despite  of  the  various  disadvantages  of  this  nature,  under  which  it 
has  laboured.* 


CHAPTER  V. 

Neglect  of  navy  by  congress- --Com.  Rodgers'  second  cruise— -United  States  captures 
the  Macedonian— Cruise  of  the  Argus— Cruises  of  the  Wasp  and  the  combat  with 
the  Frolic. 

IT  is  worthy  of  notice,  that  Congress  did  nothing  of  any  moment 
towards  increasing  the  navy,  on  the  ocean,  during  the  year  1812, 
although  war  was  declared  in  June.  This  neglect  of  this  important 
branch  of  the  public  service,  under  circumstances  that  would  seem 
so  imperiously  to  call  for  the  fostering  care  and  active  exertions  of 
the  government,  must  be  ascribed  to  the  doubts  that  still  existed  as 
to  the  possibility  of  keeping  ships  at  sea,  in  face  of  the  British  navy. 
It  had  so  long  been  customary  for  the  world  to  say,  that  France, 
whenever  she  put  a  ship  into  the  water,  was  merely  building  for  her 
great  enemy,  that  an  opinion  was  prevalent,  America  would  be 
doing  the  same  thing,  if  she  wasted  her  resources  in  creating  a  ma 
rine  ;  and  it  literally  became  necessary  for  the  accomplished  officers 
who  composed  the  germ  of  the  service,  to  demonstrate,  from  fact  to 
fact,  their  ability  to  maintain  the  honour  of  the  country,  before  that 
country  would  frankly  confide  to  them  the  means.  As  we  proceed 
in  the  narrative  of  events,  this  singular  historical  truth  will  become 
more  apparent. 

Commodore  Rodgers,  having  refitted,  sailed  on  a  second  cruise, 
leaving  the  Hornet  in  port ;  but  Commodore  Decatur,  in  the  United 
States  44,  and  the  Argus  16,  Captain  Sinclair,  parted  company  with 
him,  at  sea,  on  the  12th  of  October,  after  cruising  some  time  without 
falling  in  with  any  thing  of  importance.  On  the  17th,  he  captured 
the  British  packet  Swallow,  with  a  large  amount  of  specie  onboard, 

*  In  the  end,  the  promotion  of  Captain  Moms  made  but  little  difference  in  his  position 
in  the  service,  except  as  regards  the  lieutenants,  an  advantage  very  properly  obtained, 
most  of  the  masters  and  commanders  regaining  their  relative  rank  on  promotion.  One, 
however,  Captain  Ludlow,  a  very  respectable  officer,  was  induced  to  resign. 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  61 

and  continued  his  cruise  to  the  eastward.  In  the  mean  while,  the 
United  States  and  Argus  having  separated,  the  former  stood  more  to 
the  southward  and  eastward,  with  a  view  to  get  into  the  track  of  the 
enemy's  Indiamen.  Sunday,  October  25th,  the  United  States,  then 
in  Jat.  29°  N.,  long.  29°  30'  W.,  made  a  large  sail  to  the  southward 
and  eastward.  The  stranger  was  running  down  a  little  free,  while 
the  American  ship  was  on  a  wind,  standing  towards  the  chase,  which 
was  soon  ascertained  to  be  an  enemy.  The  latter  having  come 
within  a  league,  hauled  up,  and  passed  to  windward,  when  each 
party  was  enabled  to  see  that  they  had  a  frigate  to  oppose.  The 
stranger  now  wore  and  came  round  on  the  same  tack  with  the  Uni 
ted  States,  keeping  away  sufficiently  to  get  within  reach  ot  her  long 
guns,  when  she  hauled  up  on  an  easy  bowline,  with  her  raizen-top- 
sail  aback.  At  this  moment  the  distance  between  the  two  ships  a 
little  exceeded  a  mile  when  the  Englishman  opened  his  fire.  Find 
ing  the  enemy  on  his  weather  quarter,  Commodore  Decatur  delivered 
his  larboard  broadside,  wore  round,  and  came  up  to  the  wind  on  the 
other  tack,  heading  northerly.  It  was  observed  that  all  the  carro- 
nade  shot  fell  short,  the  eneniy  doing  very  little  injury  by  his  fire. 

Having  passed  her  antagonist,  the  United  States  delivered  her 
starboard  broadside,  and  wore  again,  bringing  her  head  once  more 
to  the  southward,  or  on  the  same  tack  as  the  enemy,  both  ships 
steering  rap  full,  with  their  mizen-topsails  aback,  and  keeping  up  at 
heavy  cannonade.  In  this  manner  the  action  continued  about  an 
hour,  the  English  vessel  suffering  heavily,  while  her  own  fire  inflicted' 
very  little  injury  on  her  antagonist.  At  length  the  stranger's  mizen- 
mast  came  down  over  his  lee  quarter,  having  been  shot  away  about 
ten  feet  above  the  deck.  He  then  fell  olf,  and  let  his  foresail  drop}, 
apparently  with  a  wish  to  close.  As  the  ships  got  near  together, 
the  shot  of  the  American  vessel  did  fearful  execution,  the  forecourse 
being  soon  in  ribands,  the  fore  and  main-topmasts  over  the  side,  the 
main-yard  cut  away  in  the  slings,  and  the  foremast  tottering.  The 
United  States  now  filled  her  mizen-topsail,  gathered  fresh  way,  and 
tacked.  As  the  stranger  was  drifting  down,  nearly  before  the  wind, 
and  was  almost  unmanageable,  Commodore  Decatur  had  no  diffi 
culty  in  heading  up  high  enough  to  cross  his  wake,  which  he  hand 
somely  effected,  with  his  people  still  manning  the  larboard  guns. 
At  the  time  the  United  States  filled  her  mizen-topsail,  in  preparation 
for  stays,  it  is  said  that  the  enemy,  under  the  impression  she  was 
about  to  run  away,  gave  three  cheers,  and  set  a  union  jack  in  his 
main  rigging,  all  his  other  flags  having  come  down  with  the  several 
spars.  When,  however,  the  American  ship  was  seen  luffing  up  to 
close,  the  jack  was  lowered,  and  resistance  ceased. 

As  the  United  States  crossed  the  stern  of  the  English  ship,  the 
firing  having  ceased  on  both  sides,  she  hailed  and  demanded  the 
name  of  her  antagonist,  and  whether  she  had  submitted.  To  the 
first  interrogatory,  Commodore  Decatur  was  answered  that  the  ship 
was  the  Macedonian  38,  Captain  Garden,  and  to  the  second,  that 
the  vessel  had  struck.  On  taking  possession,  the  enemy  was  found 
fearfully  cut  to  pieces,  having  received  no  less  than  a  hundred  round 

VOL.  ii.  4 


62  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812. 


shot  in  :iis  hull  atone.  Of  three  hundred  men  on  board  him,  thirty- 
six  were  killed,  and  sixty-eight  wounded. 

The  Macedonian  was  a  very  fine  ship  of  her  class,  mounting,  as 
usual,  49  guns,  eighteens  on  her  gun-deck,  and  thirty-two-pound 
carronades  above.  She  was  smaller,  of  lighter  armament,  arid  had 
fewer  men  than  her  opponent,  of  course,  but  the  disproportion  be 
tween  the  force  of  the  two  vessels,  was  much  less  than  that  between 
the  execution.  In  this  action,  the  advantage  of  position  was  with 
the  British  ship  until  she  was  crippled,  and  the  combat  was  little  more 
than  a  plain  cannonade,  at  a  distance  that  rendered  grape  or  mus 
ketry  of  little  or  no  use,  for  the  greater  part  of  the  time.  The  fire 
of  the  United  States  took  effect  so  heavily  in  the  waist  of  her  antag 
onist,  that  it  is  said  the  marines  of  the  latter  were  removed  to  the 
batteries,  which  circumstance  increased  the  efficiency  of  the  ship, 
by  enabling  ne\v  crews  to  be  placed  at  guns  that  had  been  once 
cleared  of  then  men.  On  the  other  hand,  the  marines  of  the  United 
States  remained  drawn  up  in  the  waist  of  that  ship,  most  of  the  time 
quite  useless,  though  they  are  understood  to  have  shown  the  utmost 
steadiness  and  good  conduct  under  the  example  of  their  gallant  com 
mander,  the  weight  of  the  enemy's  fire  passing  a  short  distance  above 
their  heads. 

The  United  States  suffered  surprisingly  little,  considering  the 
length  of  the  cannonade,  and  her  equal  exposure.  She  lost  one  of 
her  top-gallant  masts,  received  some  wounds  in  the  spars,  had  a  good 
deal  of  rigging  cut,  and  was  otherwise  injured  aloft,  but  was  h  idled 
a  very  few  times.  Of  her  officers  and  people  5  were  killed  and  7 
wounded.  Of  the  latter,  two  died,  one  of  whom  was  Mr.  John  Mus- 
ser  Funk,  the  junior  lieutenant  of  the  ship.  No  other  officer  was  hurt. 

On  taking  possession  of  his  prize,  Commodore  Decatur  found  her 
in  a  state  that  admitted  of  her  being  taken  into  port.  Her  two  prin 
cipal  masts  were  secured,  and  a  jury  mizen-mast  was  rigged  by  Mr. 
Allen,  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  United  States,  who  was  put  in  charge 
of  her,  with  great  ingenuity,  so  as  to  convert  the  vessel  into  a  bark. 

When  the  necessary  repairs  were  completed,  the  two  ships  made 
the  best  of  their  way  to  America  ;  Commodore  Decatur  discontinu 
ing  his  cruise,  in  order  to  convoy  his  prize  into  port.  The  United 
States  arrived  off  New  London  on  the  4th  of  December,  and  about 
the  same  time  the  Macedonian  got  into  Newport.  Shortly  after,  both 
ships  reached  New  York  by  the  Hell  Gate  passage. 

The  order  and  style  with  which  the  Macedonian  was  taken,  added 
materially  to  the  high  reputation  that  Commodore  Decatur  already 
enjoyed.  His  services  were  acknowledged  in  the  usual  manner,  and 
he  was  soon  after  directed  to  cruise  in  the  United  States,  with  the 
Macedonian,  Captain  Jones,  in  company.  Mr.  Allen,  the  first  lieu 
tenant  of  the  United  States,  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  a  master- 
commandant,  and  he  received  due  credit  for  the  steady  discipline 
that  the  ship's  company  had  displayed. 

The  Argus,  under  Captain  Sinclair,  after  separating  from  the 
United  States,  cruised  alone,  making  several  captures  of  merchant 
men,  though  she  met  no  vessel  of  war,  of  a  force  proper  for  her  to 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  63 

engage.  During  this  cruise,  the  brig  was  chased  for  three  days  and 
nights,  the  latter  being  moonlight,  by  a  squadron  of  the  enemy,  two 
of  which  were  ships  of  the  line.  On  this  occasion,  the  Argus  proved 
her  fine  qualities,  and  the  coolness  of  her  officers  and  people  did  them 
infinite  credit.  All  the  guns  were  preserved,  though  the  brig  was  so 
hard  pressed  as  to  be  obliged  to  start  her  water,  to  cut  away  anchors, 
and  to  throw  overboard  some  of  her  boats.  Notwithstanding  the 
perseverance  of  her  pursuers,  the  Argus  actually  took  and  manned  a 
prize  during  the  chase,  though  two  of  the  enemy  got  near  enough  to 
open  their  fire  as  the  vessels  separated.  The  brig  escaped,  having 
made  five  prizes  before  she  got  in. 

While  these  events  were  in  the  course  of  accomplishment,  among 
the  other  vessels,  the  Wasp  18,  Captain  Jones,  left  the  Delaware  on 
a  cruise.  She  was  one  of  the  sloops  built  at  the  close  of  the  Tripoli- 
tan  war,  and  like  her  sister  ship  the  Hornet,  a  beautiful  and  fast 
cruiser.  The  latter,  however,  which  originally  was  a  brig,  had  been 
rebuilt,  or  extensively  repaired  at  Washington,  on  which  occasion, 
she  had  been  pierced  for  twenty  guns,  and  rigged  into  a  ship.  The 
Wasp  still  retained  her  old  armament  and  construction,  having  been 
a  ship  from  the  first,  mounting  16  thirty-two  pound  carronades  and 
2  long  twelves.  Her  complement  of  men  varied  from  130  to  160, 
according  to  circumstances.  She  had  been  to  Europe  with  des 
patches  before  the  declaration  of  war,  and  did  not  return  home  until 
some  weeks  after  hostilities  had  commenced. 

The  Wasp,  after  refitting,  sailed  on  a  cruise  to  the  northward. 
She  ran  off  Boston,  made  one  capture,  and  after  an  absence  of  three 
weeks,  returned  to  the  Delaware.  On  the  13th  of  October,  she  sailed 
a  second  time,  and  ran  off  east,  southerly,  to  clear  the  coast,  and  to 
get  into  the  track  of  vessels  steering  north.  Three  days  out  it  came 
on  to  blow  very  heavily,  when  the  ship  lost  her  jib-boom,  and  two 
men  that  were  on  it  at  the  moment.  The  next  day  the  weather 
moderated,  and  about  11  o'clock  in  the  night  of  the  1.7th,  being  then 
in  latitude  37°  N.,  and  longitude  65°  W.,  several  sail  were  made. 
Two  of  these  vessels  appeared  to  be  large,  and  Captain  Jones  did  not 
deem  it  prudent  to  close,  until  he  had  a  better  opportunity  of  observ 
ing  them,  but  hauling  off  to  a  convenient  distance,  he  steered  in  the 
same  direction  with  the  unknown  vessels,  with  the  intention  of  ascer 
taining  their  characters  in  the  morning.  When  the  day  dawned,  the 
strangers  were  se^n  ahead,  and  to  leeward.  Making  sail  to  close, 
they  were  soon  ascertained  to  be  a  small  convoy  of  six  English  ships, 
under  the  charge  of  a  heavy  brig  of  war.  Four  of  the  merchantmen 
were  armed,  apparently,  mounting,  as  well  as  could  be  ascertained 
at  that  distance,  from  12  to  18  guns.  The  commander  of  the  brig, 
however,  manifested  no  wish  to  avail  himself  of  the  assistance  of  any 
of  his  convoy,  but  shortening  sail,  the  latter  passed  ahead,  while  he 
prepared  to  give  battle. 

The  Wasp  now  sent  down  topgallant-yards,  close  reefed  her  top 
sails,  and  was  otherwise  brought  under  short  fighting  canvass,  there 
being  a  good  deal  of  sea  on.  The  stranger  was  under  little  sail  also, 
and  his  main  yard  was  on  deck,  where  it  had  been  lowered  to  undergo 


64  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812. 

repairs.  As  it  was  the  evident  intention  of  the  Englishman  to  cover 
his  convoy,  very  little  manoeuvring  was  necessary  to  bring  the  vessels 
alongside  of  each  other.  At  32  minutes  past  11  A.  M.,  the  Wasp 
ranged  close  up  on  the  starboard  side  of  the  enemy,  receiving  her 
broadside,  at  the  distance  of  about  sixty  yards,  and  delivering  her 
own.  The  fire  of  the  Englishman  immediately  became  very  rapid, 
it  having  been  thought  at  the  time,  that  he  discharged  three  guns  to 
the  Wasp's  two,  and  as  the  main-topmast  of  the  latter  ship  was  shot 
away  within  five  minutes  after  the  action  commenced,  appearances, 
at  first,  were  greatly  in  the  enemy's  favour.  In  eight  minutes,  the 
gaff  and  mizen  topgallant-mast  also  fell.  But,  if  the  fire  of  the  Wasp 
was  the  most  deliberate,  it  was  much  the  most  deadly. 

In  consequence  of  the  fall  of  the  main-topmast  of  the  American 
«;hip,  which,  with  the  main-topsail-yard,  lodged  on  the  fore  and  fore- 
topsail  braces,  it  became  next  to  impossible  to  haul  any  of  the  yards, 
had  circumstances  required  it,  but  the  battle  was  continued  with  great 
spirit  on  both  sides,  until  the  ships  had  gradually  closed  so  near,  that 
the  bends  of  the  Wasp  rubbed  against  her  antagonist's  bows.  Here 
the  vessels  came  foul,  the  bowsprit  of  the  enemy  passing  in  over  the 
quarter-deck  of  the  Wasp,  forcing  her  bows  up  into  the  wind,  and 
enabling  the  latter  to  throw  in  a  close  raking  fire. 

When  Captain  Jones  perceived  the  efiect  of  the  enemy's  fire  on 
his  spars  and  rigging,  it  was  his  intention  to  board,  and  he  had  closed 
with  this  view  ;  but  finding  his  ship  in  so  favourable  a  position  to 
rake  the  enemy,  he  countermanded  an  order  to  that  effect,  and 
directed  a  fresh  broadside  to  be  delivered.  The  vessels  were  now  so 
near  that  in  loading  some  of  the  Wasp's  guns,  the  rammers  hit 
against  the  bows  of  her  antagonist,  ana  the  people  of  the  English 
ship  could  no  longer  be  kept  at  their  quarters  forward.  The  dis 
charge  of  one  or  two  of  the  carronades  swept  the  enemy's  decks, 
when  the  impetuosity  of  the  Wasp's  crew  could  no  longer  be  restrain 
ed,  and  they  began  to  leap  into  the  rigging,  and  from  thence  on  the 
bowsprit  of  the  brig.  As  soon  as  Mi.  fiddle,  the  first  lieutenant  of 
the  Wasp,  found  that  the  people  were  not  to  be  restrained,  he  sprang 
into  the  rigging,  followed  by  Lieutenant  G.  Rodgers  and  a  party  of 
officers  and  men,  and  the  attempt  to  board  was  seriously  made.  On 
the  forecastle  of  the  brig,  Mr.  Biddle  passed  all  his  own  people,  but 
there  was  no  enemy  to  oppose  him.  Two  or  three  officers  were 
standing  aft,  most  of  them  bleeding.  The  decks  were  strewed  with 
killed  and  wounded,  but  not  a  common  hand  was  at  his  station,  all 
of  those  that  were  able  having  gone  below,  with  the  exception  of  the 
man  at  the  wheel.  The  latter  had  maintained  his  post,  with  the  spirit 
of  a  true  seaman,  to  the  very  last. 

The  English  officers  threw  down  their  swords,  in  token  of  sub 
mission,  as  Mr.  Biddle  passed  aft,  and  it  ought  to  be  added,  to  the 
credit  of  the  conquerors,  notwithstanding  the  excitement  of  such 
scenes  are  too  apt  to  lead  even  the  disciplined  into  excesses,  not  an 
enemy  was  injured  by  the  boarders.  Mr.  Biddle  sprang  into  the 
main  rigging,  and  lowered  the  English  flag  with  his  own  hands,  when 
the  combat  ceased,  after  a  duration  of  43  minutes. 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  65 

The  prize  turned  out  to  be  the  British  sloop  of  war  Frolic  18,  Cap 
tain  Whinyates,  homeward  bound,  with  the  vessels  in  the  Honduras 
trade  under  convoy.  The  Frolic,  with  the  exception  of  being  a  brig, 
was  a  vessel  of  the  size  and  construction  of  the  Wasp.  She  mount 
ed  on  her  main  deck,  16  thirty-two  pound  carronades,  four  long 
guns,  differently  stated  to  have  been  sixes,  nines,  and  twelves,  and 
with  two  twelve-pound  carronades  on  a  topgallant  forecastle.  This 
armament  would  make  a  force  greater  than  that  of  the  Wasp  by  four 
guns,  a  disparity  that  is  not  immaterial  in  vessels  so  small.  The 
two  crews  were  pretty  equal  in  numbers,  though  it  is  probable  that  the 
Wasp  may  have  had  a  few  men  the  most,  a  difference  that  was  of 
little  moment  under  the  circumstances,  more  particularly  as  the 
Frolic  was  a  brig,  and  the  battle  was  fought,  by  both  vessels,  under 
very  short  sail.* 

The  Wasp  was  cut  up  aloft  to  an  unusual  degree,  there  having 
been  no  question  that  her  antagonist's  fire  was  heavy  and  spirited. 
The  braces  and  standing  rigging  were  nearly  all  shot  away,  and 
some  of  the  spars  that  stood  were  injured.  She  had  five  men  killed, 
and  five  wounded.  The  hull  sustained  no  great  damage. 

The  Frolic  was  also  much  injured  in  her  spars  and  rigging,  more 
particularly  in  the  former  ;  and  the  two  vessels  were  hardly  separat 
ed,  before  both  her  masts  fell.  She  had  been  hulled  at  almost  every 
discharge,  and  was  virtually  a  wreck  when  taken  possession  of  by  the 
Americans.  Her  loss  in  men  was  never  accurately  known,  but  her 
captain,  first  lieutenant,  and  master,  were  wounded  ;  the  two  latter, 
mortally.  Mr.  Biddle,  who  remained  in  charge  of  the  prize,  after 
so  gallantly  boarding  her,  stated,  that  as  far  as  he  could  ascertain, 
she  had  from  70  to  80  killed  and  wounded.  Subsequent  informa 
tion,  however,  has  given  reason  to  believe  that  the  number  was  even 
greater.  Captain  Whinyates,  in  his  official  report,  states  that  not 
20  of  his  crew  escaped  unhurt,  which  would  probably  raise  the  casu 
alties  to  a  number  between  90  and  100. 

The  Frolic  had  scarcely  submitted,  when  a  large  sail  was  seen 
standing  towards  the  two  vessels,  evidently  a  ship  of  force.  Instruc 
tions  were  given  to  Mr.  Biddle  to  make  the  best  of  his  way  to  Charles 
ton  with  the  prize,  and  the  Wasp  began  to  make  sail,  with  an 
intention  to  continue  her  cruise  ;  but  on  opening  her  canvass,  and 
turning  the  reefs  out  of  her  topsails,  they  were  found  to  be  nearly  in 
ribands.  The  stranger,  which  turned  out  to  be  the  enemy's  ship 
Poictiers  74,  hove  a  shot  over  the  Frolic,  in  passing,  and  soon  rang 
ing  up  near  the  Wasp,  both  vessels  were  captured.  The  Poictiers 
proceeded  with  her  two  prizes  to  Bermuda,  and  the  Americans  being 
parolled,  soon  after  returned  home. 

As  this  was  the  first  combat  of  the  war  between  vessels  of  a  force 
so  nearly  equal  as  to  render  cavilling  difficult,  the  result  occasioned 
much  exultation  in  America,  and  greatly  increased  the  confidence 
of  the  public,  in  supposing  an  American  ship  had  quite  as  many 
claims  to  conduct,  courage,  and  skill,  as  her  enemies.  Persons  of 

"The  Wasp's  muster-roll,  on  the  morning  of  the  18th  October,  contained  the  names  of 
138  persons  all  told. 


66  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812. 

reflection  attached  but  little  importance,  it  is  true,  to  the  mere  fact 
that  a  few  cruisers  had  been  taken  in  single  combat,  but  the  idea  of 
British  invincibility  was  destroyed,  and  the  vast  moral  results  were 
distinctly  foreseen.  Men  part  with  their  prejudices  slowly  and  with 
reluctance  ;  and  the  warfare  on  the  ocean  produced  one  on  the  land, 
in  which  the  contending  parties,  by  pretending  to  analyse  the  three 
combats  that  had  now  occurred,  displayed  on  both  sides  more 
ignorance  than  logic,  and  much  intemperance  of  language  and  pre 
varication. 

They  who  understood  the  power  of  ships,  and  examined  details, 
with  a  real  desire  to  learn  the  truth,  discovered  that  a  new  era  had 
occurred  in  naval  warfare.  While  these  critics  perceived  and 
admitted  the  superiority  of  the  American  frigates,  in  the  two  actions 
that  had  occurred,  they  could  not  but  see  that  it  was  not  in  proportion 
to  the  execution  they  had  done  ;  and  in  the  combat  between  the  t\vo 
little  vessels  that  has  just  been  recorded,  the  important  fact  was  not 
overlooked,  that  the  enemy's  brig  had  suffered  as  severe  a  loss  in 
men,  as  it  was  usual  for  the  heaviest  vessels  to  sustain  in  general 
actions.  Hitherto  English  ships  had  been  compelled  to  seek  close 
contests  with  their  foes,  but  now  they  had  only  to  back  their  topsails 
to  be  certain  of  being  engaged  at  the  muzzles  of  their  guns.  There 
was  no  falling  off  in  British  spirit  ;  no  vessel  was  unworthily  given 
up  ;  for  the  case  of  the  Alert  may  be  taken  as  a  surprise  ;  and  it  was 
necessary  to  search  for  the  cause  of  this  sudden  and  great  change  in 
the  character  of  the  new  adversary.  The  most  cavilling  detractors 
of  the  rising  reputation  of  the  American  marine,  were  reluctantly 
obliged  to  admit  that  naval  combats  were  no  longer  what  they  had 
been  ;  and  the  discreet  among  the  enemy,  saw  the  necessity  of 
greater  caution,  more  laboured  preparations,  and  of  renewed  efforts. 

As  respects  the  particular  combat  between  the  Wasp  and  Frolic, 
in  the  published  account  of  the  English  captain,  much  stress  was  laid 
on  the  crippled  condition  of  this  ship,  when  she  went  into  action.  It 
is  admitted  that  the  Frolic  had  her  main-yard  on  deck  when  she 
engaged,  and,  as  little  canvass  was  required,  her  after-sail  was 
reduced  to  her  fore-and-aft  mainsail.  There  are  circumstances  in 
-which  the  loss  of  a  brig's  main-topsail  would  be  of  the  last  impor 
tance  ;  and  there  are  circumstances,  again  in  which  it  would  be  of 
but  little  moment.  On  this  occasion  it  does  not  appear  to  have 
materially  influenced  the  result ;  and  the  very  fact  that  the  yard  was 
down,  may  have  prevented  the  mast  from  falling  during  the  engage 
ment,  instead  of  falling  after  it.  On  details  of  this  nature,  it  is 
difficult  to  reason  accurately,  so  much  depending  on  minute  circum 
stances,  that  must  escape  the  general  observer.  In  effect,  the  loss 
of  the  main-yard  converted  the  Frolic  into  a  half-rigged  briar,  a 
species  of  vessel  that  is  in  much  request  among  seamen,  and  which 
would  require  fewer  men  to  manage  than  a  full-rigged  brig.* 

*The  English  commander  in  his  account  of  the  action  however,  states  that  he  had  saf. 
fered  in  a  severe  gale  on  the  night  preceding  the  engagement,  losing  his  topsails,  carry 
ing  away  his  main-yard,  and  springing  his  main -top  mast.  On  the  night  preceding  the 
action,  the  Wasp  is  known  to  have  heen  watching  the  convoy,  quite  near  by,  and  noth- 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  67 

Captain  Jones  was  promoted  shortly  after  this  success,  and  he  was 
appointed  to  the  command  of  the  Macedonian  38,  which  ship  had 
been  purchased  and  taken  into  the  service.  The  name  of  Mr.  Bid- 
die,  who  was  an  old  lieutenant,  and  whose  spirited  conduct  in  the 
action  was  much  appreciated,  was  also  included  in  the  list  of  masters 
and  commanders  that  was  sent  into  the  senate  about  the  same  time.* 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Squadron  of  Com.  Bainbridge — He  sails  with  only  two  of  his  ships—Challenge  to  the 
Bonne  Citoyenne — Action  between  the  Constitution  and  Java — Action  between  Hor 
net  and  Peacock— Congress  determines  to  increase  the  navy— Bainbridge  quits  the  Con 
stitution — Lawrence  promoted. 

WHEN  Commodore  Bainbridge  took  command  of  the  three  vessels 
that  have  been  already  mentioned,  the  Constitution  44,  his  own  ship, 
and  Hornet  18,  Captain  Lawrence,  were  lying  in  the  port  of  Bos 
ton  ;  and  the  Essex  32,  Captain  Porter,  had  just  gone  into  the  Del 
aware.  Orders  were  sent  to  the  latter  officer,  to  rendezvous  first  at 
Port  Praya,  in  the  island  of  St.  Jago ;  and  secondly,  at  Fernando 
Noronha.  Other  places  of  resort  were  pointed  out ;  and  he  was  also 
instructed  to  cruise  in  the  track  of  the  enemy's  Indiamen,  until  a 
time  mentioned,  when,  if  he  failed  to  fall  in  with  his  .senior  officer, 
he  was  at  liberty  to  follow  his  own  discretion.  As  the  Essex  never 
joined  the  other  ships,  we  shall  defer  the  mention  of  her  active  and 
highly  interesting  cruise,  to  another  chapter. 

The  Constitution  and  Hornet  sailed  from  Boston  on  the  26th  of 
October.  Touching  at  the  different  rendezvous,  where  they  appeared 
in  the  character  of  British  vessels  of  war,  letters  were  left  for  Cap 
tain  Porter,  under  the  assumed  name  of  Sir  James  Yeo,  of  the 
Southampton  32,t  accordingto  arrangement,  and  the  ships  proceeded. 

Commodore  Bainbridge  arrived  off  St.  Salvador  on  the  13th  of 
December,  and  the  Hornet  was  sent  in  to  communicate  with  the 

ing  is  said  of  any  gale,  though  one  had  occurred  the  day  previous.  These  are  some  of 
the  discrepancies  with  which  the  historian  has  to  contend,  but  it  is  not  improbable  that 
many  of  them  ought  to  be  ascribed  to  the  public  officers  rather  than  to  the  mistakes  of 
eye-witnesses. 

*  Captain  Jones  mentioned  the  names  of  all  his  officers  with  approbation.  The  other 
lieutenants  were,  Mr.  George  Rodgers,  who  died  a  few  years  since,  in  the  command  of 
the  Brazil  station;  Booth,  since  dead,  a  commander ;  Claxton,  died  a  commodore  in  the 
Pacific  ;  and  Rapp,  acting,  now  dead. 

t  When  the  Essex  arrived,  Captain  Porter  obtained  one  of  these  letters  which,  in  ad 
dition  to  some  common-place  matter,  contained  orders  in  sympathetic  ink,  for  his  future 
movements.  Captain  Porter  relates  the  occurrence,  and  gives  a  copy  of  the  letter,  in  his 
journal  of  the  Essex's  cruise,  the  nature  of  the  whole  transaction  appearing  on  its  face. 
The  letter  speaks  for  itself,  yet  Captain  Porter,  in  a  leading  English  publication,  was 
charged  with  being  guilty  of  an  improper  act,  for  opening  a  letter  directed  to  another 
person !  When  national  hostility  blinds  a  writer  to  such  a  degree  as  this,  he  puts  him 
self  without  the  pale  of  common  sense,  if  not  without  that  of  common  honesty. 


68  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812. 

consul.  Captain  Lawrence  found  the  British  sloop  of  war  Bonne 
Citoyenne  18,  Captain  Green,  in  port,  but  about  to  sail  for  England, 
with  a  very  large  amount  of  specie  on  board.  The  presence  of  this 
vessel,  suggested  a  hope  of  being  able  to  get  her  out.  After  convers 
ing  with  the  consul,  that  gentleman  was  empowered  to  inform  the 
commander  of  the  English  ship,  that  Captain  Lawrence  was  desirous 
of  meeting  him  at  sea,  and  to  give  the  necessary  pledges  that  the 
Constitution  would  be  out  of  the  way.  A  correspondence  took  place 
between  the  English  and  American  consuls  on  the  subject,  and  in 
the  end,  Captain  Green  declined  acceding  to  the  proposal. 

There  may  be  occasions  in  which  an  officer  is  justified  in  giving 
an  invitation  of  this  kind  to  an  enemy's  ship,  since  a  challenge  may 
have  all  the  practical  effects  of  a  ruse  de  guerre,  by  getting  a  vessel 
under  his  guns  in  this  manner,  that  he  might  not  be  able  to  get  there 
in  any  other  way.  Had  the  Hornet  taken  the  Bonne  Citoyenne,  by 
the  aid  of  this  provocation,  she  would  have  conferred  a  great  beneiit 
on  her  country,  and  inflicted  a  great  injury  on  the  enemy,  both  of 
which  were  the  legitimate  objects  of  her  cruise  ;  but  challenges  of 
this  sort  are  generally  to  be  avoided,  since  they  may  be  the  means 
of  compelling  an  officer  to  engage  at  a  moment  when  it  would  be 
his  duty  to  avoid  an  action.  The  commander  of  a  vessel  of  war  is 
bound,  at  all  times  to  retain  as  perfect  a  control  of  his  movements  as 
possible,  that  he  may  be  in  a  situation  to  consult  the  public  ffood,  as 
events  arise  ;  and  the  officer  who  is  pledged  to  meet  his  enemy  under 
prescribed  rules,  is  no  longer  the  master  of  his  own  movements, 
should  general  duty  suddenly  interfere  with  his  particular  conven 
tion.  There  can  be  no  question,  that,  under  his  peculiar  circum 
stances,  Captain  Green  decided  properly,  in  refusing  to  meet  the 
Hornet,  though  the  reason  that  was  given  was  objectionable,  inas 
much  as  he  appeared  to  distrust  an  interference  on  the  part  of  the 
American  frigate. 

The  Constitution  left  the  Hornet  to  blockade  the  Bonne  Citoyenne 
alone,  on  the  26th,  and  stood  to  the  southward,  keeping  the  land 
aboard.  About  9  A.  M.  of  the  29th,  when  in  lat.  13°  6'  S.,  and 
long.  31°  W.,  or  at  a  distance  of  ten  leagues  from  the  coast,  two 
strange  sail  were  made,  inshore  and  to  windward.  One  of  these 
vessels  continued  to  stand  in,  while  the  other,  which  was  much  the 
largest,  altered  her  course  in  the  direction  of  the  American  frigate, 
which  had  tacked  to  close  with  her.  The  day  was  pleasant,  there 
was  but  little  sea,  and  the  wind  was  light  at  E.  N.  E. 

At  11  A.  M.,  being  satisfied  that  the  strange  sail  was  an  enemy's 
frigate,  the  Constitution  tacked  again  to  the  southward  and  eastward, 
to  draw  her  off  the  land,  which  was  plainly  in  sight.  At  the  same 
time,  she  set  her  royals,  and  boarded  main-tack,  in  order  to  effect 
this  object. 

At  12  M.  the  Constitution  showed  her  colours,  and  shortly  after 
the  stranger  set  the  English  ensign.  Signals  were  made  by  both 
ships,  but  proved  to  be  mutually  unintelligible.  At  20  minutes  past 
1,  P.  M.,  believing  himself  far  enough  from  the  land,  Commodore 
Bainbridge  took  in  his  main-sail  and  royals,  and  tacked  towards  the 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  69 

enemy.  Soon  after,  both  ships  had  their  heads  to  the  southward 
and  eastward,  the  Englishman  being  to  windward  more  than  a  mile 
distant,  and  well  on  the  Constitution's  quarter. 

The  enemy  had  now  hauled  down  his  ensign,  though  he  kept  a 
jack  flying,  and  Commodore  Cambridge  ordered  a  shot  fired  ahead 
of  him,  to  induce  him  to  show  his  colours  anew.  This  order  brought 
on  a  general  fire,  and  the  battle  commenced  at  2,  P.  M.,  on  both 
sides,  with  a  furious  cannonade.  As  in  the  light  wind  that  prevailed, 
the  enemy  sailed  the  best,  he  soon  forged  ahead,  and  kept  away  with 
a  view  to  cross  the  Constitution's  bow,  but  was  foiled  by  the  latter 
ship's  waring,  which  brought  the  heads  of  the  two  combatants  once 
more  to  the  westward.  In  performing  these  evolutions,  as  the  enemy 
steered  free,  and  the  Constitution  luffed,  the  vessels  got  within  pistol- 
shot,  when  the  former  repeated  the  same  attempt,  the  ships  waring 
together,  bringing  their  heads  once  more  to  the  eastward.  The 
English  ship  forereaching  again,  now  endeavoured  to  tack  to  preserve 
the'weather  gage,  but  failing,  she  was  obliged  to  ware,  a  manceuvre 
that  the  Constitution  had  executed  before  her,  to  avoid  being  raked, 
for  the  wheel  of  the  latter  ship  had  been  shot  away,  and  it  was  diffi 
cult  to  watch  the  vessel  with  the  helm,  as  closely  as  was  desirable. 
The  Constitution,  notwithstanding,  was  the  first  in  coming  to  the 
wind  on  the  other  tack,  and  she  got  an  efficient  raking  fire  at  her 
opponent. 

Both  vessels  now  ran  off  free,  with  the  wind  on  the  quarter,  the 
English  ship  still  to  windward,  when  the  latter  being  greatly  injured, 
made  an  attempt  to  close,  at  55  minutes  past  2,  by  running  down  on 
the  Constitution's  quarter.  Her  jib-boom  ran  into  the  Constitution's 
mizen  rigging,  in  which  situation  she  suffered  severely,  without  being 
able  to  effect  her  purpose.  The  head  of  her  bowsprit  was  soon  shot 
away,  and  in  a  few  minutes  after,  her  foremast  carne  by  the  board. 
The  Constitution  shot  ahead,  keeping  away  to  avoid  being  raked  ; 
and  in  separating,  the  stump  of  the  enemy's  bowsprit  passed  over  the 
American  frigate's  taffrail. 

The  two  ships  now  brought  the  wind  abeam  again,  with  their 
heads  to  the  eastward,  and  the  Constitution  having  forereached,  in 
consequence  of  carrying  the  most  sail,  wore,  passed  her  antagonist, 
luffed  up  under  his  quarter,  wore  again,  and  the  Englishman  having 
kept  away,  the  vessels  came  alongside  of  each  other,  and  engaged 
for  a  short  time,  yard-arm  and  yard-arm.  In  a  few  minutes  the  en 
emy  lost  his  mizen-mast,  leaving  nothing  standing  but  his  main-mast, 
with  the  yard  shot  away  near  the  slings.  As  his  fire  had  ceased,  the 
Constitution  hauled  aboard  her  tacks,  and  luffed  athwart  her  antag 
onist's  bow  ;  passing  out  of  the  combat  to  windward,  at  five  minutes 
past  4,  with  her  topsails,  courses,  spanker,  and  jib  set.  In  executing 
this  manoeuvre,  Commodore  Bainbridge  was  under  the  impression 
that  the  enemy  had  struck,  the  ensign  which  had  been  hoisted  in  his 
main-rigging  being  down,  his  ship  a  wreck,  and  his  fire  silenced. 

The  Constitution  having  got  a  favourable  weatherly  position, 
passed  an  hour  in  repairing  damages,  and  in  securing  her  masts  ;  it 
being  all-important  to  an  American  frigate  so  far  from  home,  without 


70  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812. 

colonies  or  military  stations  to  repair  to,  and  an  ocean  to  traverse  tha4 
was  covered  with  enemies,  to  look  vigilantly  to  these  great  auxilia 
ries.  In  about  an  hour,  observing  an  ensign  still  flying  on  board  hi? 
enemy,  Commodore  Bainbridge  wore  round,  and  standing  directly 
across  his  fore-foot,  the  English  vessel  anticipated  his  fire  by  striking. 

The  Constitution  immediately  wore,  with  her  head  on  the  same 
tack  as  the  captured  vessel,  hoisted  out  a  boat,  and  sent  Mr.  Parker, 
her  first  lieutenant,  to  take  possession.  The  prize  proved  to  be  the 
British  frigate  Java  38,  Captain  Lambert,  bound  to  the  East  Indies, 
having  on  board  as  passengers,  Lieutenant  General  Hislop  and  staff, 
together  with  several  supernumerary  sea-officers,  and  a  considerable 
number  of  men,  intended  for  other  ships. 

This  combat  lasted  near  two  hours,  from  the  commencement  to 
the  end  of  the  firing,  and  it  had  been  warmly  contested  on  both  sides, 
but  with  very  different  results.  Although  there  was  more  manoeuvr 
ing  than  common,  the  Java  had  been  literally  picked  to  pieces  by 
shot,  spar  following  spar,  until  she  had  not  one  left.  Her  foremast 
was  first  cut  away  nearthe  cat-harpings,  and  afterwards,  by  a  double- 
headed  shot,  about  five-and-twenty  feet  from  the  deck.  The  main- 
topmast  went  early,  and  the  main-mast  fell  after  the  Constitution 
hauled  off.  The  mizen-mast  was  shot  out  of  the  ship,  a  few  feet 
from  the  deck,  and  the  bowsprit  near  the  cap.  Her  hull  was  also 
greatly  injured  ;  and  her  loss  in  men,  according  to  the  British  pub 
lished  accounts,  was  22  killed  and  102  wounded  ;  though  there  is 
good  reason  for  supposing  it  was  considerably  greater.  Commodore 
Bainbridge  stated  it  at  60  killed  and  101  wounded.  There  may 
have  been  some  discrepancy  in  these  statements,  in  consequence  of 
the  great  number  of  supernumeraries  on  board  the  Java,  which  ship 
is  said  to  have  had  more  than  400  men  in  her  when  taken,  or  near 
100  more  than  her  regular  complement.*  Captain  Lambert,  of  the 
Java,  was  mortally  wounded  ;  and  one  of  her  lieutenants,  the  mas 
ter,  and  many  of  her  inferior  officers,  were  slain,  or  seriously  hurt. 

The  Constitution  did  not  lose  a  spar!  She  went  into  action  with 
her  royal  yards  across,  and  came  out  of  it  with  all  three  of  them  in 
their  places.  An  eighteen-pound  shot  passed  through  her  mizen 
mast;  the  fore-mast  was  slightly  wounded,  and  the  main-mast  was 
untouched.  The  main-topmast  was  also  slightly  wounded  ;  a  few 
other  spars  were  hit,  without  being  carried  away ;  the  running 
rigging  was  a  good  deal  cut ;  several  shrouds  were  parted,  and  the 
ship  received  a  few  round  shot  in  her  hull.  Of  her  crew,  9  were 
killed,  and  25  were  wounded.  Among  the  latter  were  Commodore 
Bainbridge,  and  the  junior  lieutenant,  Mr.  Aylwin.  The  last  died 
of  his  injuries,  sometime  after  the  action.  Commodore  Bainbridge 
was  slightly  hurt  in  the  hip,  early  in  the  engagement,  by  a  musket- 
ball  ;  and  the  shot  that  carried  away  the  wheel,  drove  a  small  copper 

""The  British  accounts  state  the  crew  of  the  Java  at  377  men  including  supernumera 
ries.  Commodore  Bainbridge  reports  that  he  furloughed  361  officers,  Heamen,  marines, 
and  boys,  exclusively  of  8  passengers  and  9  Portuguese  seamen,  making  378  souls.  If 
to  theso  he  added  the  22  allowed  to  be  killed  by  the  enemy,  a  total  of  just  400  is  obtain 
ed.  But  it  is  said  that  a  muster-list,  made  five  days  after  the  Java  sailed,  contained  just 
446  names. 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  71 

bolt  into  his  thigh,  inflicting  a  dangerous  wound,  though  he  kept  the 
deck  until  midnight.* 

Although  the  injuries  to  the  hull  of  the  Java  were  not  of  a  nature 
to  render  her  being  carried  into  port  difficult,  the  smoothness  of  the 
sea  having  prevented  her  from  receiving  many  shot  below  the  water- 
line,  there  existed  many  objections  to  attempting  it.  In  the  first 
place,  it  was  known  that  the  Brazilian  government  was  favourable  to 
that  of  Great  Britain,  and  there  had  been  strong  proof  of  it  during 
the  recent  visit  of  Commodore  Bainbridge  to  St.  Salvador.  That 
officer,  therefore  felt  a  hesitation  about  trusting  his  prize  in  a  Brazil 
ian  port.  The  difficulty  of  obtaining  masts  of  the  necessary  size,  the 
distance  from  home,  and  the  risks  of  recapture,  on  nearing  the  coast, 
united  to  render  it  expedient  to  destroy  her.  After  lying  by  her  two 
or  three  days,  therefore,  with  a  view  to  remove  the  wounded  with 
proper  care,  the  Java  was  blown  up,  and  the  Constitution  made  the 
best  of  her  way  to  St.  Salvador,  where  she  immediately  landed  her 
prisoners  on  parole. 

Throughout  the  whole  of  the  transactions  connected  with  the 
interests  and  feelings  of  the  officers  and  men  he  had  captured,  Com 
modore  Bainbridge  manifested  a  liberality  and  delicacy,  that  tended 
to  relieve  the  miseries  that  war  necessarily  inflicts,  and  which  appear 
to  have  left  a  deep  impression  on  the  enemy. 

The  same  general  peculiarities  attended  this  combat,  as  had  dis 
tinguished  the  two  other  cases  of  frigate  actions.  In  all  three,  the 
American  vessels  were  superior  to  their  antagonists  ;  but  in  all  three, 
had  the  difference  in  execution  been  greatly  out  of  proportion  to  the 
disparity  in  force.  The  Java,  like  the  Guerriere,  had  been  well 
handled,  but  her  fire  had  been  badly  aimed  ;  and  it  began  to  be  no 
longer  believed  that  the  broadside  of  an  English  ship  was  as  formida 
ble  as  it  had  been  represented.  It  would  seem  that  the  Constitution 
actually  wore  six  times,  after  the  action  had  fairly  commenced  ;  and 
allowing  for  the  positions  of  the  ships,  the  lightness  of  the  wind,  and 
the  space  that  it  was  necessary  to  run,  in  order  to  avoid  being  raked 
while  executing  these  evolutions,  it  is  probable  that  the  cannonade 
did  not  actually  occupy  an  hour.  The  action  must  have  terminated 
some  miles  to  leeward  of  the  spot  where  it  commenced.t 

*Some  touching  anecdotes  are  related  of  the  incidents  of  this  combat.  Two  Marble- 
lead  seamen,  brothers,  of  the  name  of  Cheever,  were  on  board  the  Constitution,  one  was 
ulled,  and  the  other  mortally  wounded.  It  is  said  that  there  were  twins,  midshipmen, 
ti  the  Java,  and  that  both  were  killed. 

tThe  discussion  in  the  public  prints,  which  naturally  followed  the  different  combats, 
n  nations  speaking  the  same  language,  brought  forth  some  minute  statements  at  the 
ime,  that  seem  to  have  been  better  founded  than  common.  By  one  of  these  statements, 
which  was  evidently  made  by  an  officer  of  the  Constitution,  that  ship  mounted,  in  the 
action  with  the  Java,  54  guns,  and  threw  677  Ibs.  5oz.  of  metal  at  a  broadside;  the  ap 
parent  deficiency  between  the  metal  and  the  known  caliber  of  the  guns,  arising  from 
ehor.t  weight  in  the  shot.  On  the  other  hand  the  Java  is  said  to  have  mounted  49  guns, 
aud  to  have  thrown  605  Ibs.  of  metal  at  a  broadside.  It  is  affirmed  in  this  account,  that 
the  Java's  eighteens  threw  a  shot  tha*  weighed  19  Ibs.  If  French  eighteens,  the  shot 
ought  to  have  weighed  near  19i  Ibs.,  and  the  Java  had  certainly  been  a  French  ship. 
Whether  she  retained  her  old  armament  or  not,  is  not  known.  That  the  American  shot, 
during  all  this  war,  were  generally  light,  would  seem  to  be  certain.  There  may  not 
have  been  perfect  accuracy  in  the  statement  alluded  to,  but  it  is  probable  that  the  actual 
difference  between  the  broadsides  of  the  two  ships,  was  much  less  than  the  apparet*- 


72  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

On  reaching  St.  Salvador,  Commodore  Bainbridge  found  the  Hor 
net  off  the  port,  and  it  was  understood  that  the  Bonne  Citoyenne  had 
hove-short,  with  an  intention  of  going  to  sea  that  night.  The  arrival 
of  the  Constitution  appears  to  have  produced  a  change  in  this  plan, 
if  it  ever  existed.  Remaining  a  few  days  in  port  to  land  his  prisoners, 
and  to  complete  his  arrangements,  Commodore  Bainbridge  sailed 
for  America,  January  6,  1813,  and  arrived  at  Boston  on  the  27th  of 
February,  after  an  absence  of  four  months. 

The  Hornet  was  left  with  orders  that  were  substantially  discretion 
ary.  She  remained  off  St.  Salvador,  blockading  the  Bonne  Citoy 
enne,  alone,  for  eighteen  days,  when  she  was  chased  into  the  harbour 
by  the  Montagu  74,  which  vessel  had  come  to  relieve  the  enemy's 
sloop  of  war  from  the  awkward  necessity  of  fighting  with  so  much 
treasure  on  board,  or  of  the  still  more  unpleasant  dilemma  of  appear 
ing  indisposed  to  meet  a  ship  of  equal  force.*  It  was  late  in  the 
evening  when  the  Montagu  approached,  and  the  Hornet  availed  her 
self  of  the  darkness  to  ware  and  stand  out  again,  passing  into  the 
offing  without  further  molestation. 

Captain  Lawrence  now  hauled  by  the  wind,  to  the  northward  and 
eastward,  with  the  intention  of  going  off  Pernambuco.  He  made  a 
few  prizes,  and  continued  cruising  down  the  coast,  until  the  24th  of 
February,  when  the  ship  was  near  the  mouth  of  Demarara  river. 
Here  he  gave  chase  to  a  brig,  which  drew  him  into  quarter  less  five, 
when,  having  no  pilot,  he  deemed  it  prudent  to  haul  off  shore.  At 
this  moment  he  supposed  himself  to  be  about  two  and  a  half  leagues 
from  the  fort  at  the  entrance  of  the  river.  As  she  had  an  English 
ensign  set,  and  bore  every  appearance  of  being  a  man-of-war,  it  was 
determined  to  attack  her.  "While  the  Hornet  was  beating  round  the 
Carobana  bank,  wrhich  lay  between  her  and  the  enemy,  with  a  view 
to  gst  at  the  latter,  another  sail  was  made  on  her  weather  quarter, 
edging  down  towards  her.  It  was  now  half  past  3  P.  M.,  and  the 
Hornet  continuing  to  turn  to  windward,  with  her  original  intention, 
by  twenty  minutes  past  4  the  second  stranger  was  made  out  to  be  a 
large  man-of-war  brig,  and  soon  after  he  showed  English  colours. 

As  soon  as  her  captain  was  satisfied  that  the  vessel  approaching 
was  an  enemy,  the  Hornet  was  cleared  for  action,  and  her  people 
went  to  quarters.  The  ship  was  kept  close  by  the  wind,  in  order  to 
gain  the  weather  gage,  the  enemy  still  running  free.  At  5  10,  feel 
ing  certain  that  he  could  weather  the  Englishman,  Captain  Lawrence 
showed  his  colours  and  tacked.  The  two  vessels  were  now  standing 
towards  each  other,  with  their  heads  different  ways,  both  close  by 
the  wind.  They  passed  within  half  pistol-shot  at  5  25,  delivering 

"The  commanderof  the  Bonne  Citoyenne  was  much  sneered  at,  in  the  publications  of 
the  day,  for  not  going  out  to  meet  the  Hornet.  The  censures,  like  the  commendation,  of 
ignorance  and  passion,  are  of  no  great  importance,  and  heis  entitled  to  the  highest  praise 
who  can  perform  his  duty  without  regarding  either.  It  would  be  very  difiicult  to  show 
that  a  ship  sent  to  convey  treasure,  ought  to  seek  a  conflict  with  a  vessel  of  even  inferior 
force;  and  there  may  be  many  reasons  that,  if  known,  might  reflect  credit  on  a  com 
mander  for  refusing  a  challenge,  which  could  have  no  connexion  with  even  this  particu 
lar  fact.  Opinions  on  such  subjects  ought  always  to  be  expressed  with  caution;  and 
there  can  be  no  stronger  evidence  of  the  high  level  of  the  public  mind,  than  is  shown  in 
an  indisposition  to  listen  to  detraction  of  this  character. 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  73 

their  broadsides  as  the  guns  bore ;  each  vessel  using  the  larboard 
battery.  As  soon  as  they  were  clear,  the  Englishman  put  his  helm 
hard  up,  with  the  intention  to  ware  short  round,  and  get  a  raking  fire 
at  the  Hornet,  but  the  manoeuvre  was  closely  watched  and  promptly 
imitated,  and,  firing  his  starboard  guns,  he  was  obliged  to  right  his 
helm,  as  the  Hornet  was  coming  down  on  his  quarter,  in  a  perfect 
blaze  of  fire.  The  latter  closed,  and  maintaining  the  admirable  posi 
tion  she  had  got,  poured  in  her  shot  with  such  vigour,  that  a  little 
before  5  40,  the  enemy  not  only  lowered  his  ensign,  but  he  hoisted  it 
union  down,  in  the  fore-rigging,  as  a  signal  of  distress.  His  main 
mast  soon  after  fell. 

Mr.  J.  T.  Shubrick  was  sent  on  board  to  take  possession.  This 
officer  soon  returned  with  the  information  that  the  prize  was  the  ene 
my's  sloop  of  war  Peacock  18,  Captain  Peake,  and  that  she  was  fast 
sinking,  having  already  six  feet  of  water  in  her  hold.  Mr.  Conner, 
the  third  lieutenant  of  the  Hornet,  and  Mr.  B.  Cooper,  one  of  her 
midshipmen,  were  immediately  despatched  with  boats,  to  get  out  the 
wounded,  and  to  endeavour  to  save  the  vessel.  It  was  too  late  for  the 
latter,  though  every  exertion  was  made.  Both  vessels  were  imme 
diately  anchored,  guns  were  thrown  overboard,  shot-holes  plugged, 
and  recourse  was  had  to  the  pumps,  and  even  to  bailing,  but  the  short 
twilight  of  that  low  latitude  soon  left  the  prize-crew,  before  the 
prisoners  could  be  removed.  In  the  hurry  and  confusion  of  such  a 
scene,  and  while  the  boats  of  the  Hornet  were  absent,  four  of  the 
Englishmen  lowered  the  stern  boat  of  the  Peacock,  which  had  been 
thought  too  much  injured  to  be  used,  jumped  into  it,  and  pulled  for 
land,  at  the  imminent  risk  of  their  lives.* 

Mr.  Conner  became  sensible  that  the  brig  was  in  momentary  dan 
ger  of  sinking,  and  he  endeavoured  to  muster  the  people  remaining 
on  board,  in  the  Peacock's  launch,  which  still  stood  on  deck,  the  fall 
of  the  main-mast,  and  the  want  of  time,  having  prevented  an  attempt 
to  get  it  into  the  water.  Unfortunately,  a  good  many  of  the  Peacock's 
people  were  below,  rummaging  the  vessel,  and  when  the  brig  gave 
her  Jast  wallow  it  was  too  late  to  save  them. 

The  Peacock  settled  very  easily  but  suddenly,  in  five  and  a  half 
fathoms  water,  and  the  two  American  officers,  with  most  of  the  men 
and  several  prisoners  saved  themselves  in  the  launch,  though  not 
without  great  exertions.  Three  of  the  Hornet's  people  went  down 
in  the  brig,  and  nine  of  the  Peacock's  were  also  drowned.  Four 
more  of  the  latter  saved  themselves  by  running  up  the  rigging  into 
the  foretop,  which  remained  out  of  the  water,  after  the  hull  had  got 
to  the  bottom.  The  launch  had  no  oars,  and  it  was  paddled  by 
pieces  of  boards  towards  the  Hornet,  when  it  was  met  by  one  of  the 
cutters  of  that  ship,  which  was  returning  to  the  brig.  The  cutter 
immediately  pulled  towards  the  Peacock's  fore-mast,  in  the  hope  of 
finding  some  one  swimming,  but,  with  the  exception  of  those  in  the 
top,  no  person  was  saved. 

In  this  short  encounter,  the  Peacock  had  her  captain  and  four  men 

"These  adventurers  got  ashore  safely. 


74  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

killed,  and  thirty-three  wounded.  The  Hornet  had  one  man  killed, 
and  two  wounded,  in  addition  to  two  men  badly  burned  by  the  explo 
sion  of  a  cartridge.  She  suffered  a  good  deal  aloft,  had  one  shot 
through  the  fore-mast,  and  the  bowsprit  was  hit. 

The  Peacock  was  a  vessel  of  the  Hornet's  size,  being  a  little  shorter 
but  having  more  beam.  Her  proper  armament  was  thirty-twos,  but, 
for  some  reason  that  is  not  known,  they  had  been  changed  for  lighter 
guns,  and  in  the  action  she  mounted  16  twenty-four  pound  carron- 
ades,  2  light  long  guns,  a  twelve  pound  carronade  on  her  topgallant 
forecastle,  and  another  light  long  gun  aft.  By  her  quarter  bill  she 
had  130  men  on  board,  at  the  time  she  was  taken.  This  force  ren 
dered  her  inferior  to  the  Hornet,  which  ship  mounted  18  thirty-two 
pound  carronades  and  two  long  twelves.  The  Hornet  in  the  action 
mustered  135  men  fit  for  duty. 

Notwithstanding  the  superiority  of  the  Hornet,  the  same  disparity 
between  the  execution  and  the  difference  in  force,  is  to  be  seen  in  this 
action,  as  in  those  already  mentioned.  In  allowing  the  Hornet  to 
get  the  weather  gage,  the  Peacock  was  outmanoeuvred,  but,  with 
this  exception,  she  is  understood  to  have  been  well  managed,  though 
her  gunnery  was  so  defective.  The  only  shot  that  touched  the  hull 
of  the  Hornet,  was  one  fired  as  the  latter  ship  was  falling  off,  in 
waring,  and  it  merely  glanced  athwart  her  bows,  indenting  a  plank 
beneath  the  cat-head.  As  this  must  have  been  fired  from  the  star 
board  guns  of  the  Peacock,  the  fact  demonstrates  how  well  she  was 
handled,  and  that,  in  waring,  her  commander  had  rightly  estimated 
and  judiciously  used  the  peculiar  powers  of  a  brig,  though  the  quick 
movements  of  his  antagonist  deprived  him  of  the  results  he  had 
expected,  and  immediately  gave  the  Hornet  a  decided  advantage  in 
position.  It  would  be  cavilling  to  deny  that  this  short  combat  was 
decided  by  the  superior  gunnery  and  rapid  handling  of  the  Hornet.* 

As  the  brig  at  anchor  might  come  out  and  attack  her,  the  greatest 
exertions  were  made  on  board  the  Hornet  to  be  in  readiness  to  receive 
the  enemy,  and  by  9  o'clock  at  night,  new  sails  had  been  bent,  her 
boats  were  stowed,  the  ship  was  cleared,  and  every  thing  was  ready 
for  another  action.  At  2  A.  M.,  she  got  under  way,  and  stood  to  the 
nofthward  and  westward,  under  easy  sail.  Captain  Lawrence  find 
ing  that  he  had  now  277  souls  on  board,  including  the  people  of 
another  prize,  and  that  he  was  short  of  water,  determined  to  return 
home.  The  allowance  of  water  was  reduced  to  three  pints  a  man, 
and  the  ship  ran  through  the  West  Indies,  anchoring  at  Holmes's 
Hole,  in  Martha's  Vineyard,  on  the  19th  of  March  ;  whence  she 
came  through  the  Vineyard  and  Long  Island  Sounds  to  New  York, 
without  meeting  an  enemy. 

"It  is  said  that  the  first  shot  tired  by  the  Peacock  cut  away  the  Hornet  B  pennant.  This 
could  only  happen,  from  having  struck  the  water  at  a  most  unfortunate  angle.  The  man 
killed  in  the  American  ship,  was  in  the  mizcn-top.  Indeed,  in  mostof  the  comhatsof  this 
war,  much  seamanship  and  great  gallantry  were  discovered  by  the  enemy,  but  he  ap 
peared  singularly  deficient  in  the  knowledge  of  the  means  of  turning  these  advantages  to 
account.  A  great  proportion  of  the  men  killed  and  wounded  were  aloft  when  they  were 
hit.  Had  the  guns  of  the  Peacock  been  of  the  largest  size,  they  could  not  have  materi 
ally  changed  the  result  of  this  conflict,  as  the  weight  of  shot  that  do  not  hit,  can  be  of  no 
great  moment. 


1812.]  NAVAL  HIS10RY.  75 

The  successes  of  the  Constitution  and  Hornet,  two  of  the  vessels 
of  Commodore  Bainbridge's  squadron,  served  greatly  to  increase  the 
popularity  of  the  navy.  Their  commanders  were  rewarded  with 
medals,  swords,  and  votes  of  thanks,  by  different  legislatures,  and 
Captain  Lawrence  was  promoted,  and  transferred  to  the  command 
of  the  Chesapeake. 

Congress,  by  this  time,  began  to  feel  more  confidence  in  the  ability 
to  withstand  British  prowess,  and  a  law  had  been  passed  on  the  2d  of 
January,  to  increase  the  naval  force  of  the  country.  By  the  provi 
sions  of  this  act,  the  President  was  empowered  to  build  four  ships  to 
rate  not  less  than  seventy -four  guns,  and  six  ships  to  rate  at  forty-four 
guns  each.  This  was  at  once  multiplying  the  force  of  the  navy  ten 
fold,  and  it  may  be  esteemed  the  first  step  that  was  ever  actually  put 
in  execution,  towards  establishing  a  marine  that  might  prove  of  mo 
ment,  in  influencing  the  material  results  of  a  war.  Measures  were 
taken  immediately  to  lay  the  keels  of  some  of  the  ships  of  the  line, 
and  Commodore  Bainbridge,  being  appointed  to  superintend  the 
construction  of  one  of  them,  relinquished  the  command  of  the  Con 
stitution. 

Another  law  passed,  on  the  3d  of  March,  directing  six  sloops  of 
war  to  be  built  on  the  ocean,  and  authorising  the  construction  of  as 
many  vessels  on  the  lakes  as  the  public  service  required.  Congress 
also  voted  handsome  sums  to  the  officers  and  crews  of  the  ships  that 
had  destroyed  captured  vessels  of  war,  in  the  way  of  prize-money. 

The  history  of  the  remaining  ship  of  Commodore  Bainbridge's 
squadron,  shall  be  next  given,  with  a  view  not  to  interrupt  the  connex 
ion  of  this  branch  of  the  subject. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


Essex  sails  to  join  Com.  Bainbridge — Captures  the  Nocton — Nocton  recaptured — Touch 
es  at  different  places  without  meeting  the  Commodore — Capt.  Porter  determines  to  go 
round  the  Horn — reaches  Valparaiso — Captures  a  Peruvian  corsair — makes  several 


prizes  of  enemy's  whalers — equips  a  cruiser,  called  the  Georgiana  10,  Lieut.  Com. 
Downes — Paints  and  refits  his  own  ship,  at  sea,  living  on  the  enemy. 

THE  Essex  32,  has  frequently  been  mentioned  in  the  course  of  this 
history.  This  ship  was  properly  rated,  her  gun-deck  armament  hav 
ing  originally  consisted  of  26  long  twelves;  but  it  had  been  changed 
previously  to  the  war,  and  with  the  exception  of  a  few  chase  guns  of 
this  caliber,  she  mounted  thirty-two-pound  carronades  in  their  places. 
Her  first  cruise  was  under  Preble,  when  she  carried  the  pennant  of 
an  American  man-of-war,  for  the  first  time,  to  the  eastward  of  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  she  was  now  destined  again  to  open  the 
way  for  the  navy  into  a  new  sea. 

When  Commodore  Bainbridge  sailed  from  Boston,  the  Essex, 
still  under  the  command  of  Captain  Porter,  was  lying  in  the  Dela- 


76  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1821. 

ware,  and  she  quitted  that  river  the  28th  of  October,  or  two  days 
after  the  other  ships  of  the  squadron  had  got  to  sea.  In  anticipation 
of  a  long  cruise,  Captain  Porter  carried  out  with  him  a  crew  larger 
than  common,  and  a  greater  number  of  officers  than  properly  be 
longed  to  a  vessel  of  that  class  ;  the  entire  muster-roll  containing 
three  hundred  and  nineteen  names,  among  which  were  three  com 
missioned  and  two  acting  lieutenants,  and  twelve  midshipmen.  In 
consequence  of  the  unusual  amount  of  supplies  that  was  taken  in, 
the  ship  was  too  deep,  and  she  did  not  reach  the  first  rendezvous 
named  in  the  orders  of  Commodore  Bainbridge,  until  some  time 
after  the  Constitution  and  Hornet  had  left  it. 

The  Essex  was  singularly  unfortunate  in  not  falling  in  with  an 
enemy  of  any  sort  in  making  this  long  run,  and  on  the  llth  of  De 
cember  she  crossed  the  equator  in  longitude  30°  W.,  the  same  bad 
luck  attending  her.  On  the  12th,  however,  about  2  P.  M.,  a  vessel 
was  seen  to  windward,  which  had  every  appearance  of  an  enemy's 
man-of-war  bri"1,  when  sail  was  made  in  chase.  At  six,  the  stranger 
began  to  show  signals,  which  went  to  confirm  the  idea  of  his  charac 
ter.  As  the  chase  was  still  to  windward,  and  night  was  coming  on 
fast,  an  unsuccessful  effort  was  made  to  decoy  her  down,  by  showing 
signals  in  return.  At  sunset  the  brig  showed  English  colours,  and, 
when  it  was  sufficiently  dark,  she  made  some  night-signals.  By  9 
P.  M.  the  Essex  succeeded  in  getting  within  musket-shot.  Captain 
Porter  soon  after  hailed,  and  ordered  the  brig  to  settle  her  topsails, 
haul  up  her  courses,  and  to  heave-to  to  windward.  At  the  same  time, 
orders  were  given  to  the  different  divisions  not  to  fire  into  the  stranger, 
as  it  was  very  desirable  to  get  possession  without  doing  him  any 
injury.  Instead  of  complying  with  the  directions  of  Captain  Porter, 
however,  the  brig  endeavoured  to  cross  the  stern  of  the  Essex,  by 
keeping  away,  probably  with  an  intention  to  rake  her,  and  to  escape 
to  leeward.  This  drew  a  volley  of  musketry  from  the  frigate,  which 
killed  one  man,  when  the  brig  struck. 

The  prize  was  the  British  government  packet  Nocton  10,  with  a 
crew  of  31  men.  On  board  of  her  were  found  $55,000  in  specie. 
The  next  day  a  crew  of  17  men  was  put  into  the  Nocton,  under  the 
orders  of  Acting  Lieutenant  Finch,*  who  was  instructed  to  make  the 
best  of  his  way  to  America.  This  officer  had  got  between  Bermuda 
and  the  Capes  of  Virginia,  in  the  execution  of  his  duty,  when  he  was 
compelled  to  heave  to  in  a  gale.  Just  as  the  weather  moderated,  a 
British  frigate  was  made  to  windward.  Mr.  Finch  tried  the  sailing 
of  the  brig  with  the  enemy,  on  different  tacks,  but  finally  put  away 
dead  before  the  wind,  as  the  only  means  of  escape.  As  it  was  not 
in  the  power  of  the  prize  crew  to  make  sail  with  sufficient  rapidity  to 
compete  with  a  frigate's  complement  of  men,  the  Nocton  was  soon 
within  reach  of  the  enemy's  guns,  and  a  few  shot  were  fired,  which 
did  some  injury  to  her  rigging.  Mr.  Finch,  however,  held  on,  until 
theenemy  had  got  close  upon  his  quarter,  and  was  about  to  fire  a  volley 
of  musketry,  when,  escape  being  hopeless,  he  struck.  Thus  did  the 

*Since  Captain  William  Compton  Bolton 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  77 

Essex  lose  her  first  prize,  though  the  specie  had  been  taken  out  of 
her,  arid  was  rendered  secure  by  being  subsequently  used  on  account 
of  the  government. 

On  the  14th,  the  Essex  made  the  island  of  Fernando  de  Noronha, 
and  communicated  with  the  land,  without  going  in.  Here  Captain 
Porter  obtained  the  letter  mentioned  from  Commodore  Bainbridge, 
informing  him  that  he  would  find  the  other  vessels  off  Cape  Frio. 
From  this  time,  until  the  25th,  the  ship  was  making  her  passage 
towards  the  coast,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  that  day,  she  hove  to  off 
the  pitch  of  the  Cape,  where  no  signs  were  to  be  seen  of  the  Consti 
tution  or  Hornet.  Three  days  afterwards,  in  fact,  the  first  of  these 
vessels  captured  the  Java  off  St.  Salvador.  After  cruising  a  short 
time,  at  this  rendezvous,  the  Essex  was  drawn  a  long  distance  to  lee 
ward  in  chase  ;  and  in  attempting  to  beat  up  again  to  her  station,  she 
was  met  by  heavy  weather,  which  induced  Captain  Porter  to  change 
his  cruising  ground.  On  the  morning  of  the  29th,  the  frigate  cap 
tured  an  English  merchant  vessel,  which  proved  to  be  one  of  a  convoy 
of  six  sail,  in  charge  of  a  man-of-war  schooner,  that  had  left  Rio  only 
the  night  previously,  this  vessel  having  put  back  in  consequence  of 
discovering  a  leak.  On  obtaining  this  intelligence,  Captain  Porter 
followed  the  track  of  the  convoy,  and  after  a  long  and  fruitless  chase, 
he  determined  to  go  off  St.  Salvador,  in  order  to  intercept  it.  While 
beating  up  with  this  intention,  information  was  received  from  differ 
ent  Portuguese  vessels,  of  the  presence  of  the  other  ships  of  the 
squadron  off  the  port,  and  renewed  efforts  were  made  to  join.  But 
strong  northerly  winds  prevailed,  and  Captain  Porter,  after  struggling 
with  them  a  week,  decided  to  run  into  St.  Catherine's  to  water. 

Having  been  disappointed  in  his  attempts  to  fall  in  with  the  com 
modore,  at  three  rendezvous,  and  ascertaining  that  the  Montagu  74,, 
had  sailed  from  Rio  to  raise  the  blockade  of  the  vessels  at  St.  Salva 
dor,  Captain  Porter  was  now  greatly  at  a  loss  which  way  to  steer,  in 
order  to  join  the  other  ships.  It  was  near  the  end  of  January,  1813,. 
and,  in  point  of  fact,  the  Constitution  had  left  the  coast  on  the  6th  of 
that  month,  on  her  way  home.  As  the  Hornet  followed  her  on  the 
24th,  in  determining  to  act  for  himself,  during  the  remainder  of  the 
cruise,  Captain  Porter  came  to  a  happy  decision. 

An  American  frigate,  at  that  day  cruising  under  the  circumstances- 
of  the  Essex,  was  in  a  very  peculiar  and  difficult  position.  The 
influence  of  Great  Britain  extended  over  the  whole  of  the  Southi 
American  continent,  and  nothing  had  been  done  by  the  American; 
government  to  counteract  it.  In  all  the  ports,  on  the  east  side  of  the 
continent  in  particular,  little  was  to  be  expected  from  any  of  the 
local  authorities  ;  and  the  nation  was  totally  without  depots,  or  any 
provisions  whatever,  for  the  equipment  of  a  man-of-war,  out  of  its 
own  ports.  Even  those  that  existed  at  home,  were  imperfect,  on  a 
small  scale,  and  very  insufficient.  It  cannot  be  too  often  repeated, 
that  in  connexion  with  this  important  branch  of  the  public  service, 
as  in  most  others,  the  facts  of  the  country  had  been  permitted  to 
precede  its  opinion,  and  its  necessities  to  press  upon  its  meagre  and 
incomplete  preparations.  Captain  Porter  now  found  himself  far  from 

VOL.  II.  5 


78  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

home,  in  what  might  almost  be  termed  an  enemy's  sea,  and  without 
any  of  those  provisions  for  re-victualling,  repairing,  and  obtaining 
military  supplies,  that  are  as  indispensable  in  a  naval  as  in  a  military 
campaign.  In  other  words,  he  was  thrown  upon  his  own  resources. 
In  this  novel  situation,  he  determined  to  go  still  farther  from  home, 
to  double  Cape  Horn,  and,  by  making  a  dash  at  the  English  whalers 
in  the  Pacific,  to  live  upon  the  enemy.  The  possession  of  the  specie 
taken  in  the  Nocton,  and  the  knowledge  that  every  whaler  was  well 
found  in  naval  stores  and  provisions,  their  voyages  commonly  ex 
tending  to  more  than  three  years,  rendered  this  project  not  only 
practicable  but  expedient.  It  was  thought  that  England  had  no 
force  in  that  sea  to  protect  her  commerce,  with  the  exception  of  a 
single  ship  of  the  line,  which  it  was  understood  was  about  to  quit  it ; 
and  this  bold  scheme  was,  in  truth,  as  much  characterised  by  wis 
dom  and  prudence,  as  it  was  by  enterprise  and  spirit,  qualities  that 
equally  indicate  the  accomplished  officer.  The  season  was  late  for 
doubling  the  Horn,  it  is  true  ;  the  ship  was  even  then  deficient  in 
provisions  and  naval  stores,  but  as  Captain  Porter  has  since  explain 
ed  his  situation,  in  his  own  journal,  his  course  lay  between  the 
attempt,  "  capture,  a  blockade,  and  starvation." 

The  Essex  left  St.  Catherine's  on  the  26th  of  January,  1813,  and 
after  a  most  tempestuous  passage  round  the  Horn,  she  fell  in  with 
the  pleasant  southwest  breeze  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  on  the  5th  of 
March,  and  at  meridian  of  that  day  her  people  got  a  distant  view  of 
the  Andes.  On  the  5th,  she  anchored  at  the  island  of  Mocha.  Here 
some  hogs  and  horses  were  procured  for  the  crew,  and  it  is  worthy 
of  remark,  that  the  flesh  of  the  latter  was  generally  preferred  to  that 
of  the  former. 

The  Essex  was  now  fairly  in  the  Pacific,  though  she  had  not 
fallen  in  with  an  enemy  for  two  months.  There  was  but  one  chart 
of  the  ocean  in  the  ship,  and  that  was  very  small  and  imperfect ;  the 
provisions  were  getting  short,  and  the  vessel  was  much  in  want  of 
cordage.  Notwithstanding  these  necessities,  Captain  Porter  felt 
reluctant  to  let  his  arrival  be  known  until  he  had  made  a  few  cap 
tures,  hoping  to  supply  his  ship  from  his  prizes.  Anxious  to  obtain 
information  of  the  British  force,  by  the  same  means,  he  determined 
to  cruise  a  short  time  before  he  proceeded  to  Valparaiso.  An  ill 
fortune,  however,  continued  to  prevail,  and  for  many  days  the  ship 
was  enveloped  in  fogs.  She  continued  standing  along  shore,  to  the 
northward  ;  and  on  the  13th,  while  running  before  a  stiff  southerly 
breeze,  she  rounded  the  Point  of  Angels,  shot  into  full  view  of  the 
port  and  town  of  Valparaiso,  and  was  becalmed  under  the  guns  of  a 
battery. 

As  he  had  English  colours  flying,  Captain  Porter  came  to  a  con 
clusion  not  to  go  in,  for,  taking  a  survey  of  the  shipping  in  port,  and 
perceiving  several  Spaniards  ready  to  sail,  he  thought  it  prudent  to 
let  them  get  to  sea  before  the  arrival  of  an  American  cruiser  became 
known  in  the  place.  One  American  was  seen  lying  at  anchor ;  a 
deeply  laden  brig,  pierced  for  18  guns.  This  vessel  had  her  yards 
and  topmasts  struck,  arid  boarding  nettings  triced  up,  as  if  she  dis- 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  79 

trusted  her  security,  even  in  port.  The  ship's  head  was  consequently 
kept  to  the  northward,  and  the  breeze  striking  her  again,  she  ran  the 
town  out  of  sight  in  an  hour  or  two.  On  the  15th,  however,  the  ship 
returned,  made  the  Point  of  Angels  once  more,  went  in,  and 
anchored. 

To  the  astonishment  of  Captain  Porter,  he  now  ascertained  that 
Chili  had  declared  itself  independent  of  Spain,  and  his  reception  was 
as  favourable  as  he  could  have  desired.  He  also  learned  that  the 
Viceroy  of  Peru  had  sent  out  cruisers  against  American  shipping, 
and  that  his  appearance  in  the  Pacific  was  of  the  greatest  importance 
to  the  American  trade,  which  lay  at  the  mercy  of  the  English  letters 
of  marque,  and  of  these  Peruvian  corsairs.  This  was  cheering  intel 
ligence,  after  the  fatigues  and  disappointments  of  a  cruise  of  so  many 
months. 

For  more  than  a  week  the  Essex  was  employed  in  victualling,  and 
during  this  time  an  American  whaler  came  in  from  the  islands. 
According  to  the  accounts  of  the  master  of  this  vessel,  the  American 
whalers,  which  had  left  home  during  a  time  of  peace,  lay  entirely  at 
the  mercy  of  those  of  the  enemy,  several  of  which  had  sailed  as  reg 
ular  letters  of  marque,  and  all  of  which  were  more  or  less  armed. 
Many  of  the  American  vessels,  as  they  often  kept  the  sea  six  months 
at  a  time,  were  probably  still  ignorant  of  the  war  ;  and  it  was  known 
that  one  of  them,  at  least,  had  already  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
English.  As  soon  as  imperfectly  victualled,  the  ship  went  to  sea,  to 
profit  by  this  intelligence. 

On  the  25th,  the  Essex  fell  in  with  the  American  whale  ship 
Charles,  and  learned  that  two  other  vessels,  the  Walker  and  Barclay, 
had  been  captured,  a  few  days  previously,  off  Coquimbo,  by  a  Peru 
vian,  with  an  English  ship  in  company.  Sail  was  made,  in  conse 
quence,  in  the  direction  of  Coquimbo,  and,  a  few  hours  later,  a 
stranger  was  seen  to  the  northward.  This  vessel  was  soon  ascer 
tained  to  be  a  cruising  ship,  disguised  as  a  whaler.  She  showed 
Spanish  colours,  when  the  Essex  set  an  English  ensign,  fired  a  gun 
to  leeward,  and  the  Charles  which  remained  in  company,  hoisted 
the  American  flag,  beneath  an  English  jack.  The  Spaniard  now 
ran  down,  and,  when  about  a  mile  distant,  he  fired  a  shot  ahead  of 
the  Essex,  which  that  ship  answered  by  throwing  a  few  shot  over  him, 
to  bring  him  nearer.  When  close  enough,  the  Spanish  ship  sent  an 
armed  boat  to  board  the  Essex,  and  it  was  directed  to  go  back  with 
an  order  for  the  cruiser  to  run  under  the  frigate's  lee,  and  to  send  an 
officer  to  apologise  for  the  shots  he  had  fired  at  an  English  man-of- 
war.  This  command  was  complied  with,  and  the  ship  was  ascer 
tained  to  be  the  Peruvian  privateer  Nerey da,  armed  with  15  guns, 
and  with  a  full  crew.  The  lieutenant,  who  now  came  on  board, 
informed  Captain  Porter  that  they  were  cruising  for  Americans ; 
that  they  had  already  taken  the  Walker  and  Barclay  ;  that  the  Eng 
lish  letter  of  marque  Nimrod  had  driven  their  prize-crew  from  on 
board  the  Walker ;  that  they  were  then  cruising  expressly  to  look  for 
the  Nimrod,  with  the  intention  of  obtaining  redress ;  and  that  they 
had  mistaken  the  Essex  for  the  latter  ship.  It  would  seem  that  the 


80  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

Peruvians  cruised  against  the  Americans,  under  the  impression  thai 
Spain,  then  so  dependent  on  England  for  her  existence,  would 
declare  war  speedily  against  the  United  States,  in  consequence  of 
the  war  declared  by  the  latter  against  the  King  of  Great  Britain, 
which  might  legalise  their  captures. 

An  interview  with  the  master  of  the  Walker  satisfied  Captain  Por 
ter  that  the  captured  ships  had  been  illegally  seized ;  and  hoisting 
American  colours,  he  fired  two  shots  over  the  Nereyda,  when  that 
vessel  struck.  Her  crew  were  all  sent  on  board  the  Essex,  and  the 
three  ships  stood  in-shore  to  look  into  Coquimbo,  in  the  hope  of  find 
ing  the  Nimrod  and  the  prizes,  but  without  success.  The  next 
morning,  the  entire  armament  of  the  Nereyda,  with  all  her  ammuni 
tion,  shot,  small  arms,  and  light  sails,  were  thrown  overboard,  and 
she  was  otherwise  put  in  a  condition  to  do  no  harm,  when  she  was 
released.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  guns  of  this  vessel  were 
of  iron,  while  her  shot  of  all  descriptions  were  of  copper;  the  abun 
dance  of  the  latter  in  that  part  of  the  world,  rendering  it  cheaper 
than  the  metal  usually  employed  for  such  purposes. 

From  the  master  and  crew  of  the  Barclay,  Captain  Porter  obtained 
a  list  of  such  of  the  whaling  vessels  as  they  knew  to  be  in  the  Pacific 
It  contained  the  names  of  twenty -three  Americans,  and  often  Eng 
lish  ships.  The  former  was  probably  the  most  correct,  as  his 
informants  added  that  quite  twenty  Englishmen  were  thought  to  be 
in  that  sea.  The  latter  were,  in  general,  fine  vessels  of  near  400 
tons  burthen,  and,  as  has  been  said  already,  they  were  all  more  or 
less  armed. 

Captain  Porter  had  now  a  double  object ;  to  protect  his  country 
men  and  to  capture  the  enemy.  The  latter  were  known  to  resort  to 
the  Gallipagos,  but  he  hesitated  about  striking  a  blow  in  that  quarter, 
until  he  could  be  assured  that  the  Standard  64,  had  left  Lima  for 
England  ;  and,  as  he  thought  the  prizes  of  the  Nimrod  and  Nereyda 
would  endeavour  to  go  into  that  port,  he  determined  to  make  the 
best  of  his  way  thither,  in  order  to  cut  them  off,  as  well  as  to  recon 
noitre. 

On  the  28th  of  April,  the  ship  was  up  with  the  island  of  San  Gal- 
Ian,  when  she  hauled  off  to  the  northward  and  westward,  with  a  view 
to  cross  the  track  of  inward-bound  vessels.  The  next  day,  three  sai1 
were  made,  standing  for  Callao.  Every  thing  was  set  to  cut  the 
strangers  off,  particularly  the  one  nearest  in,  who  had  the  appearance 
of  the  Barclay.  The  chase,  however,  would  have  escaped,  had  she 
not  been  becalmed  when  she  doubled  the  point  of  San  Lorenzo.  At 
this  moment  the  frigate  was  near  a  league  distant,  but,  fortunately, 
she  kept  the  breeze  until  she  had  got  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the 
enemy,  when  she  lowered  her  boats,  and  took  possession.  The 
prize  proved  to  be  the  Barclay,  as  had  been  expected.  There  was 
now  a  good  opportunity  of  looking  into  the  harbour,  and  finding  that 
nothing  had  arrived  from  Valparaiso  to  disclose  his  presence  in  the 
Pacific,  Captain  Porter  showed  English  colours,  while  the  Barclay 
hoisted  the  American  under  the  enemy's  ensign.  In  this  manner 
both  vessels  went  into  the  offing,  where  the  Barclay  was  given  up  to 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  81 

her  proper  officers,  though  most  of  her  crew  having  entered  in  the 
Essex,  and  declining  to  rejoin  the  ship,  her  master  preferred  keep 
ing  in  company  with  the  frigate,  offering  to  act  as  a  pilot  in  searching 
for  the  enemy.  With  this  understanding,  the  two  vessels  stretched 
off  the  coast,  to  the  northward  and  westward. 

From  the  end  of  March  until  the  middle  of  April,  the  Essex,  with 
the  Barclay  in  company,  was  standing  across  from  the  main  towards 
the  islands,  and  on  the  17th,  she  made  Chatham  Island  ;  but  no  ship 
was  found  there.  From  this  place  the  frigate  went  to  Charles's  Island, 
where  she  had  the  same  want  of  success.  At  the  latter  island,  how 
ever,  was  a  box  called  "  the  post-office,"  in  which  the  masters  of  the 
whalers  were  accustomed  to  leave  written  accounts  of  their  luck  and 
movements,  and  much  information  was  obtained  from  them,  con 
cerning  the  different  ships  in  the  Pacific. 

The  Essex  continued  passing  from  island  to  island,  without  meet 
ing  with  any  thing,  until  her  crew  was  aroused  by  the  cheering  cry 
of  "  sail  ho  !"  on  the  morning  of  the  29th.  A  ship  was  made  to  the 
westward,  and,  soon  after,  two  more  a  little  further  south.  Chase 
was  given  to  the  first  vessel,  which  was  spoke  under  English  colours, 
about  9  A.  M.  She  proved  to  be  the  British  whale-ship  Montezuma, 
with  1400  barrels  of  oil  on  board.  Throwing  a  crew  into  the  prize, 
the  Essex  next  made  sail  after  the  two  other  ships,  which  had  taken 
the  alarm,  and  endeavoured  to  escape.  At  11  A.  M.,  when  the  frigate 
was  about  eight  miles  from  the  two  strangers,  it  fell  calm,  and  the 
boats  were  hoisted  out  and  sent  against  the  enemy,  under  Mr. 
Downes,  the  first  lieutenant.  About  2  P.  M.  the  party  got  within  a 
mile  of  the  nearest  ship,  when  the  two  strangers,  who  were  a  quarter 
of  a  mile  apart,  hoisted  English  colours,  and  fired  several  guns. 
The  boats  now  formed,  and  pulled  for  the  largest  ship,  which  kept 
training  her  guns  on  them  as  they  approached,  but  struck  without 
firing  a  shot,  just  as  the  boarders  were  closing.  The  second  vessel 
imitated  her  example,  when  attacked  in  the  same  manner.* 

The  prizes  were  the  Georgian  a  and  the  Policy,  both  whalers  ;  and 
the  three  ships,  together,  furnished  the  Essex  with  many  important 
supplies.  They  had  bread,  beef,  pork,  cordage,  water,  and  among 
other  useful  things,  a  great  number  of  Gallipagos  tortoises. 

The  Georgiana  had  been  built  for  the  service  of  the  English  East 
India  Company,  and  having  the  reputation  of  being  a  fast  vessel, 
Captain  Porter  determined  to  equip  her  as  a  cruiser,  with  the  double 
purpose  of  having  an  assistant  in  looking  for  the  enemy,  and  of  pos 
sessing  a  consort  to  receive  his  own  crew  in  the  event  of  any  acci 
dent's  occurring  to  the  Essex.  This  ship  was  pierced  for  18  guns, 
and  had  6  mounted  when  taken.  The  Policy  was  also  pierced  for 
the  same  number,  and  had  10  guns  mounted.  The  latter  were  now 
added  to  the  armament  of  the  Georgiana,  which  gave  her  16  light 
guns.  All  the  small  arms  were  collected  from  the  prizes  and  put  in 

"The  reader  may  get  an  idea  of  a  seaman's  life,  in  these  little  incidents.  In  1802,  we 
have  seen  Captain  Porter,  as  a  lieutenant,  going  in  boats,  with  Mr.  Downes,  then  a  mid 
shipman,  as  an  assistant,  against  Turks  in  the  Mediterranean  ;  and  here  we  find  the  first, 
as  a  captain,  directing  the  movements  of  the  second,  his  first  lieutenant,  ten  years  later, 
in  the  Pacific,  against  Englishmen. 


82  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

her,  her  try-works  were  taken  down,  and  other  alterations  made, 
when  Mr.  Downes  was  placed  in  command,  with  a  crew  of  41  men. 
I3y  this  arrangement,  it  was  believed  that  the  Georgiana  would  be 
fully  able  to  capture  any  of  the  English  letters  of  marque,  known  to 
be  cruising  among  the  islands.  In  consequence  of  these  changes, 
and  the  manning  the  two  other  prizes,  notwithstanding  several  enlist 
ments,  the  crew  of  the  Essex  was  reduced  to  264  souls,  officers 
included.  On  the  8th  of  May,  the  Georgiana  16,  Lieutenant  Com 
mandant  Downes,  hoisted  the  American  pennant,  and  fired  a  salute 
of  17  guns. 

It  being  uncommonly  fine  weather,  Captain  Porter  seized  the 
opportunity  of  repairing  his  own  ship,  by  means  of  the  stores  ob 
tained  from  the  enemy.  The  rigging  was  overhauled  and  tarred 
down,  many  new  spars  were  fitted,  and  the  ship  was  painted  in  the 
middle  of  the  Pacific,  the  enemy  furnishing  the  means. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Cruise  of  the  Essex  and  Georgiana — Captures  of  the  British  whalers  Atlantic  and  Green 
wich  by  the  Essex — Capture  of  the  British  whale  ships  Catherine  and  Rose  by  the 
Georgiana — Sharp  combat  with  and  capture  of  the  Hector  by  the  same — The  Georgi 
ana  is  despatched  for  America,  with  oil — Lieut.  Downes  and  crew  transferred  to  the 
prize  ship  Atlantic,  (Essex  Junior) — The  Essex  captures  the  English  whalers  Chad- 
ton,  Seringapatam  and  New  Zealander — The  prisoners  of  the  Essex  are  sent  in  the 
Charlton  to  Rio  Janeiro,  on  parole — The  Rose  is  given  up  to  the  prisoners  of  the  Geor 
giana,  and  sent  to  St.  Helena — The  ship  Sir  Andrew  Hammond  taken  by  the  Essex 
— Capt.  Porter  proceeds  to  the  Marquesas  to  refit. 

A  FEW  trials,  as  soon  as  the  ships  made  sail,  proved  that  the  Geor 
giana  could  not  hold  way  with  the  Essex,  and  that  her  reputation,  as 
a  fast  vessel,  was  unmerited.  Still,  as  she  had  been  relieved  from 
much  of  her  lumber,  she  outsailed  the  other  ships,  and  hopes  were 
entertained  of  lier  being  made  useful.  Accordingly,  on  the  12th, 
she  parted  company,  with  orders  to  cruise  against  the  enemy,  and  to 
rendezvous  at  different  places  on  the  coast,  as  well  as  at  various 
islands,  in  a  regular  succession  as  to  time.  The  separation  was  not 
long,  however,  the  Georgiana  looking  into  Charles's  Island,  in  quest 
of  English  vessels,  at  a  moment  when  the  Essex  happened  to  be 
there  on  the  same  errand. 

The  Georgiana  was  now  sent  to  Albemarle  Island,  Captain  Por 
ter  having  reason  to  suppose  that  a  particular  ship  of  the  enerny  was 
in  that  quarter.  The  chaplain,  having  been  allowed  to  make  a  short 
scientific  excursion  in  boats,  fell  in  with  a  strange  sail  on  returning, 
and  the  Essex  immediately  went  to  sea  in  quest  of  her.  But  a  cruise 
of  several  days  was  fruitless  ;  and  the  ship  continued  passing  among 
the  islands,  in  the  hope  of  falling  in  with  something.  An  attempt  to 
get  across  to  the  continent  was  defeated  by  the  lightness  of  the  winds 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  83 

and  the  strength  of  the  westerly  currents  ;  and  on  the  25th  of  May, 
the  Essex  was  still  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Charles's  Island. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  28th,  however,  a  sail  was  made  ahead,  and 
a  general  chase  was  given, the  Policy,  Monte/Aim  a,  and  Barclay  being 
all  in  company.  At  sunset,  the  stranger  was  visible  from  the  frigate's 
deck.  By  distributing  the  vessels  in  a  proper  manner,  the  chase 
was  in  sight  next  morning ;  and  after  a  good  deal  of  mano3uvring, 
the  Essex  got  alongside  of  her,  and  captured  the  British  whaler  At 
lantic,  of  355  tons,  24  men,  and  8  eighteen-pound  carronades.  This 
ship,  however,  was  pierced  for  20  guns. 

Another  strange  sail  had  been  made  while  in  chase  of  the  Atlantic, 
and  she  was  pursued  and  overtaken  in  the  course  of  the  night.  This 
ship  was  the  Greenwich,  of  338  tons,  10  guns,  and  25  men.  Both 
the  Atlantic  and  Greenwich  had  letters  of  marque,  and  being  fast 
ships,  were  extremely  dangerous  to  the  American  trade  in  the  Pacific. 
When  the  Essex  took  these  vessels,  every  officer  but  the  captain,  the 
chaplain,  captain's  clerk,  and  boat-swain,  were  out  of  her,  either  in 
boats,  or  in  prizes  ;  the  first  having  been  lowered  in  a  calm  to  chase, 
and  left  to  be  picked  up  by  the  Montezuma,  when  a  breeze  struck 
the  frigate. 

As  Captain  Porter  had  now  four  large  prizes  in  company,  besides 
the  Georgiana  and  the  Barclay,  it  became  necessary  to  put  even  the 
marine  officer,  Lieutenant  Gamble,  in  charge  of  one  of  them,  when 
he  shaped  his  course  for  Tumbez,  on  the  continent,  where  he  an 
chored  on  the  19th  of  June.  Here  the  ships  remained  until  the 
morning  of  the  24th,  when  three  sail  were  discovered  standing  into 
the  bay.  As  soon  as  they  had  got  within  two  leagues,  the  leading 
vessel  hove  to  and  sent  in  a  boat,  on  board  of  which  was  Mr.Downes. 
By  this  arrival  an  account  of  the  movements  of  the  Georgiana  was 
obtained. 

While  cruising  near  James's  Island,  Mr.  Downes  had  captured 
the  British  whale  ships  the  Catherine,  of  270  tons,  8  guns,  and  29 
men,  and  the  Rose,  of  220  tons,  8  guns,  and  21  men.  These  two 
vessels  were  taken  writh  no  resistance,  their  masters  having  come  on 
board  the  Georgiana,  without  suspecting  her  character.  After  man 
ning  his  prizes,  Mr.  Downes  had  but  20  men  and  boys  left  in  the 
Georgiana,  when  he  chased  and  closed  with  a  third  whaler,  called 
the  Hector,  a  ship  of  270  tons,  25  men,  and  11  guns,  though  pierced 
for  20.  At  this  time,  Mr.  Downes  had  also  50  prisoners,  most  of 
whom  he  was  compelled  to  put  in  irons,  before  he  brought  the  Hec 
tor  to  action.*  When  within  hail,  the  latter  ship  was  ordered  to 
haul  down  her  colours,  but  refused,  and  the  Georgiana  opened  a  fire 
upon  her.  A  sharp  combat  followed,  when  the  Hector  struck,  with 
the  loss  of  her  main-topmast,  having  had  most  of  her  standing  and 

*It  is  a  curious  fact,  illustrative  of  the  strong  identity  which  exists  on  certain  points, 
Between  the  feelings  of  English  and  American  seamen,  that  when  the  Georgiana  went 
alongside  of  the  Hector,  in  the  night,  it  was  under  the  impression  the  latter  was  a  Spanish 
cruiser,  out  of  Lima,  and  the  prisoners,  to  a  man,  volunteered  to  help  flog  her  !  Their 
services  were  declined,  of  course,  but  the  offer  appears  to  have  been  made  in  perfect 
good  faith. 


84  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

running-rigging  shot  away.  She  had  also  two  men  killed,  and  six 
wounded. 

After  manning  the  Hector,  Mr.  Downes  had  but  10  men  left  in  the 
Georgiana ;  and,  including  the  wounded,  he  had  73  prisoners.  The 
Rose  being  a  dull  ship,  he  threw  overboard  her  guns,  and  most  of 
her  cargo,  and  parolling  his  prisoners,  he  gave  her  up  to  them,  on 
condition  that  they  should  sail  direct  for  St.  Helena.  As  soon  as 
this  arrangement  was  made,  he  made  sail  for  Tumbez,  to  join  the 
Essex. 

The  little  fleet  now  amounted  to  nine  sail,  and  there  was  an  oppor 
tunity  to  make  new  arrangements.  The  Atlantic  being  nearly  100 
tons  larger  than  the  Georgiana,  as  well  as  a  much  faster  ship,  besides 
possessing,  in  a  greater  degree,  every  material  quality  for  a  cruiser, 
Mr.  Downes  and  his  crew  were  transferred  to  her.  Twenty  guns 
were  mounted  in  this  new  sloop  of  war ;  she  was  named  the  Essex 
Junior,  and  manned  with  60  men.  The  Greenwich  was  also  con 
verted  into  a  store-ship,  and  all  the  spare  stores  of  the  other  vessels 
were  sent  on  board  her.  She  was  also  armed  with  20  guns,  though 
her  crew  was  merely  strong  enough  to  work  her. 

On  the  30th,  the  fleet  sailed,  the  Essex  and  Essex  Junior  keeping 
in  company,  with  all  the  carpenters  at  work  at  the  latter.  On  the 
4th  of  July,  a  general  salute  was  fired,  principally  with  the  guns  and 
ammunition  of  the  enemy.  On  the  9th,  the  Essex  Junior  parted 
company,  bound  to  Valparaiso,  with  the  Hector,  Catherine,  Policy, 
and  Montezuma,  prizes,  and  the  Barclay,  recaptured  ship,  under 
convoy.  t 

As  soon  as  out  of  sight  of  the  other  ships,  the  Essex,  Greenwich, 
and  Georgiana  steered  to  the  westward,  with  an  intention  of  going 
among  the  Gallipagos.  On  the  13th,  three  sail  were  made  off  Banks' 
Bay,  all  on  a  wind,  and  a  good  deal  separated.  The  Essex  gave 
chase  to  the  one  in  the  centre,  which  led  her  down  to  leeward,  leav 
ing  the  Greenwich  and  Georgiana  a  long  distance  astern  and  to  wind 
ward.  While  the  frigate  was  thus  separated  from  her  prizes,  one  of 
the  strangers  tacked,  and  endeavoured  to  cut  the  latter  off,  but  the 
Greenwich  hove-to,  got  a  portion  of  the  people  out  of  the  Georgiana, 
and  bore  down  boldly  on  her  adversary  ;  while  the  Essex  continued 
after  the  vessel  she  was  chasing,  which  she  soon  captured.  The 
ship  was  the  English  whaler  Charlton,  of  274  tons,  10  guns,  and  21 
men.  Throwing  a  crew  into  her,  the  frigate  immediately  hauled 
her  wind. 

It  was  now  ascertained  from  the  prisoners,  that  the  largest  of  the 
strange  ships  was  the  Seringapatam,  of  357  tons,  14  guns,  and  near 
40  men  ;  and  the  smallest,  the  New  Zealander,  of  259  tons,  8  guns, 
and  23  men.  The  Seringapatam  had  been  built  for  a  cruiser,  and 
she  was  probably  the  most  dangerous  vessel  to  the  American  trade 
to  the  westward  of  Cape  Horn.  Captain  Porter  felt  a  corresponding 
desire  to  get  possession  of  her,  and  was  much  gratified  with  the  bold 
manner  in  which  the  Greenwich  had  borne  down  on  her.  This  ship 
was  under  the  command  of  a  very  young  officer,  but  he  had  the  ad 
vice  of  one  of  the  sea-lieutenants,  who  was  under  suspension,  and 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  85 

who  behaved  with  great  gallantry  and  spirit  on  this  occasion.  Clos 
ing  with  the  Seringapatam,  the  Essex  being  a  long  distance  to  lee 
ward,  the  Greenwich  brought  her  to  action,  and  after  a  few  broad- 
aides,  the  English  ship  struck.  Soon  after,  however,  and  before 
possession  could  be  taken,  she  made  an  attempt  to  escape  by  passing 
to  windward,  in  which  she  was  frustrated  by  the  perseverance  of  the 
Greenwich,  which  vessel  kept  close  on  the  enemy's  quarter,  main 
taining  a  spirited  fire,  for  the  number  of  men  on  board.  As  the 
Essex  was  coming  up  fast,  the  Seringapatam  finally  gave  up  the 
attempt,  and  running  down  to  the  frigate,  again  submitted. 

In  this  affair,  as  in  that  of  the  boats,  and  in  the  capture  of  the 
Hector  by  the  Georgiana,  the  officers  and  men  engaged  merited  high 
encomiums  for  their  intrepidity  and  coolness.  The  Greenwich, 
after  obtaining  the  hands  from  the  Georgiana,  did  not  probably  muster 
five-and-twenty  men  at  quarters,  and  the  Seringapatam  was  much 
the  better  ship.  The  New  Zealander  was  taken  without  any 
difficulty. 

The  Seringapatam  had  made  one  prize,  her  master  having  turned 
his  attention  more  to  cruising  than  to  whaling.  On  inquiry,  not 
withstanding,  it  was  found  that  he  had  adopted  this  course  in  antici 
pation  of  a  commission,  having  actually  sailed  without  one.  When 
this  fact  was  ascertained,  Captain  Porter  putthe  master  in  irons,  and 
he  subsequently  sent  him  to  America  to  be  tried.  Finding  himself 
embarrassed  with  his  prisoners,  Captain  Porter  gave  them  up  the 
Charlton,  and  suffered  them  to  proceed  to  Rio  de  Janeiro,  under 
their  parole.  He  then  took  the  guns  out  of  the  New  Zealander,  and 
mounted  them  in  the  Seringapatam,  by  which  means  he  gave  the 
latter  ship  an  armament  of  22  guns,  though,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Greenwich,  her  people  were  barely  sufficient  to  work  her. 

On  the  25th  of  July,  the  Georgiana  was  despatched  to  the  United 
States,  with  a  full  cargo  of  oil.  In  making  up  a  crew  for  her,  an 
opportunity  was  found  of  sounding  the  feeling  of  the  men  whose  times 
were  nearly  expired,  and  it  was  ascertained  that  few  wished  to  profit 
by  the  circcrnstan'ce.  As  soon  as  the  vessels  separated,  the  Essex, 
with  the  Greenwich,  Seringapatam,  and  New  Zealander  in  com 
pany,  shaped  her  course  for  Albemarle  Island.  On  the  morning  of 
the  28th,  another  strange  sail  was  discovered  ;  but  as  she  had  a  fresh 
breeze,  and  the  frigate  was  becalmed,  she  was  soon  out  of  sight. 
When  the  wind  came,  however,  the  Essex  ran  in  a  direction  to  inter 
cept  the  stranger ;  and  the  next  morning  he  was  again  seen,  from 
the  mast-head,  standing  across  the  Essex's  bows,  on  a  bowline.  As 
the  wind  was  light,  recourse  was  now  had  to  the  drags,*  and  the  ship 
got  within  four  miles  of  the  chase,  which  was  evidently  an  enemy's 
whaler.  The  stranger  becoming  alarmed,  got  his  boats  ahead  to  tow, 
when  Captain  Porter  sent  a  gi^  and  whale-boat,  with  a  few  good 

"These  drags  were  an  invention  of  Captain  Porter's,  and  were  often  used  during  the 
cruise.  A  triangulat  ranvaes  paddle,  that  had  weights  on  one  side,  was  connected  with 
the  spritsail-yard  and  an  out-rigger  aft.  When  hauled  upon  aft,  it  forced  the  ship  ahead, 
*nd  atricing  line  drew  it  forward  again  on  the  surface  of  the  water,  in  the  manner  of  a 
log-chip.  The  Essex  could  be  urged  through  the  water  two  knots  by  this  process, 
though  it  was  found  to  be  excessively  laborious. 


86  NAVAL  HISTORY  [1813. 

marksmen  in  them,  under  Acting  Lieutenant  M'Knight,  with  orders 
to  take  a  position  ahead  of  the  chase,  and  to  drive  in  her  boats,  but 
on  no  account  to  attempt  to  board.  This  duty  was  handsomely  exe 
cuted,  though  the  boats  had  great  difficulty  in  maintaining  their 
position  within  musket-shot,  as  the  enemy  got  two  guns  on  the  fore 
castle,  and  kept  up  a  warm  discharge  of  grape. 

At  4  P.  M.,  the  ships  were  little  more  than  a  league  apart,  perfectly 
becalmed-,  and  Captain  Porter  ordered  the  boats  into  the  water,  to 
carry  the  stranger  by  boarding.  As  the  party  drew  near,  the  enemy 
commenced  firing,  but,  intimidated  by  their  steady  and  orderly  ap 
proach,  he  soon  lowered  his  ensign.  The  boats  were  about  to  take 
possession,  when  a  breeze  from  the  eastward  suddenly  striking  the 
English  ship,  she  hauled  up  close  on  a  wind,  hoisted  her  colours 
again,  fired  at  the  gig  and  whale-boat  as  she  passed  quite  near  them, 
and  went  off,  at  a  rapid  rate,  to  the  northward.  The  party  attempted 
to  follow,  but  it  was  sunset  before  the  Essex  got  the  wind,  and, 
disliking  to  leave  her  boats  out  in  the  darkness,  she  was  compelled 
to  heave  to,  at  9,  in  order  to  hoist  them  in.  The  next  morning  the 
chase  was  out  of  sight. 

This  was  the  first  instance,  since  her  arrival  in  the  Pacific,  in 
which  the  Essex  had  failed  in  getting  alongside  of  a  chase  that  she 
did  not  voluntarily  abandon.  It  produced  much  mortification, 
though  the  escape  of  the  enemy  was  owing  to  one  of  those  occur 
rences,  so  common  in  summer,  that  leave  one  ship  without  a  breath 
of  air,  while  another,  quite  near  her,  has  a  good  breeze. 

On  the  4th  of  August,  the  ships  went  into  James's  Island  and 
anchored.  Here  Captain  Porter  made  the  important  discovery  that 
a  large  portion  of  his  powder  had  been  damaged  in  doubling  Cape 
Horn.  Fortunately,  the  Seringapatam  could  supply  the  deficiency, 
though,  in  doing  so,  that  ship  was  rendered  nearly  defenceless.  On 
the  22d  of  August,  all  the  vessels  proceeded  to  Banks'  Bay,  where 
the  prizes  were  moored,  and  the  Essex  sailed  on  a  short  cruise,  alone, 
on  the  24th. 

After  passing  among  the  islands,  without  meeting  any  thing,  a  sail 
was  discovered  on  the  morning  of  the  15th  of  September,  apparently 
lying  to,  a  long  distance  to  the  southward  and  to  windward.  The 
Essex  was  immediately  disguised,  by  sending  down  some  of  the  light 
yards,  and  the  ship  kept  turning  to  windward,  under  easy  sail.  At 
meridian,  the  vessels  were  so  near  each  other,  that  the  stranger  was 
ascertained  to  be  a  whaler,  in  the  act  of  cutting  in.  He  was  evi 
dently  drifting  down  fast  on  the  frigate.  At  1  P.  M.  when  the  ships 
were.about  four  miles  apart,  the  stranger  cast  off  from  the  whales, 
and  made  all  sail  to  windward.  As  it  was  now  evident  that  he  had 
taken  the  alarm,  the  Essex  threw  aside  all  attempts  at  disguise,  and 
pursued  him,  under  every  thing  that  would  draw.  By  4  P.  M.  the 
frigate  had  the  stranger  within  reach  of  her  guns,  and  a  few  shot  well 
thrown,  brought  him  down  under  her  lee.  This  ship  was  the  Sir 
Andrew  Hammond,  of  301  tons,  12  guns,  and  31  men  ;  and  she 
proved  to  be  the  vessel  that  had  escaped,  in  the  manner  previously 
related.  Fortunately,  the  prize  had  a  large  supply  of  excellent  beef, 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  87 

pork,  bread,  wood,  and  water,  and  the  Essex  got  out  of  her  an  am 
ple  stock  of  those  great  necessaries.  On  returning  to  Banks' Bay 
with  her  prize,  the  ship  shortly  after  was  joined  by  the  Essex  Junior, 
on  her  return  from  Valparaiso.  By  this  arrival,  Captain  Porter  dis 
covered  that  several  enemy's  vessels  of  force  had  sailed  in  pursuit  of 
him  ;  and  having  by  this  time  captured  nearly  all  the  English  whalers 
of  which  he  could  obtain  intelligence,  he  determined  to  proceed  to 
the  Marquesas,  in  order  to  refit,  and  to  make  his  preparations  for 
returning  to  America.  He  was  urged  to  adopt  this  resolution,  also, 
by  understanding  from  Mr.  Dowries,  that  the  government  of  Chili  no 
longer  preserved  the  appearance  of  amity  towards  the  United  States, 
but  was  getting  to  be  English  in  its  predilections. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

Capt.  Porter,  with  his  ships,  puts  in  at  Nooaheevah  to  overhaul — Brief  notice  of  the  Essex 
and  her  service — The  New  Zealander,  with  oil  despatched  for  America — Fort  built  at 
Nooaheevah  and  Lieut.  Gamble  put  in  command — The  Essex  and  Essex  Junior  .de 
part  for  the  coast  of  South  America — Arrival  of  the  British  ships  Phoebe  and  Cherub, 
while  anchored  at  Valparaiso — Putting  out  to  sea,  the  Essex  is  struck  by  a  squall — 
She  regains  the  port — Attack  on  the  Essex  by  the  Phcebe  and  Cherub — Surrender  of 
the  Essex—The  Essex  Junior  proceeds  to  America  as  a  cartel—Fate  of  the  party  left 
at  Nooaheevah. 

ON  the  23d  of  October,  the  group  of  the  Marquesas  was  made 
from  the  mast-head  of  the  Essex,  and  after  passing  among  the  islands 
for  a  few  days,  Captain  Porter  took  his  ships  into  a  fine  bay  of 
Nooaheevah,  where  he  anchored.  Here  he  was  soon  after  joined  by 
the  Essex  Junior,  which  vessel  had  parted  company  to  cruise,  when 
he  believed  himself  sufficiently  secure,  to  commence  a  regular  over 
hauling  of  the  different  ships. 

The  situation  of  the  Essex  was  sufficiently  remarkable,  at  this  mo 
ment,  to  merit  a  brief  notice.  She  had  been  the  first  American  to 
carry  the  pennant  of  a  man-of-war  round  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
and  now  she  had  been  the  first  to  bring  it  into  this  distant  ocean. 
More  than  ten  thousand  miles  from  home,  without  colonies,  stations, 
or  even  a  really  friendly  port  to  repair  to,  short  of  stores,  without  a 
consort,  and  otherwise  in  possession  of  none  of  the  required  means  of 
subsistence  and  efficiency,  she  had  boldly  steered  into  this  distant 
region,  where  she  had  found  all  that  she  required,  through  her  own 
activity  ;  and  having  swept  the  seas  of  her  enemies,  she  had  now 
retired  to  these  little-frequented  islands  to  refit,  with  the  security  of 
a  ship  at  home.  It  is  due  to  the  officer,  who  so  promptly  adopted, 
and  so  successfully  executed  this  plan,  to  add,  that  his  enterprise, 
self-reliance  and  skill,  indicated  a  man  of  bold  and  masculine  con 
ception,  of  great  resources,  and  of  a  high  degree  of  moral  courage ; 
qualities  that  are  indispensable  in  forming  a  naval  captain. 


88  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

In  the  way  of  service  to  the  public,  perhaps  the  greatest  performed 
by  the  Essex  was  in  protecting  the  American  ships  in  the  Pacific, 
nearly  all  of  which  would  probably  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  but  for  her  appearance  in  that  ocean.  But  the  positive  injury 
done  the  English  commerce  was  far  from  trifling.  The  Essex  had 
now  captured  about  4000  tons  of  its  shipping,  made  near  400  prison 
ers,  and  for  the  moment  had  literally  destroyed  its  fisheries  in  this 
part  of  the  world.  In  October,  1812,  she  had  sailed  from  America 
alone,  with  six  months'  provisions  and  the  usual  stores  in  her  ;  and 
in  October,  1813,  she  was  lying,  in  perfect  security,  at  an  island  of 
the  Pacific,  with  a  respectable  consort,  surrounded  by  prizes,  and  in 
possession  of  all  the  means  that  were  necessary  to  render  a  frigate 
of  her  class  efficient.  Throughout  the  whole  of  these  movements, 
we  see  a  constant  tendency  to  distress  the  enemy,  and  to  maintain 
the  character  of  the  ship  as  an  active,  well  organized,  and  high-toned 
man-of-war. 

It  is  an  incident  worthy  of  being  mentioned  in  the  history  of  this 
unusual  cruise,  that  when  the  Essex  stood  into  the  land,  in  first  ap 
proaching  the  Marquesas,  a  boat  came  off  with  three  white  men  in 
her,  one  of  whom  proved  to  be  Mr.  John  Maury,  a  midshipman  of 
the  navy,  who  had  been  left  by  the  master  of  an  American  trader, 
himself  a  lieutenant  in  the  service,  to  gather  sandal-wood  while  the 
ship  was  gone  to  China.  As  it  was  supposed  the  war  would  pre 
vent  the  return  of  his  ship,  Mr.  Maury  and  his  party  were  received 
on  board  the  frigate.* 

The  island  of  Nooaheevah,  on  which  Captain  Porter  landed  his 
stores,  was  intersected  by  valleys,  and  different  tribes  possessed  them, 
forming  distinct  communities,  which  not  unfrequently  waged  war  on 
each  other,  converting  this  little  and  retired  fragment  of  the  earth 
into  an  epitome  of  the  passions  and  struggles  of  the  world  beyond  it. 
In  consequence  of  his  intimate  connexion  with  the  inhabitants  of  the 
valley  in  which  he  was  accidentally  thrown,  Captain  Porter  was 
compelled  to  join  in  these  hostilities,  the  assailants  of  his  allies  be 
ginning  to  treat  him  as  an  enemy.  After  some  fruitless  negotiating, 
a  party  was  sent  against  the  hostile  tribe,  and  several  conflicts 
occurred,  in  which  the  armed  seamen  and  marines  prevailed,  as  a 
matter  of  course,  though  not  without  a  sharp  resistance.  This  suc 
cess  quieted  the  island  ;  and  during  the  remainder  of  his  stay  Cap 
tain  Porter  appears  to  have  been  unmolested. 

It  has  been  seen,  that  the  Essex  reached  the  Marquesas  at  the  close 
of  October,  and  in  the  early  part  of  December  she  was  again  ready 
for  sea.  In  the  course  of  November,  the  New  Zealander  was  filled 
with  oil,  from  the  other  prizes,  and  despatched  for  America,  under 
the  charge  of  a  master's  mate.f  Shortly  after,  a  fort  was  construct 
ed  on  a  small  conical  hill,  near  the  water,  when  the  Seringapatam, 

*  The  officer  in  command  of  the  merchantman  -was  Mr.  Lewis,  then  a  lieutenant,  and 
subsequently  a  master  and  commander.  Mr.  Maury  was  promoted  not  long  after,  and 
lost  his  life  by  yellow  fever  while  first  lieutenant  of  a  vessel  on  the  West  India  station. 
Both  these  gentlemen  were  much  respected  in  the  service. 

t  Both  the  Georgiana  and  New  Zealander  were  recaptured  on  the  American  coast. 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  89 

Sir  Andrew  Hammond,  and  Greenwich,  were  warped  close  in,  and 
moored  under  its  guns.  The  command  of  this  fort  was  a^iven  to 
Lieutenant  John  M.  Gamble,  of  the  marines,  a  spirited  and  intelli 
gent  young  officer ;  and  Messrs.  Feltus  and  Clapp,  two  of  the  mid 
shipmen,  with  twenty-one  men,  were  put  under  his  orders,  having 
volunteered  to  remain  on  the  island  during  the  contemplated  cruise 
of  the  Essex.  This  arrangement  was  made  to  secure  the  means  of 
future  repairs,  as  it  was  now  believed  that  no  more  whalers  were  to 
be  found,  and  the  Essex  was  going  to  sea,  in  the  expectation  of 
meeting  one  of  the  frigates  that  it  was  known  had  been  sent  into  the 
Pacific,  in  pursuit  of  her. 

The  Essex,  and  Essex  Junior,  quitted  the  harbour  of  Nooaheevah, 
on  the  12th  of  December,  1813,  bound  for  the  coast  of  South 
America,  which  was  made  early  in  January.  After  watering  at  San 
Maria,  and  looking  into  Conception,  the  ships  proceeded  to  Valpa 
raiso.  Up  to  this  time,  not  a  dollar  had  been  drawn  for,  to  meet  the 
expenses  of  the  frigate.  The  enemy  had  furnished  provisions,  sails, 
cordage,  medicines,  guns,  anchors,  cables,  and  slops.  A  considera 
ble  amount  of  pay  even  had  been  given  to  the  officers  and  men,  by 
means  of  the  money  taken  in  the  Nocton.  Thus  far,  the  cruise  had 
been  singularly  useful  and  fortunate,  affording  an  instance  of  the 
perfection  of  a  naval  warfare,  in  all  that  relates  to  distressing  an  ene 
my,  with  the  least  possible  charge  to  the  assailants  ;  and  it  remained 
only  to  terminate  it  with  a  victory,  over  a  ship  of  equal  force,  to  ren 
der  it  brilliant.  It  is,  perhaps,  a  higher  eulogium  on  the  officers  and 
crew  of  this  memorable  little  frigate  to  add,  that  while  her  good  fortune 
appeared  at  last  to  desert  her,  they  gave  this  character  to  their  enter 
prise,  by  the  manner  in  which  they  struggled  with  adversity. 

After  the  arrival  at  Valparaiso,  it  was  found  that  the  feelings  of 
the  Chilian  government  had  taken  an  entirely  new  direction,  as  had 
been  reported  by  Mr.  Downes,  favouring  on  all  occasions  the  interests 
of  the  English,  in  preference  to  those  of  the  Americans.  Without 
paying  much  regard  to  this  circumstance,  however,  Captain  Porter 
determined  to  remain  in,  or  off,  the  port,  in  waiting  for  the  Phoebe 
36,  Captain  Hillyar,  one  of  the  ships  sent  out  in  quest  of  him,  under 
the  impression  that  her  commander  would  not  fail,  sooner  or  later, 
to  seek  him  at  that  place.  There  was  also  the  prospect  of  intercept 
ing  such  of  the  English  traders  as  might  happen  to  touch  at  that  port. 

The  Phoebe  arrived  as  was  expected,  but  instead  of  coming  alone, 
she  had  the  Cherub  20,  Captain  Tucker,  in  company.  When  these 
ships  hove  in  sight,  the  Essex  Junior  was  cruising  off  the  harbour, 
and  she  came  in  and  anchored.  As  the  Phcebe  alone  was  a  vessel 
of  a  heavier  rate  than  the  Essex,  this  addition  to  her  force  put  a  con 
flict  between  the  four  ships  quite  out  of  the  question.  Captain  Porter, 
who  had  every  opportunity  of  observing  the  armaments  of  the  two 
English  vessels,  states,  in  his  official  communications  to  the  depart 
ment,  that  the  Phoebe  mounted  30  long  eighteens,  16  thirty-two- 
pound  carronades,  with  1  howitzer,  and  6  threes  in  her  tops.  This 
was  a  forced  equipment  for  a  ship  of  her  rate,  but  she  had  probably 


90  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

taken  in  extra  guns  with  a  view  to  meet  the  Essex.*  Her  crew  is 
said  to  have  consisted  of  320  souls.  The  Cherub  20,  mounted  18 
thirty--two-pound  carronades  below,  with  8  twenty-four-pound  carron- 
ades  and  2  long  nines  above,  making  a  total  of  28  guns,  and  her 
crew  mustered  180  men  and  boys.  In  consequence  of  the  number 
of  prizes  that  had  been  manned,  some  deaths  that  had  occurred,  and 
the  people 'placed  in  the  Essex  Junior,  the  American  frigate  could 
muster  but  255  souls,  notwithstanding  the  enlistments  she  had  made 
from  the  whalers.  The  force  of  the  Es-sex  Junior  was  too  incon 
siderable  to  be  relied  on,  in  an  action  against  ships  of  a  metal  as  heavy 
as  that  of  the  enemy.  She  mounted  10  eighteen-pound  carronades 
and  10  short  sixes,  with  a  crew  of  60  souls.  Her  guns  would  have 
been  of  little  service  in  a  frigate  action. 

As  the  Phoebe  came  in,  the  wind  was  light,  and  she  passed  quite 
near  the  Essex,  with  her  people  at  quarters.  Captain  Hillyar  hailed, 
and  inquired  after  the  health  of  Captain  Porter.  After  making  the 
usual  reply,  the  latter  informed  the  English  officer  that  if  the  vessels 
got  foul,  much  confusion  would  ensue,  and  that  he  could  not  be 
answerable  for  the  consequences.  Captain  Hillyar  now  observed 
that  he  did  not  meditate  any  attack,  though  the  manner  in  which  this 
was  uttered,  does  not  appear  to  have  quieted  the  suspicions  of  the 
American  officers.  While  the  two  vessels  and  their  crews  were  in 
this  novel  position,  the  Phrebe  was  taken  suddenly  aback,  and  her 
bows  payed  off  directly  upon  the  Essex.  Captain  Porter  immedi 
ately  called  away  his  boarders,  and  for  a  few  minutes  there  was  every 
appearance  of  a  combat  in  a  neutral  port. 

A  great  deal  of  confusion  is  said  to  have  existed  on  board  the 
Phoabe,  and  her  commander  was  earnest  in  his  protestations  of  an 
intention  not  to  have  recourse  to  hostilities,  while  he  handled  his 
yards  in  a  way  to  get  a  stern-board  on  his  ship.  As  she  fell  off,  the 
jib-boom  of  the  Phrebe  passed  over  the  Essex's  deck,  and  she  lay, 
for  a  short  time,  with  her  bows  exposed  to  the  whole  broadside  of 
the  American  frigate,  and  her  stern  to  that  of  the  Essex  Junior. 
Captain  Porter  declining  to  profit  by  this  advantage,  the  Phoebe 
was  enabled  to  get  out  of  her  awkward  situation,  there  beiirg  no 
doubt  that  she  had  lain  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  her  enemies.  There 
can  be  little  question  that  this  extraordinary  occurrence  would  have 
fully  justified  the  American  ship  in  having  recourse  to  her  means  of 
defence.! 

*  The  regular  armament  of  an  English  36  would  have  been  26  long  eighteens  belovr, 
16  thirty-two-pound  carronades  and  2  chase  guns  above,  or  44  guns  in  all.  It  would 
seem  that  the  Phoebe  had  added  two  eighteens,  making  46.  The  regular  armament  of  a 
32,  was  26  long  twelves  below,  16  thirty-two-pound  carronades  and  2  chase  guns  above. 
Some  thirty-twos,  however,  mount  but  40  guns,  the  difference  in  the  rate  depending 
more  on  the  metal  than  on  the  number  of  the  guns.  As  a  rule,  the  long  twelve  is  thought 
to  be  the  equivalent  of  a  thirty-two-pound  carronade,  though  there  are  circumstances  in 
which  each  is  preferable  to  the  other.  The  Essex  had  in  her,  on  this  occasion,  40  thirty- 
two-pound  carronades,  and  6  Jong  twelves.  Even  with  this  change,  the  Phoobe  was 
probably  her  superior,  under  the  ordinary  chances  of  naval  warfare,  in  the  proportion  of 
about  four  to  three. 

t  From  all  that  passed,  then  and  subsequently,  the  officers  of  the  Essex  appear  to  have 
been  generally  persuaded  that  Captain  Hillyar  had  positive  orders  to  capture  the  Amer 
ican  ship,  without  regird  to  the  neutrality  of  the  South  American  ports. 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  91 

The  English  ships,  having  obtained  some  supplies,  went  outside, 
and  cruised  off  Valparaiso  for  six  weeks.  During  this  time,  the 
Essex  made  several  attempts  to  engage  the  Phoebe  alone,  sometimes 
by  bringing  her  to  action  with  the  Essex  Junior  in  company,  and 
at  others,  by  bringing  her  to  action  singly,  having  the  crew  of  the 
Essex  Junior  on  board  the  frigate.  Captain  Porter  ascertained  to 
his  satisfaction,  that  he  could  easily  outsail  either  of  the  enemy's 
vessels,  but  his  object  was  not  so  much  to  escape,  as  to  capture  the 
Phoebe,  which  he  had  reason  to  think  he  might  do,  could  he  bring 
her  to  close  action,  without  her  consort's  interference.  On  the  27th 
of  February,  the  Cherub  being  nearly  a  league  dead  to  leeward  of 
her,  the  Phoebe  ran  close  in,  hove  to  off  the  port,  hoisted  a  motto  flag, 
and  fired  a  gun  to  windward,  when  the  Essex  immediately  weighed 
and  stood  out  of  the  harbour,  and  answered  the  weather  gun  of  the 
enemy.  On  this  occasion,  the  ships  got  within  gun-shot  of  each  other, 
and  the  American  frigate  opened  her  fire,  when  the  Phoebe  ran  down 
and  joined  her  consort.  This  conduct  excited  a  good  deal  of  feeling 
among  the  officers  of  the  Essex,  who  rightly  judged  that  the  chal 
lenge  should  not  have  been  given,  if  it  were  not  the  intention  of  the 
enemy  to  engage  singly.  Taking  all  these  circumstances  in  con 
nexion,  there  can  be  little  question  that  Captain  Hillyar  had  been 
positively  instructed  not  to  fight  the  Essex  alone,  if  he  could  possibly 
avoid  it.  As  he  bore  the  character  of  a  good  and  brave  officer,  it  is 
not  easy  to  find  any  other  reasonable  solution  of  the  course  he  pur 
sued.  His  challenge  off  the  port,  was  probably  intended  as  a  ruse 
de  guerre,  to  get  the  Essex  into  his  power ;  for  demonstrations  of 
this  nature  are  not  subject  to  the  severe  laws  which  regulate  more 
precise  defiances  to  combat.* 

In  the  course  of  the  expedients  adopted  by  Captain  Porter  to  obtain 
an  advantage  over  his  enemies,  he  went  out  one  dark  night,  in  his 
boats,  in  the  hope  of  being  able  to  board  and  carry  the  Cherub.  Some 
accidental  cause  prevented  the  meeting,  and  no  opportunity  offered 
afterwards  to  renew  the  attempt. 

Having  heard  that  several  other  cruisers  of  the  enemy 'might  soon 
be  expected,  Captain  Porter  now  determined  to  go  to  sea,  on  the 
first  good  occasion,  and  by  leading  the  Phoebe  and  Cherub  off  the 
coast,  to  allow  the  Essex  Junior  to  follow.  This  plan  was  formed 
on  the  27th  of  March,  and  the  very  next  day  the  wind  came  on  to 
blow  fresh  from  the  southward,  when  the  Essex  parted  her  larboard 
bower,  and  dragged  the  other  anchor  directly  out  to  sea.  The  har 
bour  of  Valparaiso  opens  to  the  northward,  being  formed  by  a  head 
land  on  its  western  side,  and  a  cove  that  makes  to  the  southward 
within  it ;  the  main  coast  sweeping  round  to  the  north  and  east  again, 

*  In  consequence  of  this  affair,  some  explanations  passed  between  the  ships,  when  the 
English  officer  alledged  that  the  gun  to  windward  had  been  fired  as  a  signal  to  the 
Cherub.  This  is  quite  possible,  but  under  the  peculiar  circumstances,  little  doubt  exists 
that  Captain  Hillyar  acted  under  precise  instructions  not  to  engage  the  Essex  singly.  No 
stress  ouizht  to  be  laid  on  the  different  challenges  that  passed  between  the.  American 
and  English  ships, as  they  might  all  be  satisfactorily  explained,  perhaps;  but  no  inci 
dent  of  the  war  so  unanswerably  shows  the  character  obtained  by  the  American  navy, 
at  this  lime,  as  the  fact  that  a  36  declined  meeting  a  32,  in  single  combat.  Two  years 
earlier,  the  Cherub  would  probably  have  sought  an  action  with  the  Essex. 


92  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

affording  the  necessary  protection.  On  the  28th  of  March,  when  the 
accident  just  mentioned  occurred,  the  enemy's  ships  were  at  no  great 
distance  off  the  point,  though  far  enough  to  allow  the  Essex  to  fetch 
past  to  windward  of  them,  by  hugging  the  land.  The  Point  of 
Angels,  however,  is  an  exceedingly  dangerous  bluff  to  double,  and 
most  ships  deem  it  prudent  to  reef  before  going  round  it,  on  account 
of  the  liability  to  sudden  and  violent  squalls. 

As  there  was  no  time  to  lose,  sail  was  got  on  the  Essex,  when  on 
opening  the  enemy,  Captain  Porter  took  in  his  topgallant-sails, 
hauled  close  by  the  wind,  and  made  an  attempt  to  pass  out,  by  keep 
ing  his  weatherly  position.  Every  thing  looked  promising  for  a 
short  time  ;  and  there  is  little  question  that  the  ship  would  have  gone 
clear,  but,  in  doubling  the  headland,  a  squall  carried  away  the  main- 
topmast,  throwing  several  men  into  the  sea,  all  of  whom  were  drown 
ed.  Nothing  remained,  of  course,  but  to  endeavour  to  regain  the 
port,  or  to  fight  both  the  enemy's  ships,  under  the  additional  disad 
vantage  of  being  already  crippled. 

Finding  it  impossible  to  beat  up  to  the  common  anchorage,  in  his 
present  condition,  in  time  to  avoid  the  enemy,  Captain  Porter  stood 
across  the  entrance  of  the  harbour,  to  its  northeastern  side,  where  he 
let  go  an  anchor,  about  three  miles  from  the  town,  a  mile  and  a  half 
from  the  Castello  Viego,  which,  however,  was  concealed  by  a  bluff, 
half  a  mile  from  a  detached  battery  of  one  twenty-four-pound  gun, 
and  within  pistol-shot  of  the  shore.  Notwithstanding  this  position, 
the  enemy  continued  to  approach,  and  it  soon  became  evident,  by 
the  motto  flags  and  jacks  he  set,  that  it  was  his  serious  intention  to 
engage.  The  Essex,  in  consequence,  cleared  for  action,  and 
attempted  to  get  a  spring  on  her  cable,  but  had  not  succeeded  in 
effecting  this  important  object,  when  the  Phoebe,  having  obtained  an 
advantageous  position,  nearly  astern,  about  4  P.  M.  opened  her  fire, 
at  long  shot.  At  the  same  time,  the  Cherub  commenced  the  action 
on  the  starboard  bow.  The  fire  of  the  Phoebe,  from  the  double  ad 
vantage  she  possessed  in  her  long  guns  and  her  station,  became  very 
destructive,'  as  scarce  a  gun  from  the  Essex  could  touch  her.  The 
Cherub,  however,  was  soon  driven  off,  when  she  ran  down  to  leeward, 
and  engaged  from  a  position  near  that  taken  by  the  Phoebe.  Three 
long  twelves  were  got  out  aft,  and  they  played  with  so  much  effect  on 
the  enemy,  that  at  the  end  of  half  an  hour,  both  his  ships  hauled  off 
the  land  to  repair  damages.  This  important  fact,  which  is  affirmed 
by  the  Americans,  is  sufficiently  corroborated  by  the  accounts  of  the 
enemy.* 

During  this  first  attack,  the  Essex,  through  the  great  exertions  of 
the  master  and  boatswain,  had  succeeded  in  getting  springs  on  the 
cable  no  less  than  three  different  times,  but  before  the  ship's  broadside 
could  be  sprung  to  bear,  they  were  as  often  shot  away.  The  ship 
also  received  a  great  deal  of  injury,  and  several  men  had  been  killed, 
and  wounded.  Notwithstanding  all  the  disastrous  circumstances 
under  which  they  engaged,  and  the  superior  force  opposed  to  them, 

*  It  is  due  to  the  English  commander  to  say,  that  he  gave  a  very  frank  and  fair  account 
of  the  action. 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  93 

the  officers  and  crew  of  the  Essex  were  animated  by  the  best  spirit, 
and  it  was  not  possible  for  efforts  to  be  more  coolly  made,  or  better 
directed. 

The  enemy  .was  not  long  in  making  his  repairs,  and  both  ships 
next  took  a  position  on  the  starboard  quarter  of  the  Essex,  where  it 
was  not  in  the  power  of  the  latter  vessel  to  bring  a  single  gun  to  bear 
upon  him,  as  he  was  too  distant  to  be  reached  by  carronades.  His 
fire  was  very  galling,  and  it  left  no  alternative  to  Captain  Porter,  be 
tween  submission,  and  running  down  to  assail  him.  He  gallantly 
decided  on  the  latter.  But,  by  this  time,  the  Essex  had  received 
many  serious  injuries,  in  addition  to  the  loss  of  her  topmast.  Her 
topsail  sheets,  topsail  halyards,  jib  and  foretopmast  staysail  halyards 
had  all  been  shot  away.  The  only  sail  that  could  be  got  upon  the 
ship  to  make  her  head  pay  off  was  the  flying  jib,  which  was  hoisted, 
when  the  cable  was  cut,  and  the  vessel  edged  away,  with  the  inten 
tion  of  laying  the  Phoebe  aboard. 

The  fore-topsail  and  foresail  were  now  let  fall,  though,  for  want 
of  tacks  and  sheets,  they  were  nearly  useless.  Still  the  Essex  drove 
down  on  her  assailants,  closing  near  enough  to  open  with  her  car 
ronades.  For  a  few  minutes,  the  firing  on  both  sides  was  tremen 
dous,  the  people  of  the  Essex  proving  their  discipline  and  gallantry, 
at  that  trying  moment,  in  a  way  to  justify  all  the  high  expectations 
that  had  been  formed  of  them,  though  their  decks  were  already 
strewed  with  killed,  and  the  cockpit  was  crowded  with  the  wounded.. 
This  work  proved  too  hot  for  the  Cherub,  which  hauled  off  a  second 
time,  nor  did  she  come  near  enough  to  use  her  carronades  again,, 
during  the  remainder  of  the  action,  keeping  up  a  distant  fire  with* 
her  lonff  guns. 

The  Phcebe  discovered  no  disposition  to  throw  away  the  immense- 
advantage  she  possessed,  in  her  long  eighteens  ;  and  when  she  found' 
the  Essex's  fire  becoming  warm,  she  kept  edging  off,  throwing  her 
shot  at  the  same  time  with  fatal  effect,  cutting  down  the  people  of 
her  antagonist,  almost  with  impunity  to  herself.     By  this  time,  many 
of  the  guns  of  the  American  ship  were  disabled,  and  the  crews  of" 
several  had  been  swept  away.     One  particular  gun  was  a  scene  of 
carnage  that  is   seldom  witnessed  in  a  naval  combat,   nearly  three- 
entire   crews  falling  at  it  in  the   course  of  the  action.     Its  captain- 
alone  escaped  with  a  slight  wound. 

This  scene  of  almost  unresisted  carnage  had  now  lasted  almost 
two  hours,  and,  finding  it  impossible  to  close  with  his  adversary,  who 
chose  his  distance  at  pleasure,  Captain  Porter  felt  the  necessity  of 
taking  some  prompt  measure,  if  he  would  prevent  the  enemy  from 
getting  possession  of  his  ship.  The  wind  had  got  more  to  the  west 
ward,  and  he  saw  a  hope  of  running  her  ashore,  at  a  spot  where  he 
might  land  his  people  and  set  her  on  fire.  For  a  few  minutes  every 
thing  appeared  to  favour  this  design,  and  the  Essex  had  drifted  within- 
musket-shot  of  the  beach,  when  the  wind  suddenly  shifted-  from  the 
land,  paying  the  ship's  head  broad  off,  in  a  way  to  leave  her  exposed1 
to  a  dreadful  raking  fire.  Still,  as  she  was  again  closing  with  the 
Phcebe,  Captain  Porter  indulged  a  hope  of  finally  laying:  that  ship 

VOL.  II.  6 


94  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

aboard.  At  this  moment,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Downes  came 
alongside  of  the  Essex,  in  order  to  receive  the  orders  of  his  com 
manding  officer,  having  pulled  through  all  the  fire  in  order  to  effect 
this  object.  He  could  be  of  no  use,  for  the  enemy  again  put  his  helm 
up,  and  kept  away,  when  Mr.  Downes,  after  remaining  in  the  Essex 
ten  minutes,  was  directed  to  return  to  his  own  ship,  and  to  make 
preparations  to  defend,  or,  at  need  to  destroy  her.  On  going  away, 
lie  carried  off  several  of  the  Essex's  wounded,  leaving  three  of  his 
own  men  behind  him,  in  order  to  make  room  in  the  boat. 

The  slaughter  in  the  Essex  having  got  to  be  too  horrible,  the  enemy 
firing  with  deliberation,  and  hulling  her  at  almost  every  shot,  Cap 
tain  Porter,  as  a  last  resort,  ordered  a  hawser  to  be  bent  to  the  sheet 
anchor,  and  the  latter  let  go,  in  order  to  bring  the  head  of  the  ship 
round.  This  effected  the  object,  and  once  more  the  Americans  got 
their  broadside  to  bear,  remaining  stationary  themselves,  while  their 
enemy,  a  good  deal  crippled,  was  drifting  slowly  to  leeward.  Even 
in  these  desperate  circumstances,  a  ray  of  hope  gleamed  through  this 
little  advantage,  and  Captain  Porter  was  beginning  to  believe  that 
the  Phffibe  would  drift  out  of  gun-shot,  before  she  discovered  his  ex 
pedient,  when  the  hawser  parted  with  the  strain. 

There  was  no  longer  any  chance  of  saving  the  ship.  To  add  to 
her  distress,  she  was  on  fire,  the  flames  coming  up  both  the  main 
and  forward  hatchways;  and  for  a  few  minutes  it  was  thought  she 
must  consume.  An  explosion  of  powder  also  occurred  below,  to 
add  to  the  horrors  of  the  scene,  and  Captain  Porter  told  his  people, 
that  in  preference  to  being  blown  up,  all  who  chose  to  incur  the  risk, 
might  make  the  attempt  to  reach  the  shore  by  swimming.  Many 
availed  themselves  of  the  permission,  and  some  succeeded  in  effect 
ing  their  escape.  Others  perished,  while  a  few,  after  drifting  about 
on  bits  of  spars,  were  picked  up  by  the  boats  of  the  enemy.  Much 
the  greater  part  of  the  crew,  however,  remained  in  the  ship,  and  they 
set  about  an  attempt  to  extinguish  the  flames  ;  the  shot  of  the  enemy 
committing  its  havoc  the  whole  time.  Fortunately,  the  fire  was  got 
under,  when  the  few  brave  men  who  were  left,  went  again  to  the 
long  guns. 

The  moment  had  now  arrived,  when  Captain  Porter  was  to  decide 
between  submission  or  the  distinction  of  the  remainder  of  his  people. 
In  the  midst  of  this  scene  of  slaughter,  he  had  himself  been  untouch 
ed,  and  it  would  seem  that  he  felt  himself  called  on  to  resist  as  long 
as  his  own  strength  allowed.  But  his  remaining  people  entreated 
him  to  remember  his  wounded,  and  he  at  last  consented  to  summon 
his  officers.  Only  one,  Acting  Lieutenant  M'Knight,  could  join 
him  on  the  quarter-deck !  The  first  lieutenant,  Mr.  Wilmer,  had 
been  knocked  overboard  by  a  splinter,  and  drowned,  while  getting 
the  sheet  anchor  from  tlip  bows  ;  Acting  Lieutenant  Cowell,  the 
next  in-  rank,  was  mortally  wounded  ;  Acting  Lieutenant  Odenhci- 
mer  had  just  been  knocked  overboard  from  the  quarter,  and  did  not 
regain  the  vessel  for  several  minutes.  The  reports  of  the  state  of  the 
ship  were  fearful.  A  large  portion  of  the  guns  were  disabled,  even 
had  there  been  men  left  to  fight  them.  The  berth-deck,  steerage, 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  95 

ward-room,  and  cockpit,  were  full  of  wounded  ;  and  the  latter  were 
even  killed  by  shot  while  under  the  surgeon's  hands.  The  carpen 
ter  was  sent  for,  and  he  stated  that  of  his  crew,  he  alone  could  per 
form  any  duty.  He  had  been  over  the  side  to  stop  shot-holes,  when 
his  slings  were  cut  away,  and  he  narrowly  escaped  drowning.  In 
short,  seventy-five  men,  officers  included,  were  all  that  remained  for 
duty;  and  the  enemy,  in  perfectly  smooth  water,  was  firing  his  long 
eighteens,  at  a  nearly  unresisting  ship,  with  as  much  precision  as  he 
could  have  discharged  them  at  a  target.  It  had  become  an  impera 
tive  duty  to  strike,  and  the  colours  were  accordingly  hauled  down, 
after  one  of  the  most  remarkable  combats  that  is  to  be  found  in  the 
history  of  naval  warfare. 

In  this  bloody  contest,  the  Essex  had  58  men  killed,  including 
those  who  soon  died  of  their  hurts,  and  66  wounded,  making  a  total 
of  124,  or  nearly  half  of  all  who  were  on  board  at  the  commence 
ment  of  the  action.  Of  the  missing  there  were  31,  most  of  whom 
were  probably  drowned,  either  in  attempting  to  swim  ashore,  when 
the  ship  was  on  fire,  or  by  being  knocked  overboard  by  the  splinters, 
or  pieces  of  the  rigging.  Including  the  missing,  the  entire  loss  was 
152,  out  of  255. 

The  Essex,  with  a  very  trifling  exception  while  closing,  fought  this 
battle  with  her  six  long  twelves,  opposed  by  fifteen  long  eighteens  in 
broadside,*  the  long  guns  of  the  Cherub,  and,  a  good  deal  of  the 
time,  or  while  they  lay  on  her  quarter,  by  the  carronades  of  both  the 
enemy's  ships.  Captain  Hillyar's  published  official  letter  makes  the 
loss  of  the  Phoebe  4  killed  and  7  wounded ;  that  of  the  Cherub,  1 
killed,  and  3  wounded.  There  is  no  apparent  reason  for  distrusting 
this  account,  as  Captain  Hillyar's  official  letter  was  singularly 
modest  and  just.  Captain  Tucker,  of  the  Cherub  wa?  wounded,  and 
the  first  lieutenant  of  the  Phoebe  was  killed.  The  English  ships 
were  cut  up  more  than  could  have  been  expected  under  the  circum 
stances,  the  latter  having  received  no  less  than  eighteen  twelve-pound 
shot  belr~,v  the  water-line.  It  would  seem  that  the  smoothness  of  the 
water  rendered  the  fire  very  certain,  on  both  sides,  and  it  is  only  to 
be  regretted  that  the  Essex  could  not  have  engaged  under  her  three 
topsails,  from  the  commencement.  The  engagement  lasted  nearly 
two  hours  and  a  half,  the  long  guns  of  the  Essex,  it  is  said,  having 
been  fired  no  less  than  seventy-five  times,  each,  in  broadside.  The 
enemy  must  have  thrown,  agreeably  to  the  statements  made  at  the 
time,  not  less  than  700  eighteen-pound  shot,  at  the  Essex. 

The  battle  was  witnessed  by  thousands  from  the  shore ;  and  so 
near  were  all  the  ships  to  the  land,  that,  at  one  time,  many  of  the 
Phoebe's  eighteen-pound  shot  struck  the  beach.  This  fact  appears 
to  be  well  authenticated,  and,  of  itself,  it  settles  the  question  of  a 
violation  of  the  neutrality  of  Chili ;  since  even  they  who  maintain 
the  doctrine  that  jurisdiction  does  not  properly  extend  three  leagues 
to  sea,  substitute  the  greatest  range  of  a  shot,  or  a  shell,  in  their 

*It  has  been  said  that  the  Phoebe  mounted  but  26  long  eighteens,  her  upper  deck  long 
guns  having  been  twelves.  We  have  followed  Captain  Porter's  account,  though  the 
diftereace,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances,  was  of  no  great  moment. 


96  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814 


place.  During  the  action,  Mr.  Poinsett,  the  American  consul, 
repaired  to  the  governor's  and  asked  the  protection  of  the  batteries  in 
behalf  of  the  Essex.  He  received  the  evasive  answer,  that,  should 
the  ship  succeed  in  reaching  the  ordinary  anchorage,  an  officer  would 
be  sent  to  the  British  commander,  requesting  him  to  cease  his  fire. 
The  governor,  however,  declined  resorting  to  force,  under  any  cir 
cumstances.  This  conduct  left  no  doubt  of  a  collusion  between  the 
English  officers  and  the  local  authorities,  and  Mr.  Poinsett  took  the 
first  occasion  to  quit  the  country. 

In  the  mode  in  which  he  fought  his  ship,  though  it  was  much  crit 
icised  at  the  time,  Captain  Hillyar  discovered  seamanship  and  a  strict 
attention  to  his  duty  ;  but  his  situation  must  have  been  in  the  last 
degree  painful,  while  compelled  to  avoid  meeting  the  Essex  singly, 
under  circumstances  that  admit  of  no  other  plausible  construction 
than  an  obedience  to  the  most  rigid  orders. 

Captain  Porter  now  entered  into  an  arrangement  with  Captain 
Hillyar,  under  the  provisions  of  which,  the  Essex  Junior  was  con 
verted  into  a  cartel,  and  a  passport  was  given,  by  means  of  which  all 
the  survivors  of  the  Essex  came  home.  From  this  arrangement, 
however,  Acting  Lieutenant  M'Knight,  Mr.  Adams,  the  chaplain, 
and  Mr.  Lyman,  a  master's  mate,  were  exempted  ;  these  three  gen 
tlemen  and  eleven  seamen,  being  exchanged  on  the  spot,  for  a  part 
of  the  people  of  the  Sir  Andrew  Hammond,  who  were  then  prisoners 
in  the  Essex  Junior.  Mr.  M'Knight  and  Mr.  Lyman  went  round 
to  Rio  de  Janeiro,  in  the  Phoebe,  in  order  to  give  some  testimony  in 
behalf  of  the  captors.  We  shall  have  occasion  to  advert  to  the  two 
last  mentioned  gentlemen  hereafter. 

The  Essex  Junior  left  Valparaiso  shortly  after  this  arrangement, 
encountering  no  difficulty  in  doubling  the  Horn.  She  was  brough 
to,  off  New  York,  by  the  Saturn  rasee,  Captain  Nash.  This  officer, 
at  first,  questioned  the  authority  of  Captain  Hillyar  to  grant  the 
passport,  under  which  the  Essex  Junior  was  sailing,  and  he  directed 
that  ship  to  lie  by  him  during  the  night.  After  some  communica 
tions,  the  next  morning,  when  thirty  miles  from  the  beach,  Captain 
Porter  put  off  in  a  whale-boat,  and,  though  chased,  by  pulling  vigor 
ously  for  the  land,  he  got  ashore  on  Long  Island,  escaping  in  a  fog 
It  does  not  appear,  however,  to  have  been  the  intention  of  Captain 
Nash  seriously  to  detain  the  Essex  Junior.  He  probably  distrusted 
some  artifice,  as  he  permitted  the  ship  to  proceed,  after  again  exam 
ining  her  papers. 

Thus  terminated  this  enterprising  and  singular  cruise,  its  end 
proving  as  disastrous  as  its  commencement  had  been  fortunate, 
though  it  was,  at  all  times,  highly  creditable  to  the  spirit,  resources, 
self-reliance,  and  zeal  of  those  engaged  in  it.  Before  quitting  the 
subject,  however,  it  remains  to  give  a  brief  account  of  the  fortunes 
of  the  officers  and  men  left  at  Nooaheevah,  with  the  three  prizes,  the 
Greenwich,  the  Sir  Andrew  Hammond,  and  the  Seringapatam,  un 
der  the  orders  of  Lieutenant  Gamble  of  the  marines. 

The  Essex  had  no  sooner  disappeared  than  the  savages  began  to 
pilfer,  and  to  betray  a  turbulent  disposition.  Mr.  Gamble  was  com- 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY. 


pelled  to  land  a  party,  and  to  bring  the  natives  to  terms  by  a  show  of 
force.  Fortunately  this  object  was  effected  without  firing  a  musket. 
In  February,  one  of  the  small  party  left  was  drowned,  reducing  their 
number  to  twenty-two,  the  officers  included.  Not  long  after  this  event, 
four  of  the  men  deserted  in  a  whale-boat,  carrying  off  with  them  sev 
eral  small  articles  of  value.  But  eighteen  now  remained. 

On  the  12th  of  April,  Mr.  Gamble  began  to  rig  the  Seringapatam 
and  the  Sir  Andrew  Hammond,  with  the  intention  of  quitting  the 
islands,  the  long  absence  of  the  Essex  inducing  him  to  despair  of 
her  return.  Some  symptoms  of  a  mutiny  now  began  to  show  them 
selves,  and  he  had  all  the  arms  and  ammunition  brought  on  board 
the  Greenwich,  in  which  vessel  he  lived;  but  having  occasion  to  be 
onboard  the  Seringapatnm,  on  the  7th  of  May,  a  party  of  six  men 
rose,  and  took  the  ship  from  him.  During  the  time  Mr.  Gamble  was 
in  the  hands  of  these  men,  he  was  badly  wounded  in  the  foot  by  a 
pistol-ball,  and  they  succeeded  in  carrying  off  the  Seringapatam, 
sending  the  officer,  and  the  people  with  him,  on  board  another  vessel. 
Every  exertion  was  made  to  get  to  sea  with  the  Sir  Andrew  Ham 
mond,  but  on  the  9th,  the  natives  made  an  attack,  and  Mr.  Felt  us, 
with  three  men,  was  killed,  and  one  other  was  severely  wounded. 
The  situation  of  those  that  remained,  now  became  exceedingly  crit 
ical,  the  whole  party  consisting  of  only  eight  individuals,  of  whom 
two  were  badly  wounded,  one  was  crippled,  and  another  was  just 
recovering  from  a  serious  attack  of  the  scurvy.  In  fact,  there  were 
but  four  men  on  board  the  Sir  Andrew  Hammond  fit  for  duty.  The 
jib  and  spanker  were  bent  as  fast  as  possible,  the  moorings  were  cut, 
and,  under  that  short  sail,  the  ship  passed  slowly  out  to  sea,  under 
cover  of  the  night.  When  safe  in  the  offing,  but  six  cartridges  were 
left,  the  Seringapatam  having  carried  off  most  of  the  ammunition 
in  kegs. 

To  add  to  the  difficulties  of  his  situation,  Mr.  Gamble  had  no  chart. 
He  made  out  to  reach  the  Sandwich  Islands,  however,  in  seventeen 
days,  where  he  was  captured  by  the  Cherub,  and  first  learned  the 
fate  of  the  Essex.  The  Americans  continued  seven  months  in  this 
ship,  until  they  were  landed  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  from  which  port  Mr. 
Gamble  got  to  New  York,  late  in  August,  1815. 

Having  closed  the  history  of  the  three  ships  that  sailed  under  the 
orders  of  Commodore  Bainbridge,  it  becomes  necessary  to  return  to 
the  commencement  of  the  year  1812,  deferring,  however,  an  account 
of  the  proceedings  on  the  lakes,  to  another  portion  of  the  work,  in 
order  to  preserve  the  connexion  that  is  necessary  to  clearness  and 
interest. 


98  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Imperfect  condition  of  certain  ships  of  the  navy — Equipment  of  the  Constellation — sheig 
blockaded  by  a  British  Heetat  Hampton  Roads— Skilful  preparations  for  her  defence, 
by  Capt.  Stewart — Compliment  paid  him  by  the  British  officers — He  is  transferred  to 
the  Constitution — Cruise  of  the  Chesapeake,  Capt.  Evans — she  captures  four  mer 
chantmen — Change  in  the  policy  of  the  enemy  with  regard  to  the  eastern  states — 
Contemplated  cruise  of  the  Chesapeake,  Capt.  Lawrence — Disaffection  among  her 
crew — Her  action  with  and  capture  by  the  British  ship  Shannon — Death  of  Capt. 
Lawrence — Sketch  of  his  life. 

THE  effect  of  the  successes  of  the  navy  on  the  public  mind,  has 
been  already  shown.  The  nation  was  well  disposed  to  contribute 
freely  to  the  enlargement  of  this  branch  of  the  general  service  ;  and, 
encouraged  by  this  feeling,  the  administration  had  so  far  extended  its 
policy  as  to  recommend  the  construction  of  four  ships  of  the  line. 
Although  few  of  the  more  important  political  objects  of  a  war  can  be 
looked  for  without  vessels  of  force,  it  may  be  questioned  if,  under  the 
particular  circumstances  of  the  country,  the  building  of  heavy  ships, 
at  that  precise  moment,  was  the  wisest  policy  that  could  be  adopted. 
The  public  finances  were  hardly  in  a  state  to  meet  the  sudden  and 
heavy  demands  that  a  fleet  of  any  force  would  make,  and  to  put  to 
sea  a  few  solitary  two-deckers,  out  of  distant  ports,  to  cruise  without 
concert,  would  have  been  to  betray  a  great  want  of  the  ability  to  com 
bine,  as  well  as  a  singular  feebleness  of  purpose.  The  first  object  to 
be  obtained  by  vessels  of  force  would  be  to  prevent  blockades,  and  to 
render  descents  on  the  coast  too  hazardous  to  be  attempted.  Failing 
in  the  means  to  effect  these  important  ends,  or  at  least  to  render  an 
attempt  to  thwart  them  too  precarious  in  the  eyes  of  the  enemy,  a 
discreet  view  of  the  interests  of  the  country  would  seem  to  point  out 
the  expediency  of  adopting  a  different  species  of  force,  in  order  to 
insure  the  next  most  practicable  benefit  that  circumstances  allowed. 
\Vhen  a  community  neglects  the  golden  opportunity  for  achieving 
any  important  measure,  like  an  individual  similarly  situated,  it  must 
be  content  to  do  all  it  can,  and  to  abandon  the  design  of  doing  what 
it  desires.  Such,  virtually,  was  the  condition  of  "America  at  that 
moment ;  and,  while  the  governing  necessity  of  possessing  vessels 
of  force,  ought  never  to  be  lost  sight  of,  among  a  maritime  people,  it 
may  well  be  doubted  whether  the  money  expended  in  constructing 
two  or  three  large  ships,  during  the  years  1813  and  1814,  might  not 
have  been  more  discreetly  used  in  fitting  out  fifteen  or  twenty  fast- 
sailing  light  cruisers;  vessels  that  might  have  been  built  and  equipped 
in  a  few  weeks,  and  which  would  be  almost  certain  of  gettingto  sea.* 

It  has  been  seen,  that  the  declaration  of  war  found  the  naval  prep 
arations  in  so  imperfect  a  condition,  that  the  Constellation  38,  Ches- 

*  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that,  while  three  of  the  eight  efficient  frigates  the  United  States 
owned  soon  after  the  commencement  of  the  war  (including  one  captured  from  the  ene 
my,)  were  blockaded,  no  sloop  of  war  was  prevented  from  getting  to  sea.  The  first 
great  object  of  the  government  should  be  to  prevent  blockades  altogether;  its  next  to 
employ  vessels  that  cannot  be  blockaded. 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  99 

apeake  38,  and  Adams  28,  were  not  ready  even  to  receive  crews, 
while  it  was  found  necessary  to  rebuild  entirely  the  New  York  36, 
Boston  28,  and  General  Greene  28.  The  appropriations  for  the 
repairs  of  the  three  first  ships  having;  been  made  in  March,  18 12,  the 
Constellation  was  equipped  and  manned  at  Washington,  in  the 
course  of  the  season.  When  Commodore  Bainbridge  left  her  for  the 
Constitution,  the  command  of  this  ship  had  been  given  to  Captain 
Stewart,  the  officer  who  had  served  as  second  in  command  under 
Commodore  Preble,  during  most  of  the  operations  of  that  celebrated 
captain,  before  Tripoli.  In  the  course  of  the  month  of  January, 
1813,  Captain  Stewart  dropped  down  the  river  with  an  intention  to 
get  to  sea,  but  on  reaching  St.  Mary's,  an  order  was  received,  that 
induced  him  to  go  to  Annapolis,  in  order  to  examine  his  powder. 
From  this  place,  the  ship  was  directed  to  proceed  to  Norfolk.  In 
executing  this  order,  the  Constellation  anchored  in  Hampton  Roads, 
and  the  next  morning  a  fleet  of  the  enemy,  consisting  of  several  two- 
decked  ships,  frigates  and  sloops  of  war,  came  in  and  anchored  off 
Willoughby's  Point,  where  they  were  becalmed.  While  the  English 
ships  were  waiting  for  the  turn  of  the  tide,  the  Constellation  was 
kedged  up  until  she  grounded  on  the  flats  above,  and  the  same  night, 
when  the  tide  floated  her,  she  was  carried  up,  and  anchored  between 
the  forts  at  Norfolk. 

A  few  days  later,  the  Constellation  dropped  down  abreast  of 
Crariey  Island,  with  a  view  to  cover  the  fortifications  then  erecting 
at  that  place.  At  this  time,  the  enemy  was  still  lying  in  force  at 
Hampton  Roads.  The  ship  was  much  exposed,  it  being  at  all  times 
practicable  for  the  enemy  to  attempt  carrying  her  by  surprise,  and 
Captain  Stewart  felt  the  necessity  of  using  great  precautions  for  her 
protection.  As  the  manner  in  which  the  frigate  was  prepared  for 
defence,  on  this  occasion,  was  highly  appreciated  for  its  skilful  and 
seamanlike  dispositions,  it  is  thought  worthy  of  being  particularly 
mentioned. 

The  Constellation  was  anchored  in  the  middle  of  the  channel, 
which  is  quite  narrow,  and  on  each  side  of  her  were  moored  seven 
gun-boats,  on  board  of  which  were  placed  officers  and  men  belonging 
to  the  ship.  A  circle  of  booms,  securely  fastened,  protected  the  gun 
boats  from  being  boarded,  which  would  enable  them  to  maintain  a 
flanking  fire,  on  all  assailants  of  the  frigate.  The  gun-deck  guns 
of  the  latter  were  housed,  and  the  ports  were  shut  in.  Great  care 
was  taken  that  no  rope  should  be  permitted  to  be  hanging  over  the 
side  of  the  vessel,  the  stern  ladders  were  taken  away,  and  even  the 
gangway-elects  were  removed.  Boarding  nettings  were  made  of 
twenty-one  thread  ratlin-stuff",  that  had  been  boiled  in  half-made  pitch, 
which  rendered  it  so  hard  as  almost  to  defy  the  knife.  To  give 
greater  strength,  nail  rods  and  small  chains  were  secured  to  the  net 
ting  in  lines  about  three  feet  apart.  Instead  of  tricing  to  the  rigging, 
this  netting  was  spread  out-board,  towards  the  yard-arms,  rising 
about  twenty-five  feet  above  the  deck.  To  the  outer  rope  or  ridge- 
line  of  the  netting,  were  secured  pieces  of  kentledge,  that  by  cutting 


100  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

the  tricing  lines  when  the  enemy  should  get  alongside,  his  boats  and 
men  might  be  caught  beneath.  Pieces  of  kentledge  were  also  sus 
pended  forward,  from  the  spritsail-yard,  bowsprit,  &c.  &c.,  to  prevent 
boats  from  lying  under  them,  while  the  netting  was  here  hoisted  to 
the  fore  stay.  The  carronades  were  charged  to  the  muzzles  with 
musket-balls,  and  depressed  to  the  nearest  range,  in  order  to  sweep 
around  the  ship.  As  the  frigate  was  light,  and  unusually  high  out 
of  water,  it  was  the  opinion  of  the  best  judges,  that  defended  as  she 
would  certainly  have  been,  under  the  officers  who  were  in  her,  she 
could  not  have  been  carried  without  a  loss  of  several  hundred  men  to 
the  enemy,  if  she  could  have  been  carried  by  boats  at  all. 

It  would  appear,  notwithstanding,  that  the  enemy  was  disposed  to 
make  the  attempt.  A  large  force  of  Britisli  ships  having  collected 
in  the  Roads,  the  admirals  in  command  seriously  contemplated  an 
assault  on  the  Constellation.  Fortunately,  Captain  Stewart  received 
notice  of  their  intentions.  A  Portuguese  had  been  stopped  by  the 
fleet,  on  his  way  to  sea,  and  his  ship  was  anchored  at  the  upper  part 
of  the  Roads,  just  out  of  gun-shot  of  the  frigate.  On  board  this 
vessel,  the  admiral  kept  a  guard  and  a  look-out,  to  signal  the  move 
ments  above.  An  American  passenger,  on  board  the  Portuguese, 
learned  from  the  conversation  of  different  officers,  their  designs  on 
the  Constellation,  and  he  found  means  to  get  on  board  the  frigate  in 
order  to  apprise  her  commander  of  the  enemy's  plan,  handsomely 
volunteering  to  remain  in  the  ship  to  help  defend  her.*  Of  course 
the  guard-boats  were  enjoined  to  be  more  than  usually  vigilant,  and 
every  thing  was  got  ready  to  receive  the  enemy. 

The  night  succeeding  the  notice  was  starlight,  and  nothing  was 
attempted.  The  next  morning,  the  master  of  the  Portuguese  stopped 
alongside  of  the  frigate,  on  his  way  to  Norfolk,  and  stated  that  a  large 
number  of  boats  had  collected  at  his  ship  the  previous  evening,  but 
that  the  expedition  had  been  deferred  until  that  night,  which  promised 
to  be  dark  and  drizzling.  Accordingly  the  guard-boat  was  on  the 
look-out,  and  it  fell  in  with  a  division  of  boats,  that  was  supposed  to 
contain  from  1500  to  2000  men.  As  soon  as  the  enemy  was  seen, 
the  officer  in  the  boat  showed  two  lanterns  on  the  off-side  of  his  cutter, 
arid  all  hands  were  called  in  the  ship.  It  would  seem  the  enemy 
ascertained  that  his  approach  was  discovered,  and  he  retired. 

The  following  night,  the  attempt  was  renewed,  with  the  same  want 
of  success.  A  few  nights  later,  it  again  proved  dark  and  drizzling, 
and  a  third  expedition  came  up.  On  this  occasion,  Mr.  B.  J.  Neale, 
the  second  lieutenant  of  the  Constellation,  was  in  the  guard-boat, 
and  he  edged  close  in  with  the  enemy,  who  discovered  him.  As  soon 
as  the  word  of  "  a  stranger,"  was  given,  the  people  of  the  cutter 
sprang  to  their  oars,  and  pulled  out  of  sight,  but  finding  he  was  not 
pursued,  Mr.  Neale  returned  and  kept  company  with  the  brigade  of 
boats,  which  passed  up  on  the  inside  of  the  flats,  above  the  mouth 
of  Tanner's  creek,  and  anchored  at  no  great  distance  below  the 

*  The  name  of  the  gentleman  deserves  to  be  honourably  mentioned.  It  was  Mr. 
Francis  March,  of  the  mercantile  firm  of  J.  Howard  March  &  Co.,  of  Madeira. 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  101 

forts.*  Here  many  of  the  officers  landed,  and  walked  about  to  keep 
themselves  warm,  the  guard-boat  anchoring  also.  When  the  ebb 
tide  made,  the  brigade  returned,  the  Constellation's  boat  quitting 
them  on  I)7  when  they  had  got  below  the  frigate. 

Shortly  after,  the  fortifications  being  sufficiently  advanced,  and 
block  ships  being  ready  for  sinking  in  the  channel,  the  Constellation 
was  carried  up  again  to  a  place  of  security.  About  this  time  Cap 
tain  Stewart  was  transferred  to  the  command  of  the  Constitution  44, 
and  Captain  Tarbell  received  a  temporary  appointment  to  the  Con 
stellation,  though,  the  enemy  always  maintaining  a  strong'force  in 
the  waters  of  the  Chesapeake,  the  ship  continued  to  be  blockaded 
until  the  peace. 

The  Chesapeake,  lying  at  Boston,  had  less  difficulty  in  getting  to 
sea,  for  the  enemy  did  not  keep  any  force  before  that  port,  during 
the  first  few  months  of  the  war;  most  probably  under  the  false  im 
pression  that  such  was  the  disaffection  of  the  eastern  states,  that  it 
would  virtually  be  annoying  friends.  She  sailed  at  the  close  of 
February,  1813,  under  the  orders  of  Captain  Evans,  and  passing  by 
the  Canary  Isles,  and  the  Cape  de  Verdes,  she  crossed  the  equator, 
and  remained  for  six  weeks  near  the  line.  She  then  made  the  coast 
of  South  America,  passed  the  spot  where  the  Hornet  sunk  the  Pea 
cock,  the  day  after  that  action  had  occurred,  and  went  through  the 
West  Indies,  and  along  the  American  coast,  to  the  port  from  which 
she  had  sailed.  During  this  long  run,  Captain  Evans  saw  but  three 
men-of-war,  a  ship  of  the  line  and  a  frigate,  near  the  Western 
Islands,  and  a  sloop  of  war,  off  the  Capes  of  Virginia.  The  latter 
escaped  in  the  night,  after  a  chase  of  two  days.  The  Chesapeake 
captured  four  merchant  vessels. 

This  cruise,  during  which  the  frigate  had  been  taken,  without  suc 
cess,  over  a  part  of  the  ocean  much  frequented  by  British  cruisers, 
went  for  towards  confirming  that  character  of  being  an  unlucky  ship, 
which  the  Chesapeake  had  always  possessed,  and  neither  officers 
nor  sailors  were  fond  of  serving  in  her;  for,  whatever  reason  may 
teach  men  on  such  subjects,  facts  and  superstition  are  usually  found 
to  furnish  more  arguments  than  logic  and  common  sense.f  In  en 
tering  the  harbour,  the  Chesapeake  lost  a  top-mast,  and  several  men, 
who  were  aloft  at  the  time,  were  drowned.  Captain  Evans  gave  up 

*  As  Mr.  Neale  pulled  off,  he  fired  a  musket  at  the  enemy,  and  it  is  said  the  ball  passed 
through  the  jacket  of  an  officer  of  high  rank.  This  gentleman  kept  so  close  to  the  enemy 
that  he  overheard  their  conversation,  which  was  repeated  to  them,  by  the  next  flag  that 
•went  down.  The  English  officers  confessed  that  the  vigilance  of  the  ship  was  too  much 
for  them,  insisting  that  Captain  Stewart  must  be  a  Scotchman,  he  was  so  actively  awake. 
"  If  the  Constellation  were  aFrenchman,  we  should  have  had  her  long  ago,"  observed  an 
officer  of  very  high  rank,  on  that  occasion.  This  might  have  been  so,  or  not,  for  the  French 
understand  defending  a  ship  at  anchor,  as  well  as  most  nations. 

t  In  the  navy,  at  this  particular  juncture,  the  Constitution,  Constellation  and  Enterprise 
were  the  lucky  vessels  of  the  service,  and  the  Chesapeake  and  President  the  unlucky. 
The  different  vessels  named,  went  into  the  war  of  1812  with  these  characters,  and  they 
were  singularly  confirmed  by  circumstances.  Even  the  fact  that  the  Constellation  re 
mained  blockaded  throughout  the  war,  scarcely  impaired  her  character,  for  it  was  re 
marked  that  the  enemy  could  never  get  hold  of  her,  and,  usually,  her  officers  and  men 
when  brought  into  action,  as  occured  in  several  instances,  in  boats  and  batteries,  were 
successful. 


102  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

the  command  of  his  ship  on  his  return,  on  account  of  his  health,* 
and  was  succeeded  by  Captain  James  Lawrence. 

By  this  time,  the  enemy  had  changed  his  policy  as  regards  the 
eastern  states,  and  he  kept  a  few  frigates  in  the  vicinity  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay,  with  a  view  to  intercept  the  American  ships  of  war 
that  passed  in  and  out.  Two  of  these  cruisers,  the  Shannon  38, 
and  Tenedos  38,  had  been  ofT Boston,  it  was  said,  in  waiting  for  the 
President  44,  and  Congress  38,  to  come  out,  but  these  ships  had 
sailed  without  encountering  them,  and  it  was  by  no  means  probable 
that  the»English  seriously  wished  a  meeting.  When  it  was  under 
stood,  however,  that  the  Chesapeake  was  ready  to  sail,  the  Shannon, 
Captain  Broke,  appeared  alone  in  the  offing,  and  as  the  ships  were 
very  fairly  matched,  a  combat  appeared  much  more  probable.  It  is 
now  known,  that  Captain  Broke,  that  very  day,  sent  in  an  invitation 
to  Captain  Lawrence,  to  meet  him  in  any  latitude  and  longitude  that 
might  be  agreed  on.  Unfortunately,  this  letter  was  not  written  until 
about  the  moment  the  Chesapeake  was  getting  under  way,  and  the 
advantage  of  having  officers  and  men  accustomed  to  act  a  little  to 
gether,  was  lost.  The  Chesapeake's  contemplated  cruise  was  to  the 
northward  and  eastward,  with  a  view  to  intercept  the  store-ships  and 
troop-ships  that  were  steering  for  the  St.  Lawrence.  The  Hornet 
18,  Captain  Biddle,  had  been  put  under  the  orders  of  Captain  Law 
rence,  and  it  was  intended  that  the  two  ships  should  cruise  in  com- 
pany.f  The  Greenland  whale-fishery,  however,  was  the  ultimate 
object  of  these  vessels. 

In  the  forenoon  of  June  1st,  1813,  the  Shannon  appeared  in  the 
bay.  The  Chesapeake  was  then  lying  in  President  Roads,  ready  for 
sea;  though  some  disaffection  existed  among  the  crew,  on.  account 
of  the  prize-money  of  the  last  cruise,  which  was  still  unpaid.  The 
ship  had  an  unusual  number  of  mercenaries  in  her;  and  among 
others,  was  a  boatswain's  mate,  a  Portuguese,  who  was  found  to  be 
particularly  troublesome.  Under  the  extraordinary  circumstances 
in  which  the  vessel  was  placed,  it  was  thought  prudent  to  temporise, 
and  the  people  were  addressed,  and  some  promises  were  made  to 
them  which  apparently  had  the  effect  of  putting  them  in  a  better 
humour. 

*  Captain  Evans  had  lost  the  sight  of  one  of  his  eyes,  and  that  of  the  other  was  in  great 
danger. 

t  In  the  following  letter,  the  reader  will  discover  the  reluctance  with  which  Lawrence 
sailed  in  the  Chesapeake,  hesides  getting  a  better  idea  of  the  contemplated  cruise.  It 
•will  be  seen  that  the  latter  resembled  the  cruise  of  Paul  Jones  and  of  the  elder  Biddle, 
in  the  war  of  the  Revolution.  In  this  letter,  however,  Captain  Lawrence  does  not  go 
beyond  the  expected  place  of  meeting  of  the  two  ships. 

"BOSTON,  May  27th,  1813. 
"Dear  Sir: 

"In  hopes  of  being  relieved  by  Captain  Stewart,  I  neglected  writing  agreeably  to 
promise,  but  as  I  have  given  over  all  hopes  of  seeing  him,  and  the  Chesapeake  is  almost 
ready,  I  shall  sail  on  Sunday,  provided  I  have  a  chance  of  getting  out  clear  of  the  Shan 
non  and  Tenedos,  who  are  on  the  look-out.  My  intention  is  to  pass  out  by  Cape  Sable, 
then  run  out  west  (east,)  until  I  get  into  the  stream,  then  haul  in  for  Capo  Canso,  and 
run  for  Cape  Breton,  where  I  expect  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you;  I  think  your  best 
chance  of  getting  out  is  through  the  Sound. 

"  In  haste,  yours  sincerely, 

"Captain  Biddle."  "  J.  LAWRKNCE. 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  103 

At  12,  meridian,  the  Chesapeake  lifted  her  anchor,  and  stood  out, 
with  a  pleasant  breeze  from  the  southward  and  westward.  As  the 
Shannon  was  then  in  plain  sight,  the  ship  was  cleared  for  action,  and 
the  best  appearances  were  assumed,  although  it  is  known  that  Cap 
tain  Lawrence  went  into  this  engagement  with  strong  reluctance,  on 
account  of  the  peculiar  state  of  his  crew.  He  had  himself  joined  the 
vessel  only  a  few  days  before  ;  her  proper  first  lieutenant,  Mr.  O.  A. 
Page,  of  Virginia,  an  officer  of  experience,  was  ill  on  shore,  and  died 
soon  after,  in  Boston  ;  the  acting  first  lieutenant,  Mr.  Augustus  Lud- 
low,  of  New  York,  though  an  officer  of  merit,  was  a  very  young  man, 
and  was  in  an  entirely  novel  situation,  and  there  was  but  one  other 
commissioned  sea-officer  in  the  ship,  two  of  the  midshipmen  acting 
as  third  and  fourth  lieutenants,  and  now  performing  this  duty  for  the 
first  time.  One,  if  not  both  of  these  youn<r  gentlemen,  had  also  just 
joined  the  ship,  following  the  captain  from  the  Hornet.  In  addition, 
the  Chesapeake  had  an  unusual  number  of  landsmen  in  her. 

The  Shannon  stood  ofT  under  easy  sail,  when  Captain  Lawrence 
fired  a  gun,  about  half  past  4,  which  induced  her  to  heave  to,  with 
her  head  to  the  southward  and  eastward.  By  this  time  the  wind  had 
freshened,  and  at  5,  the  Chesapeake  took  in  her  royals  and  topgal 
lant-sails,  and  half  an  hour  later,  she  hauled  up  her  courses.  The 
two  ships  were  now  about  30  miles  from  the  light,  the  Shannon  under 
single-reefed  topsails  and  jib,  and  the  Chesapeake  under  her  whole 
topsails  and  jib,  coming  down  fast.  As  the  Shannon  was  running 
with  the  wind  a  little  free,  there  was  an  anxious  moment  on  board 
of  her,  during  which  it  was  uncertain  on  which  side  the  Chesapeake 
was  about  to  close,  or  whether  she  might  not  be  disposed  to  com 
mence  the  action  on  her  quarter.  But  Captain  Lawrence  chose  to 
lay  his  enemy  fairly  alongside,  yard-arm  and  yard-arm,  and  he 
luffed,  and  ranged  up  abeam,  on  the  Shannon's  starboard  side. 
When  the  Chesapeake's  foremast  was  in  a  line  with  the  Shannon's 
mizen-mast,  the  latter  ship  discharged  her  cabin  guns,  and  the  others 
in  succession,  from  aft  forward.  The  Chesapeake  did  not  fire  until 
all  her  guns  bore,  when  she  delivered  a  very  destructive  broadside. 
For  six  or  eight  minutes  the  cannonading  was  fierce,  and  the  best 
of  the  action,  so  far  as  the  general  effect  of  the  fire  was  concerned, 
is  said  to  have  been  with  the  American  frigate,  though  it  was  much 
in  favour  of  the  enemy,  in  its  particular  and  accidental  consequences. 
While  passing  the  Shannon's  broadside,  the  Chesapeake  had  her 
fore-topsail  tie  and  jib  sheet  shot  away.  Her  spanker-brails  also 
were  loosened,  and  the  sail  blew  out.  These  accidents  occurring 
nearly  at  the  same  instant,  they  brought  the  ship  up  into  the  wind, 
when,  taken  aback,  she  got  sternway,  and  fell  aboard  of  the  enemy, 
with  her  mizen-rigging  foul  of  the  Shannon's  fore-chains.  By  some 
accounts,  the  fluke  of  an  anchor  on  board  the  Shannon  hooked  in 
the  ringing  of  the  Chesapeake.  Whatever  may  have  served  to  keep 
the  ships  together,  it  appears  to  be  certain,  that  the  American  frigate 
lay  exposed  to  a  raking  fire  from  the  enemy,  who  poured  into  her  the 
contents  of  one  or  two  carronades,  that  nearly  swept  her  upper  deck. 
At  the  few  first  discharges  of  tin  Shannon,  Captain  Lawrence  had 


104  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

received  a  wound  in  the  leg ;  Mr.  Broom,  the  marine  officer,  Mr. 
Ballard,  the  acting  fourth  lieutenant,  and  the  boatswain,  were  mortally 
wounded  ;  Mr.  White,  the  master,  was  killed,  and  Mr.  Ludlow,  the 
first  lieutenant,  was  twice  wounded  by  grape  and  musketry.  Such 
was  the  state  of  the  upper  deck,  as  the  accident  mentioned,  brought 
the  vessels  in  contact.  When  Captain  Lawrence  perceived  that  the 
ships  were  likely  to  fall  foul  of  each  other,  he  directed  the  boarders 
to  be  called,  but  unfortunately,  a  bugleman  had  been  substituted  for 
the  drummer,  and  this  man,  a  negro,  was  so  much  alarmed  at  the 
effects  of  the  conflict,  that  he  had  concealed  himself  under  the  stern 
of  the  launch  ;  when  found,  he  was  completely  paralysed  by  fear, 
and  was  totally  unable  to  sound  a  note.  Verbal  orders  were  conse 
quently  sent  below,  by  the  captain's  aids,  for  the  boarders  to  come 
on  deck.  At  this  critical  moment  Captain  Lawrence  fell  with  a  ball 
through  the  body. 

The  upper  deck  was  now  left  without  an  officer  above  the  rank 
of  a  midshipman.  It  was  the  practice  of  the  service,  in  that  day,  to 
keep  the  arms  of  the  boarders  on  the  quarter-deck,  and  about  the 
masts;  and  even  when  the  boarders  had  been  summoned  in  the  slow 
and  imperfect  manner  that,  in  the  confusion  of  a  combat,  was  allowed 
by  the  voice,  they  were  without  arms ;  for,  by  this  time,  the  enemy 
was  in  possession  of  <he  Chesapeake's  quarter-deck. 

As  soon  as  the  ships  were  foul,  Captain  Broke  passed  forward  in 
the  Shannon,  and,  to  use  his  own  language,  "  seeing  that  the  enemy 
were  flinching  from  his  guns,"  he  gave  the  order  to  board.  Finding 
that  all  their  officers  had  fallen,  and  exposed  to  a  raking  fire,  with 
out  the  means  of  returning  a  shot,  the  men  on  the  Chesapeake's 
quarter-deck  had  indeed  left  their  guns.  The  marines  had  suffered 
severely,  and  having  lost  their  officer,  were  undecided  what  to  do,  and 
the  entire  upper  deck  was  left  virtually  without  any  defence. 

When  the  enemy  entered  the  ship,  from  his  fore-channels  it  was 
with  great  caution,  and  so  slowly,  that  twenty  resolute  men  would 
have  repulsed  him.  The  boarders  had  not  yet  appeared  from  below, 
and  meeting  with  no  resistance,  he  began  to  move  forward.  This 
critical  moment  lost  the  ship,  for  the  English,  encouraged  by  the 
state  of  the  Chesapeake's  upper  deck,  now  rushed  forward  in  num 
bers,  and  soon  had  entire  command  above  board.  The  remaining 
officers  appeared  on  deck,  and  endeavoured  to  make  a  rally,  but  it 
was  altogether  too  late,  for  the  boatswain's  mate  mentioned,  had  re 
moved  the  gratings  of  the  berth-deck,  and  had  run  below,  followed 
by  a  great  many  men.*  Soon  after,  the  Chesapeake's  colours  were 
hauled  down  by  the  enemy,  who  got  complete  possession  of  the  ship, 
rwith  very  little  resistance. 

Captain  Broke,  in  his  official  report  of  this  action,  observes  that 
after  he  had  boarded, "the  enemy  fought  desperately, but  in  disorder." 
The  first  part  of  this  statement  is  probably  true,  as  regards  a  few  gal 
lant  individuals  on  the  upper  deck,  but  there  was  no  regular  resis 
tance  to  the  boarders  of  the  Shannon  at  all.  The  people  of  the 

*  As  this  man  performed  this  act  of  treachery,  he  is  said  to  have  cried  out,  "  so  much 
for  not  having  paid  men  their  prize-money." 


- 
\[  TT  7-T  T 17  r 

U  w  .-.J  „  /  „. 

1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  105 

Chesapeake  had  not  the  means  to  resist,  neither  were  they  collected, 
nor  commanded  in  the  mode  in  which  they  had  been  trained  to  act. 
The  enemy  fired  down  the  hatches,  and  killed  and  wounded  a  great 
many  men,  in  this  manner,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  their  fire  was 
returned.  Although  the  English  lost  a  few  men  when  they  boarded, 
it  is  understood  that  the  slaughter  was  principally  on  the  side  of  the 
Americans,  as  might  be  expected,  after  the  assault  was  made.* 

Few  naval  battles  have  been  more  sanguinary  than  this.  It  lasted 
altogether  not  more  than  15  minutes,  and  yet  both  ships  were  charnel 
houses.  The  Chesapeake  had  48  men  killed,  and  98  wounded,  a 
large  portion  of  whom  fell  by  the  raking  fire  of  the  Shannon,  after 
the  Chesapeake  was  taken  aback,  and  by  the  fire  of  the  boarders. 
The  Shannon  had  23  killed  and  56  wounded,  principally  by  the 
Chesapeake's  broadsides.  It  was  impossible  for  ships  of  that  size  to 
approach  so  near,  in  tolerably  smooth  water,  and  to  fire  with  so 
much  steadiness,  without  committing  great  havoc.  On  board  the 
Chesapeake  fell,  or  died  of  their  wounds  shortly  after  the  combat, 
Captain  Lawrence,  Lieutenants  Ludlow,  Ballard,and  Broom,  (of  the 
marines,)  Mr.  White,  the  master,  Mr.  Adams,  the  boatswain,  and 
three  midshipmen.  All  but  the  midshipmen,  fell  before  the  enemy 
boarded.  Mr.  Budd  second,  and  Mr.  Cox,  third  lieutenant,  were 
wounded  after  the  enemy  had  got  on  the  Chesapeake's  decks.  Sev 
eral  midshipmen  were  also  wounded.  The  Shannon  lost  her  first 
lieutenant,  and  one  or  two  inferior  officers,  and  Captain  Broke  was 
badly  wounded ;  the  boatswain  lost  an  arm,  and  one  midshipman 
was  wounded,  mostly  after  the  boarding. 

As  soon  as  the  ships  were  clear  of  each  other,  they  both  made  sail 
for  Halifax,  where  they  soon  after  arrived.  Captain  Lawrence  died 
of  his  wounds  on  the  6th  of  June,  and  with  Mr.  Ludlow,  was  buried 
by  the  enemy  with  military  honours.f 

*  The  fact  that  the  English  met  with  no  resistance  in  coming  on  board  the  Chesapeake, 
is  fully  confirmed  by  the  official  account  of  Captain  Broke.  This  officer,  who  appears  to 
have  behaved  with  great  personal  gallantry,  was  among  the  first  to  board,  and  he  says, 
"  having  received  a  sabre  "wound,  at  the  first  onset,  while  charging  a  part  of  the  enemy, 
who  had  rallied  on  their  forecastle,"  &c.  &c.  The  enemy  came  in  astern,  and  the  first 
onset  occurring  on  the  forecastle,  it  follows  that  there  was  no  resistance  aft. 

t  James  Lawrence  was  born  at  Burlington,  New  Jersey,  October  1st,  1781.  His 
father  was  a  respectable  lawyer,  and  it  was  first  intended  to  educate  the  son  to  the  same 
profession,  but  preferring  the  sea,  he  received  a  midshipman's  warrant  on  the  4th  of 
September.  1798.  His  first  service  •was  in  the  Ganges  24,  Captain  Tingey.  So  much 
aptitude  did  he  show  for  the  profession,  that  Mr.  Lawrence  was  made  an  acting  lieu 
tenant,  by  his  commander,  within  two  years  after  he  went  to  sea,  though  he  did  not 
receive  a  commission  until  1802.  He  was  first  lieutenant  in  the  Enterprise  from  1802  to 
1804,  and  distinguished  himself  in  the  attack  on  the  feluccas  at  old  Tripoli,  in  May,  1802, 
under  Mr.  Porter.  In  February,  1804,  he  accompanied  his  commander,  Lieutenant 
Cgnmandant  Decatur,  and  the  Enterprise's  ship-company  in  the  attack  on  the  Phila 
delphia,  on  which  occasion  he  was  second  in  command,  among  the  party  that  went  in. 
In  1805  he  crossed  the  ocean  twice  in  a  gun-boat,  and  in  1808  he  was  made  first  lieu 
tenant  of  the  Constitution. 

Mr.  Lawrence  enjoyed  a  high  reputation  in  the  service,  for  in  addition  to  his  profes 
sional  attachments,  as  Decatur  had  expressed  himself  of  his  character,  there  was  "  no 
more  dodge  about  him  than  about  the  mainmast."  In  1809  he  got  command  of  the  Vixen 
14,  and  shortly  after  of  the  Wasp  18.  Being  still  a  lieutenant,  this  last  command  he  was 
compelled  to  relinquish  to  Captain  Jones,  exchanging  his  ship  for  the  Argus  16.  In  1811 
he  was  promoted,  when  he  got  the  Hornet  18.  In  this  vessel  he  was  serving  at  the 
commencement  of  the  war,  and  in  her  he  captured  the  Peacock  18.  His  next  command 


106  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

Perhaps  the  capture  of  no  single  ship  ever  produced  so  much  ex 
ultation  on  the  side  of  the  victors,  or  so  much  depression  on  that  of 
the  beaten  party,  as  that  of  the  Chesapeake.  The  American  nation 
had  fallen  into  the  error  of  their  enemy,  and  had  begun  to  imagine 
themselves  invincible  on  tbe  ocean,  and  this  without  any  better  rea 
son  than  having  been  successful  in  a  few  detached  combats,  and  its 
mortification  was  in  proportion  to  the  magnitude  of  its  delusion ; 
while  England  hailed  the  success  of  the  Shannon  as  a  proof  that  its 
ancient  renown  was  about  to  be  regained.  It  has  always  been  a 
prevalent  illusion  among  the  people  of  Great  Britain  to  believe  them 
selves  superior  to  most  other  nations  in  pure  personal  prowess,  and 
the  Chesapeake  having  been  taken  by  boarding,  this  peculiar  dispo 
sition  was  flattered  with  the  impression  that  they  had  prevailed  in  a 
hand  to  hand  conflict,  and  that  their  seamen  had  only  to  go  on  board 
the  American  ships  in  future,  in  order  to  be  triumphant.  This  error, 
in  the  end,  lost  them  several  vessels,  for  a  more  hazardous  experi 
ment  cannot  well  be  made,  than  to  attempt  carrying  a  ship  of  any 
force  by  boarding,  before  she  has  been  virtually  beaten  with  the 
guns.  It  is  scarcely  exceeding  the  truth  to  say  that  such  a  circum 
stance  never  occurred.  In  the  ancient  navies  of  Europe,  in  which 
men  obtained  commissions  on  account  of  their  birth,  and  captains 
have  been  often  known  to  allow  their  inferiors  to  give  orders  in  the 
heat  of  a  combat,  any  thing  may  happen,  for  a  ship  without  a  com 
mander  is  like  a  man  without  a  soul ;  but  no  experienced  seaman 
will  ever  expose  his  people  unnecessarily  in  this  manner,  against  an 
enemy  that  he  feels  to  be  prepared  to  receive  him. 

In  America  reflection  soon  caused  the  mortification  in  a  great 
measure  to  subside,  as  it  was  seen  that  the  capture  of  the  Chesapeake, 
was  owing  to  a  concurrence  of  circumstances  that  was  not  likely 

was  the  Chesapeake  38,  after  he  was  made  a  captain,  in  which  ship  ho  fell,  dying  of  his 
wounds. Tune  6th,  1813,  in  the  32d  year  of  his  age. 

Captain  Lawrence  married  a  lady  of  New  York,  in  1809,  while  in  command  of  the 
Vixen,  by  whom  he  had  several  children,  only  one  of  whom,  a  daughter,  survives. 

James  Lawrence  was  a  man  of  noble  stature,  and  fine  personal  appearance.  He  had 
the  air  and  manners  of  a  gentleman-like  sailor,  and  was  much  beloved  by  his  friends. 
He  was  quick  and  impetuous  in  his  feelings,  and  sometimes  manifested  it  on  the  quarter 
deck,  but,  in  all  critical  situations,  his  coolness  was  remarkable.  He  was  a  perfect  man- 
of-war's-man,  and  an  excellent  quarter-deck  seaman,  handling  his  vessel  not  only  skil 
fully,  but  with  all  the  style  of  the  profession.  In  his  feelings  and  sentiments  he  was 
chivalrous,  generous,  and  just.  Indeed,  his  interest  in  the  midshipmen  was  proverbial, 
and,  on  one  occasion,  when  the  midshipmen  of  a  squadron  gave  a  dinner  to  Commodore 
Rodgers,  for  some  reason  it  was  proposed  not  to  ask  any  lieutenant.  "  What,  not  Mr. 
Lawrence  !''  cried  one.  Mr.  Lawrence  was  excepted  by  acclamation,  and  was,  in  fact, 
the  only  lieutenant  present.  His  humanity  and  kindness  of  heart  were  as  conspicuous 
as  his  courage,  and  he  was  never  known  to  say  rude  things  to  his  inferiors,  for  while  his 
manner  had  all  a  seaman's  frankness,  and  sometimes  a  superior's  impatience,  it  was 
tempered  by  the  qualities  of  a  gentleman.  His  eyes  filled  with  tears  while  inflicting 
necessary  punishment,  nor  was  it  common  to  find  another  who  had  so  strong  a  reluctance 
to  use  his  authority  in  this  mode,  as  himself. 

There  is  little  doubt  that  Lawrence  fought  the  Chesapeake  contrary  to  his  own  judg 
ment.  His  challenge  to  the  Bonne  Citoyenne  was  an  additional  reason  for  going  out, 
under  the  circumstances,  and  it  furnishes  proof,  in  itself,  of  the  inexpediency  of  using 
those  means  of  bringing  on  an  engagement.  His  deportment  during  the  battle  in  which 
he  fell  was  noble  and  inspiriting,  and  the  loss  of  the  ship  may  be  imputed  to  his  death. 
Even  his  enemies  eulogised  the  manner  in  which  he  carried  his  vessel  into  action,  and 
his  (lying  words,  a  little  changed  by  a  poetical  licence,  have  passed  into  a  nautical 
rallying  cry. 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  107 

again  to  happen.  It  was  soon  understood  that  the  closeness  and 
short  duration  of  this  combat  were  actually  owing  to  their  own  offi 
cer,  who  brought  his  ship  so  near  that  the  battle  was  necessarily  soon 
decided,  while  its  succeeding  incidents  were  altogether  the  results  of 
the  chances  of  war.  At  the  moment  when  the  English  boarded,  the 
total  loss  of  the  Shannon  in  men,  is  believed  to  have  been  at  least 
equal  to  that  of  the  Chesapeake  arid  yet  the  former  vessel  was  de 
prived  of  the  services  of  no  important  officer  but  the  boatswain,  while 
the  Chesapeake  had  lost  those  of  her  captain,  two  of  her  lieutenants, 
master,  marine  officer,  and  boatswain,  including  every  one  in  any 
authority  on  the  upper  deck.  These  fortuitous  events  are  as  uncon 
nected  with  any  particular  merit  on  the  one  side,  as  they  are  with 
any  particular  demerit  on  the  other ;  and  the  feeling  of  the  Ameri 
cans  gradually  settled  down  into  a  sentiment  of  sincere  respect  for 
the  high-spirited  Lawrence,  and  of  deep  regret  for  his  loss.  When 
told  of  their  defeat,  and  called  on  to  acknowledge  that  their  enemy 
was  victorious  in  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  combats  of  the  age, 
they  have  generally  given  all  the  credit  to  the  conquerors  that  they 
deserved,  and  while  they  frankly  admit  that  the  victory  was  remark 
able,  they  may  be  excused  for  believing  it  quite  as  much  so  for  stand 
ing  alone  in  such  a  war,  as  for  any  other  distinguishing  char 
acteristic. 


CHAPTER   XI. 

The  Vixen,  Capt.  Reed,  is  captured  by  the  Southampton — Both  vessels  are  soon  after 
wrecked — Cruise  of  the  Siren,  Captain  Parker — Death  and  notice  of  Capt.  P. — The 
Siren,  Lieut.  Nicholson,  is  captured  by  the  Medway — The  Enterprise,  Lieut.  Blakely, 
captures  the  privateer  Fly — Under  Lieut.  Comdt.  Burrows,  her  action  with  and  cap 
ture  of  the  British  brig  Boxer — Commanders  of  both  ships  are  killed — Notice  of  Lieut. 
B. — Under  Lieut.  Renshaw,  the  Enterprise  captures  the  British  privateer  Mars — 
Capture  of  the  Rattlesnake,  Lieut.  Comdt.  Renshaw,  by  the  Leander. 

WHILE  these  different  events  were  occurring  among  the  frigates 
and  larger  sloops  of  war,  the  lighter  cruisers  of  the  navy  had  not 
been  idle.  The  fate  of  the  Nautilus  has  been  already  mentioned  ; 
the  Argus's  cruises  have  also  been  alluded  to  ;  but  nothing  has  been 
said  of  the  Siren,  Enterprise,  and  Vixen,  the  other  three  little  vessels, 
which  were  so  distinguished  in  the  Tripolitan  contest.  The  latter, 
like  her  sister  the  Nautilus,  had  but  a  short  career  after  the  declara 
tion  of  war.  During  the  first  few  months,  she  was  on  the  southern 
coast,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Gadsden,  but  that  officer  dying, 
she  was  given  to  Captain  Washington  Reed,  who  went  on  a  cruise 
among  the  Islands.  A  few  days  out,  he  was  fallen  in  with  and  chased 
by  the  Southampton  32,  Captain  Sir  James  Lucas  Yeo,  which  ship 
succeeded  in  getting  alongside  of  the  Vixen,  after  a  short  but  severe 
trial  of  speed,  and  of  course  captured  her.  Both  vessels  were  soon 


108  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

after  wrecked  on  one  of  the  Bahama  Islands,  when,  it  is  said,  that 
the  American  crew  set  an  example  of  subordination,  sobriety,  and 
order,  that  produced  a  strong  impression  on  the  British  officers.* 

The  Siren  cruised  a  short  time  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  without 
meeting  with  any  thing,  under  Lieutenant  Commandant  Joseph 
Bainbridge,  and  then  came  north,  going  into  Boston.  Here  Mr. 
Bainbridge,  who  had  been  promoted,  was  transferred  to  the  Frolic, 
one  of  the  new  sloops  built  under  the  late  law;  and  Mr.  George 
Parker,  who  had  been  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  Constitution,  in  her 
action  with  the  Java,  having  been  promoted,  was  attached  to  the  brig 
in  his  place.  The  future  history  of  this  little  cruiser  being  brief,  it 
may  be  given  here.  She  sailed  from  Boston  in  the  summer  of  1814, 
and,  shortly  after  she  got  to  sea,  Captain  Parkert  died  ;  when  Lieu 
tenant  N.  Nicholson  succeeded  to  the  command.  On  the  12th  of 
July,  the  Siren  fell  in  with  the  Medway  74,  Captain  Brine,  and, 
after  a  vigorous  chase  of  eleven  hours,  during  which  the  brig  threw 
her  guns  overboard,  she  was  captured,  and  taken  into  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope. 

The  fortune  of  the  Enterprise  was  better,  her  character  for  good 
luck  having  been  singularly  maintained,  and  this,  too,  under  very 
unfavourable  circumstances,  throughout  the  whole  of  the  war.  Her 
first  commander  was  Mr.  Johnston  Blakely,  who  kept  her  on  the 
eastern  coast,  where  she  was  of  great  service,  in  driving  off  the  small 
privateers  that  were  sent  out  of  the  adjacent  English  ports.  In  Au 
gust,  she  captured  the  Fly  privateer,  and  soon  after,  Mr.  Blakely, 
having  risen  to  the  rank  of  master  and  commander,  was  given  the 
command  of  a  new  sloop  called  the  Wasp.  His  successor  in  the 
Enterprise  was  Mr.  William  Burrows.  The  service  of  the  vessel, 
under  this  officer,  was  not  changed,  but  she  was  still  kept  to  watch 
the  enemy's  privateers,  between  Cape  Ann  and  the  Bay  of  Fundy. 

The  Enterprise  left  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  on  the  1st  of  September, 
1813,  and  steering  to  the  eastward,  was  led  into  Portland,  in  chase 
of  a  schooner,  on  the  3d.  On  the  4th,  she  swept  out  to  sea  again, 
and  pursued  her  course  to  the  eastward  in  quest  of  several  privateers 
that  were  reported  to  be  off  Manhagan.  While  opening  the  bay, 
near  Penguin  Point,  a  brig  was  seen  getting  under  way,  that  had 
every  appearance  of  being  a  vessel  of  war.  The  character  of  the 
stranger  was  soon  put  out  of  all  doubt,  by  her  setting  four  British 
ensigns,  firing  several  guns,  which  are  since  known  to  have  been 

*  Shortly  after,  and  before  he  could  he  exchanged,  Captain  Reed,  who  enjoyed  a  high 
reputation  for  spirit  and  conduct  in  the  service,  died  of  yellow  fever.  He  had  been 
Somers's  first  lieutenant. 

t  The  professional  history  of  Captain  Parker  was  a  little  singular.  He  was  of  a  respect 
able  family  in  Virginia,  and  entered  the  navy  young.  He  had  risen  to  the  rank  of  lieu 
tenant,  or  acting  lieutenant ;  when,  taking  offence  at  something  in  the  deportment  of  a 
tradesman  who  came  on  board  the  ship  to  which  he  belonged,  which  was  lying  at  Wash 
ington  at  the  time,  he  followed  the  man  on  shore  and  chastised  him.  The  man  is  said  to 
have  presented  himself  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  the  plight  in  which  he  had  been  left,  and  Mr. 
Parker  •was  dismissed  from  the  navy,  without  trial.  This  occurred  in  1804.  Determin 
ed  not  to  be  driven  from  his  profession,  Mr.  Parker  entered  as  a  master's  mate,  and  not 
long  after  rose  to  be  amaster.  In  1807,  he  received  the  commission  of  a  lieutenant,  and 
in  1813,  that  of  a  master  and  commander.  He  was  a  brave  and  spirited  officer,  and  bade 
fair  to  rise  in  the  service  when  he  died. 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  109 

signals  of  recall  to  a  boat  that  had  gone  to  the  shore,  and  her  making 
sail  to  close  with  the  Enterprise.  Being  satisfied  that  he  had  an 
enemy  and  a  vessel  of  war  to  deal  with,  Lieutenant  Commandant 
Burrows  hauled  up,  in  order  to  clear  the  land. 

While  the  two  vessels  were  standing  out,  the  Enterprise  leading, 
some  preparations  were  making  on  board  the  latter  that  produced 
uneasiness  in  a  portion  of  her  crew.  This  little  brig  had  a  small 
poop-cabin  on  deck,  and  Mr.  Burrows  had  directed  a  long  gun  from 
forward  to  be  brought  aft,  and  to  be  run  out  of  one  of  the  windows. 
Owing  to  the  rake  of  the  stern -frame,  and  to  the  fixtures  of  the  cabin, 
this  arrangement  could  not  be  completed  without  cutting  away  some 
of  the  wood.  On  observing  this,  the  impression  became  general 
among  the  men  that  it  was  the  intention  of  their  commander,  who 
was  almost  a  stranger  to  them,  to  keep  off,  and  to  use  the  gun  as  a 
stern  chaser.  This  was  an  unpleasant  idea  to  the  forecastle  men  in 
particular,  who  were  burning  with  a  desire  to  be  carried  alongside 
of  the  enemy.  The  forecastle  was  commanded  by  a  young  officer 
of  great  promise,*  and  the  seamen  at  length  urged  him  to  go  aft  and 
state  their  anxiety  to  engage,  as  well  as  their  entire  confidence  of 
success.  This  gentleman  so  far  complied  as  to  speak  privately  to 
the  first  lieutenant,  who  explained  the  intention  of  Mr.  Burrows,  and 
fully  satisfied  the  people. 

At  3  P.  M.,  believing  himself  far  enough  from  the  land,  and  haying 
completed  his  preparations,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Burrows,  a 
man  likely  to  think  of  any  thing  but  flight  on  such  an  occasion, 
shortened  sail  and  edged  away  towards  his  enemy,  who  seemed 
equally  willing  to  engage.  The  two  brigs  approached  on  contrary 
tacks.  As  they  neared  each  other,  or  at  20  minutes  past  3,  they 
kept  away  together  ;  and  as  they  came  side  by  side,  both  delivered 
their  fire,  within  pistol-shot.  The  Enterprise,  opened  with  her  lar 
board,  and  the  enemy  with  his  starboard  guns.  The  former  brig 
drew  ahead,  keeping  up  an  animated  fire,  and  finding  himself  well 
forward  of  the  English  vessel's  bow,  Mr.  Burrows  put  his  helm 
a-starboard,  and  sheered  across  his  antagonist's  forefoot,  firing  the 
gun  that  had  been  run  out  of  the  cabin  window  once  or  twice  with 
great  effect  in  passing.  The  enemy  was  now  allowed  to  come  up 
again  on  the  Enterprise's  quarter,  when  the  two  vessels  engaged  with 
their  opposite  guns;  the  American  brig  continuing  to  keep  well  on 
the  enemy's  bow.  In  this  situation  the  English  vessel  lost  her  main- 
topmast,  when  the  Enterprise  again  sheered  athwart  her  forefoot, 
raked  her  once  or  twice  more  with  the  long  gun  aft,  wrhich  proved  to 
be  the  most  serviceable  piece  in  the  vessel,  and  resumed  her  position 
on  the  enemy's  starboard  bow,  maintaining  an  animated  fire.  AT  hile 
lying  in  this  favourable  situation,  the  action  terminated. 

In  this  hot  and  vigorous  combat,  the  Enterprise  was  singularly 
well  handled,  manoeuvring  on  the  bows  of  her  enemy  with  effect, 
while  she  was  kept  perfectly  in  command,  and  was  ready  at  any  mo 
ment  to  meet  any  change  of  position  on  the  part  of  her  antagonist. 

*Since  Commodore  Aulick 
VOL.  II.  7 


110  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

That  it  was  the  original  intention  of  her  commander  to  fight  her  in 
this  novel  manner,  was  apparent  by  the  forethought  he  discovered  by 
shifting  the  bow  gun  aft. 

The  fire  of  the  enemy  ceased  about  4,  though  his  colours  were  still 
flying.  He  now  hailed  to  say  he  had  struck  ;  and  when  ordered  to 
haul  down  his  ensign,  an  answer  was  given  that  it  had  been  nailed 
aloft,  and  could  not  be  lowered  until  the  fire  of  the  Enterprise  should 
cease.  After  this  awkward  explanation,  the  Enterprise  stopped 
firing,  and  took  possession.  The  prize  proved  to  be  H.  B.  M.  bri<j 
Boxer  14,  Captain  Blythe,  an  officer  of  merit,  who  had  been  cut 
nearly  in  two  by  an  eighteen-pound  shot.  The  loss  of  the  Boxer  in 
killed  has  never  been  accurately  ascertained,  though  it  is  thought  to 
have  been  relatively  heavy.  She  had  14  men  wounded.  The  En 
terprise  had  1  man  killed,  and  13  wounded,  of  whom  3  subsequently 
died.  Among  the  latter,  unhappily,  was  her  gallant  commander. 
Although  the  disparity  in  the  casualties  of  this  action  was  not  so 
striking  as  in  some  of  the  previous  engagements,  that  in  the  injuries 
received  by  the  two  vessels  was  very  great.  But  one  eighteen-pound 
shot  hulled  the  Enterprise  ;  one  passed  through  her  mainmast,  and 
another  through  her  foremast.  She  was  much  cut  up  aloft,  particu 
larly  by  grape  ;  and  a  great  many  shot  of  the  latter  description  had 
struck  her  hull.  Nearly  all  the  casualties  were  received  from  grape 
or  cannister  shot.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Boxer  had  been  repeat 
edly  hulled,  had  no  less  than  three  eighteen-pound  shot  through  her 
foremast  alone,  several  of  her  guns  were  dismounted,  her  topgallant 
forecastle  was  nearly  cut  away,  and  her  sails,  spars,  and  rigging 
generally,  were  touch  torn  to  pieces.  The  water  being  quite  smooth, 
neither  vessel  was  dismasted.  The  Enterprise  returned  to  Portland 
on  the  7th,  with  the  Boxer,  where  Lieutenant  Commandant  Burrows,* 
and  Captain  Blythe,  were  both  buried  with  the  honours  of  war. 

This  little  success  was  the  first  that  had  fallen  to  the  share  of  the 
American  navy  since  the  loss  of  the  Chesapeake  ;  and  it  had  a  great 
influence  in  restoring  the  confidence  of  the  nation,  which,  no  longer 
expecting  impossibilities,  began  to  be  satisfied  with  victory.  The 
vessels  were  of  the  same  class,  and,  though  the  Enterprise  was  the 
longest  on  deck,  there  was  no  material  difference  in  the  tonnage. 
The  American  vessel  carried  two  guns  the  most ;  her  armament,  as 
well  as  that  of  all  the  other  small  vessels,  having  been  increased  since 
the  Tripolitan  war.  When  the  Enterprise  first  cruised  in  the  West 
Indies,  her  armament  consisted  of  12  sixes.  After  she  was  repaired, 
or  rather  rebuilt,  at  Trieste,  14  sixes  were  put  in  her;  and  subse- 

*  Mr.  B  arrows  was  a  son  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Burrows,  at  an  earlier  day  the  com 
mandant  of  the  marine  corps.  He  entered  the  navy,  January  4lh,  1800,  and,  though  a 
man  of  great  singularity  of  temperament,  was  generally  much  beloved  in  the  service. 
He  took  the  Enterprise  into  action  in  very  gallant  style,  and,  after  receiving  his  -wound, 
refused  to  be  carried  below,  until  the  Boxer  had  struck.  Mr.  Burrows  was  killed  by 
the  accidental  position  of  a  limb.  While  encouraging  his  men,  he  laid  hold  of  a  gun- 
tackle  fall,  to  help  the  crew  of  a  carronade  that  had  lost  some  people,  to  run  out  the  gun, 
and  in  doing  so,  raised  one  leg  against  the  bulwark  to  aid  the  effort.  At  this  moment,  a 
shot,  supposed  to  be  a  cannister,  struck  his  thigh,  and  glanced  from  the  bone  into  his 
body,  inflicting  a  fearfully  painful  wound,  which  he  bore  with  a  fortitude  that  equalled 
his  courage.  He  was  unmarried,  and  died  in  his  28th  year. 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  Ill 

quently,  when  altered  into  a  brig,  by  crowding  the  ports,  she  carried 
14  eighteen-pound  carronades  and  two  long  chase  guns.  She  prob 
ably  had,  also,  a  few  more  men  than  the  Boxer,  though  precisely 
what  number  cannot  be  ascertained,  as  the  little  brig  is  said  to  have 
had  some  supernumeraries.  Both  brigs  were  gallantly  fought,  and 
it  is  admitted  that  the  Boxer  was  not  given  up  too  soon.  When  Mr. 
Burrows  fell,  the  command  of  the  Enterprise  devolved  on  Lieuten 
ant  E.  B.  M'Call,  who  brought  both  brigs  into  port.* 

After  the  death  of  Mr.  Burrows,  Lieutenant  James  Renshaw  was 
appointed  to  the  command  of  the  Enterprise,  under  which  officer, 
during  the  following  winter,  she  made  a  cruise  to  the  southward,  as 
far  as  the  West  Indies.  Here  her  usual  good  fortune  accompanied 
her;  for  though  she  sailed  badly,  and  was  three  times  hard  chased, 
she  always  escaped.  The  Rattlesnake  16,  a  fast-sailing  brig,  bought 
into  the  service,  was  in  company,  under  the  orders  of  Lieutenant 
Commandant  Creighton,  who  was  the  senior  officer  of  the  two  ves 
sels.  Mr.  Creighton  went  on  cruising  ground  much  frequented  by 
the  enemy,  and  yet  fell  in  with  no  man-of-war  he  could  engage.  He 
was  chased  by  heavy  ships,  and,  to  use  his  own  expression,  "  in 
every  instance,  the  good  fortune  of  the  Enterprise  has  been  wonder 
fully  manifest."  The  Rattlesnake  outsailed  her  consort  with  so 
much  ease,  that  most  of  the  cruise  she  was  under  her  topsails. 

While  off  the  coast  of  Florida,  the  Enterprise  got  alongside  of  the 
Mars  14,  a  British  privateer,  with  a  crew  of  75  men.  When  the  two 
brigs  appeared,  near  half  the  people  of  the  Mars  took  to  the  boats 
and  went  ashore,  to  escape  impressment ;  but  her  master,  notwith 
standing  this  reduction  of  his  force,  ranged  up  under  the  broadside 
of  the  Enterprise,  with  his  tompions  out  and  guns  trained.  Lieuten 
ant  Renshaw  being  ignorant  of  the  strength  of  the  crew  of  the  Mars, 
fired  into  her,  when  she  struck,  having  had  4  men  killed  and  wound 
ed.  On  the  25th  of  April,  the  brigs  separated  while  chased  by  a 
frigate.  The  enemy  pursued  the  Enterprise,  and  for  70  hours 
pressed  her  very  hard.  Lieutenant  Commandant  Renshaw  was 
compelled  to  throw  all  his  guns  but  one  overboard,  and  yet  the  ene 
my  frequently  got  within  the  range  of  shot.  On  the  morning  of  the 
27th,  it  was  perfectly  calm,  and  the  frigate,  then  at  long  gun-shot, 
began  to  hoist  out  her  boats,  when  a  light  breeze  sprung  up,  and 
brought  this  lucky  little  brig  again  dead  to  windward.  Nothing  but 
this  favourable  shift  of  wind  saved  the  Enterprise  from  capture. 

Shortly  after,  Mr.  Creighton  was  promoted,  and  appointed  to  the 

*There  is  little  doubt  that  Captain  Blythe  engaged  with  strong  expectations  of  captur 
ing  the  Enterprise.  He  knew  of  her  being  near  him,  and  probably  knew  her  when  he 
got  under  •way.  It  is  impossible  he  should  not  also  have  known  her  force.  His  people 
came  into  action  in  high  spirits ;  and  the  colours  were  nailed  to  the  mast  by  his  orders. 
"When  the  Enterprise  hailed  to  know  if  the  Boxer  had  struck,  one  of  the  officers  of  the 
latter  sprang  on  a  gun,  shook  both  fists  at  the  Americans,  and  cried  out,  "  No — no — no," 
with  the  addition  of  some  pretty  strong  terms  of  opprobrium.  So  powerful  was  this 
gentleman's  excitement,  that  his  superior  had  to  order  him  down,  lest  he  might  be  the 
means  of  drawing  a  fire  on  the  vessel.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add,  that  the  officers 
and  men  of  the  Enter  prise  laughed  at  this  ludicrous  scene,  which  was  rendered  so  much 
the  more  piquant  by  the  process  of  lowering  colours  that  had  been  nailed  aloft.  These 
expedients  may  produce  good,  with  particular  crews,  and  in  peculiar  circumstances; 
but,  as  rules,  challenges  should  not  be  given,  nor  colours  nailed  to  the  mast. 


112  NAVAL  HISTORY  [1813 

command  of  a  new  sloop  of  war  just  launched  at  Washington,  and 
Mr.  Renshaw  was  transferred  to  the  Rattlesnake.  The  two  vessels 
being  in  a  southern  port,  the  Enterprise  was  sent  to  Charleston, 
where  she  became  the  gua.rd  vessel,  her  sailing  being  too  indifferent 
to  allow  of  her  being  sent  to  sea  again,  in  such  a  war.  When  cruis 
ing  in  the  Rattlesnake,  in  lat.  40°  N.,  long.  33°  W.,  Lieutenant 
Commandant  Renshaw  was  chased  by  a  frigate,  and  compelled  to 
throw  overboard  all  his  armament  but  the  two  long  guns.  By  this 
means  he  escaped.  June  22d,  near  the  same  spot,  however,  he  fell 
in  with  the  Leander  50,  a  new  ship,  constructed  on  the  most  approved 
modern  plan,  which  vessel  captured  him,  the  Rattlesnake  having 
been  unfortunately  placed  between  an  enemy  that  had  the  advantage 
of  the  wind,  and  the  land.  On  this  occasion,  Lieutenant  Command 
ant  Renshaw  kept  his  colours  flying  in  a  very  steady  and  officer-like 
manner,  until  the  Leander  threw  her  shot  into  the  Rattlesnake  with 
precision  and  effect. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Six  new  sloops  of  war  added  to  the  navy — Cruise  of  the  Argus,  Capt.  Allen,  on  the 
coast  of  England,  and  Ireland — she  captures  twenty  sail  of  merchantmen — Her  action 
with  and  capture  by  the  Pelican — Death  of  Capt.  Allen — sketch  of  his  life — The  En 
terprise — summary  of  her  services. 

IN  addition  to  the  law  of  January  2d,  1813,  which  authorised  the 
construction  of  four  ships  of  the  line  and  six  heavy  frigates,  it  will 
be  remembered  that  the  executive  was  also  empowered  to  cause 
several  sloops  of  war  to  be  laid  down.  These  ships  were  of  the  class 
of  the  Hornet  and  Wasp,  but  were  a  little  larger  than  the  old  vessels 
of  the  same  rate  ;  and  they  all  mounted  20  thirty-two-pound  carron- 
ades,  besides  the  two  bow  guns.  Most  of  them  were  got  into  the 
water  in  the  course  of  the  year  1813,  though  their  preparations  were 
in  different  degrees  of  forwardness.  They  were  called  the  Wasp, 
the  Frolic,  the  Peacock,  the  Erie,  the  Ontario,  and  the  Argus.  As 
there  had  been  a  brig  in  the  navy  of  the  latter  name,  however,  with 
which  the  reader  has  long  been  acquainted,  it  is  now  necessary  to 
allude  to  her  fate. 

After  the  return  of  the  Argus  from  her  cruise  under  Lieutenant 
Commandant  Sinclair,  as  has  been  already  stated,  Mr.  William 
Henry  Allen,  who  had  been  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  United  States 
44,  in  her  action  with  the  Macedonian,  was  appointed  to  command 
her.  Lieutenant  Allen  first  obtained  the  Argus  by  an  order  from 
Commodore  Decatur;  and  there  was  a  moment  when  it  was  uncer 
tain  whether  Captain  Biddle,  or  this  gentleman,  should  go  to  sea  in 
the  brig,  but  the  former  was  put  into  the  Hornet.  Mr.  Allen  was 
shortly  after  promoted,  when  his  new  station  was  confirmed  by  the 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  113 

department.  June  18th,  1813,  the  Argus  sailed  from  New  York, 
with  Mr.  Crawford,  then  recently  appointed  minister  to  France,  on 
board  ;  and  after  a  passage  of  23  days,  she  arrived  safe  at  1'Orient. 
Remaining  but  three  days  in  the  port,  Captain  Allen  proceeded  on 
a  cruise. 

The  Argus  sailed  from  FOrient  about  the  middle  of  July,  and  her 
exploits  for  the  next  few  weeks,  revive  the  recollections  of  those  of 
Captains  Jones,  Wickes,  and  Conyngham,  during  the  Revolution. 
Captain  Allen  kept  his  brig  for  some  time  in  the  chops  of  the  Eng 
lish  Channel,  then  went  round  the  Land's  End,  and  shifted  his  cruis 
ing  ground  to  the  Irish  Channel.  He  captured  twenty  sail  of 
merchantmen,  while  passing,  as  it  might  be,  through  the  very  centre 
of  the  enemy,  most  of  which  were  destroyed.  The  appearance  of 
this  vessel  so  near  the  British  coast,  excited  much  interest  in  the 
English  commercial  world,  and  several  cruisers  were  immediately 
sent  in  chase  of  her. 

It  will  readily  be  understood,  that  the  duty  on  board  the  Argus, 
was  of  the  most  harassing  and  fatiguing  nature,  the  feelings  of  Cap 
tain  Allen  inducing  him  to  allow  the  masters  and  passengers  of  the 
different  vessels  he  took,  to  remove  every  thing  of  value,  that  belonged 
to  themselves,  before  he  caused  the  prizes  to  be  burned.  Indeed, 
in  so  honourable  arid  chivalrous  a  spirit  did  this  excellent  officer  con 
duct  the  peculiar  warfare  in  which  he  was  engaged,  that  even  the 
enemy  did  ample  justice  to  his  liberality. 

On  the  night  of  the  13th  of  August,  the  Argus  fell  in  with  a  vessel 
from  Oporto,  loaded  with  wine.  It  has  been  said,  and  apparently  on 
authority  entitled  to  credit,  that  a  good  deal  of  the  liquor  was  brought 
on  board  the  brig,  clandestinely,  as  the  boats  passed  to  £>nd  fro,  and 
that  many  of  the  people,  who  had  been  over-worked  and  kept  from 
their  rest,  partook  of  the  refreshment  it  afforded  too  freely.  A  little 
before  daylight  the  prize  was  set  on  fire,  when  the  Argus  left  her,  un 
der  easy  sail.  Shortly  after,  a  large  bri^  of  war  was  seen  standing 
down  upon  the  American  vessel,  under  a  cloud  of  canvass ;  and 
finding  it  impossible  to  gain  the  wind  of  his  enemy,  Captain  Allen 
shortened  sail  to  allow  him  to  close.  At  6,  the  Argus  wore,  and  fired 
her  larboard  broadside,  the  English  vessel  being  then  within  good 
grape  and  cannister  range.  The  fire  was  immediately  returned,  the 
brigs  fast  drawing  nearer.  Within  four  minutes  after  the  commence 
ment  of  the  action,  Captain  Allen  was  mortally  wounded,  by  a  round 
shot's  carrying  off  a  leg.  He  refused  to  be  taken  below,  but  fainting 
from  loss  of  blood,  he  was  carried  off  the  deck  at  8  minutes  past  6. 
At  12  minutes  past  6,  Mr.  Watson,  the  first  lieutenant  was  severely 
wounded  in  the  head  by  a  grape-shot,  which  stunned  him,  and  he 
was  also  taken  below.  But  one  lieutenant  remained,  Mr.  W.  H. 
Allen,  who  continued  to  fight  the  brig,  in  a  very  gallant  manner, 
under  the  most  discouraging  circumstances.  At  this  juncture,  the 
Argus  was  beautifully  handled,  an  attempt  of  the  enemy  to  cross  her 
stern,  by  keeping  away,  having  been  frustrated,  by  the  American 
brig's  luffing  into  the  wind,  making  a  half-board  and  throwing  in  a 
completely  raking  broadside  herself.  But  all  the  braces  aft  having 


114  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813 


been  shot  away,  the  Argus  broke  round  off,  in  filling  again,  when 
the  enemy  succeeded  in  crossing  her  stern  and  raking.  At  25  min 
utes  past  6,  the  wheel-ropes  and  nearly  all  the  running  rigging  being 
gone,  the  Argus  become  unmanageable,  and  the  enemy  chose  his 
position  at  pleasure.  At  half  past  6,  Mr.  Watson  returned  to  the 
deck,  when  he  found  the  enemy  lying  under  the  Argus's  stern,  pour 
ing  in  his  fire  without  resistance.  An  attempt  was  made  to  get 
alongside,  with  a  view  to  board,  but  it  was  found  impracticable  to 
move  the  American  brig,  while  the  enemy  kept  on  her  quarter,  or 
bow,  throwing  in  a  cross  or  raking  fire  with  impunity,  the  Argus  sel 
dom  being  able  to  bring  a  gun  to  bear.  At  47  minutes  past  6,  the 
colours  were  ordered  to  be  hauled  down;  the  enemy,  at  the  same 
moment,  falling  on  board,  and  taking  possession  over  the  bow. 

The  English  brig  was  the  Pelican  18,  Captain  Maples,  mounting 
16  thirty-two-pound  carronades,  four  long  guns,  and  one  twelve- 
pound  carronade.  The  armament  of  the  Argus,  by  crowding  guns 
into  the  bridle  ports,  was  18  twenty-four-pound  carronades  and  two 
chase  guns.  The  enemy  was  so  much  heavier,  that  it  may  be  doubt 
ed  whether  the  Argus  could  have  captured  her  antagonist  under  any 
ordinary  circumstances,  but  it  has  been  usual,  in  the  service,  to  im 
pute  this  defeat  to  a  want  of  officers,  and  to  the  fact  that  the  people 
of  the  Argus  were  not  in  a  fit  condition  to  go  into  action.  The  Ameri 
can  vessel  was  particularly  well  officered,  so  far  as  quality  was  con 
cerned,  though  her  batteries  were  necessarily  left  without  a  proper 
supervision,  after  Mr.  Watson  was  taken  below.  It  is  not  easy  to 
believe  that  Captain  Allen  would  have  engaged  with  his  people  under 
any  very  obvious  influence  from  a  free  use  of  wine,  but  nothing  is 
more  probable  than  that  the  crew  of  the  Argus  should  have  been 
overworked,  in  the  peculiar  situation  in  which  they  were  placed; 
and  they  may  have  been  exposed  to  the  peculiar  influence  mentioned, 
without  the  circumstance  having  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  su 
perior  officers.  They  have,  indeed,  been  described  as  "  nodding  at 
their  guns,"  from  excessive  fatigue.  One  thing  would  seem  to  be 
certain,  that,  while  the  brig  was  beautifully  handled,  so  long  as  she 
was  at  all  manageable,  the  fire  of  no  other  American  cruiser,  in  this 
war,  was  as  little  destructive  as  that  of  the  Argus.  This  has  been 
attributed  to  the  fatigue  of  the  crew,  and  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  the  circumstance  of  the  two  lieutenants  having  been  so  early 
taken  from  the  batteries,  did  not  contribute  to  the  accuracy  of  the 
fire.  It  ought,  moreover,  to  be  added,  that  the  Pelican  was  about  a 
fourth  larger  than  her  antagonist.* 

On  the  other  hand,  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  when  its  length,  closeness, 
and  want  of  resistance,  are  considered,  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
remarkable.  The  Argus  had  two  midshipmen,  and  four  men  killed, 

*  Since  the  publication  of  the  first  edition  of  this  book,  we  have  heard  the  following 
circumstance  from  an  officer  of  the  Argus.  The  brig  having  expended  a  good  deal  of 
her  powder,  Captain  Allen  took  a  quantity  on  board,  "from  a  prize  bound  to  South  Ameri 
ca.  Shortly  after,  the  gunner  had  oeeasio*n  to  fill  a  number  of  cylinders,  and  he  used  the 
powder  of  the  prize,  which  lay  uppermost  in  the  magazine.  It  was  afterwards  ascer 
tained  that  this  powder  was  condemned  powder  of  the  British  government,  going  to 
South  America  to  be  sold.  In  proof  of  its  effect,  the  officer  in  question,  assures  us  that  tho 
Pelican's  side  was  dotted  with  the  impression  of  shots  that  did  not  enter 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  115 

and  17  men  wounded,  in  an  action  of  three  quarters  of  an  hour.  The 
Pelican  notwithstanding,  was  extremely  well  managed,  and  was  very 
gallantly  fought.  She  lost  7  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  but  ap 
pears  to  have  suffered  very  little  in  her  hull,  or  even  aloft. 

Captain  Allen*  died  of  his  wounds  in  the  hospital  of  Mill  Prison, 
and  was  buried  by  the  enemy  with  the  honours  of  war.  Mr.  Watson 
recovered  of  his  hurts. 

Thus  the  navy  lost  all  but  the  Enterprise,  of  the  five  little  cruisers 
that  had  figured  before  Tripoli,  and  which  had  become  endeared  to 
the  service  by  its  traditions  and  recollections.  The  Argus  alone, 
had  been  taken  under  circumstances  that  allowed  a  gun  to  be  fired. 
Those  who  remembered  the  time  when  Stewart,  Somers,  Decatur, 
Hull,  and  Smith,  bold  and  ambitious  young  seamen,  commanded 
these  vessels,  in  a  warfare  conducted  in  a  distant  sea,  attached  an 
importance  to  their  loss  that  was  altogether  disproportioned  to  their 
intrinsic  value,  and  it  did  not  fail  to  excite  remarks,  that  the  Enter 
prise  alone,  whose  good  fortune  had  already  been  so  conspicuous, 
should  continue  to  cruise,  with  impunity,  in  the  very  centre  of  the 
enemy's  force,  while  her  four  consorts  had  fallen,  one  by  one.f 

*  William  Henry  Allen  was  born  at  Providence,  Rhode  Island,  October  21st,  1784. 
His  father  had  been  an  officer  of  the  Revolution,  and  his  mother  was  the  sister  of  one 
of  the  governors  of  the  state.  He  entered  the  navy  April  28th,  1800,  or  in  his  sixteenth 
year,  and  his  first  cruise  •was  in  the  George  Washington,  Captain  Bainbridge ;  his  second 
in  the  Philadelphia,  Captain  S.  Barren ;  his  third  in  the  John  Adams,  Captain  Rodgers. 
He  was  made  an  acting  lieutenant  in  the  Constitution,  Commodore  Rodgers,  in  1805. 
He  was  one  of  the  Chesapoake's  lieutenants  in  1807,  and  the  only  gun  that  was  fired  at 
the  Leopard,  was  touched  oft'by  Mr.  Allen,  by  means  of  a  coal  held  in  his  fingers.  He 
remained  in  the  Chesapeake  after  Captain  Decatur  took  her,  and  he  followed  that  officer 
to  the  United  States  44,  as  her  first  lieutenant.  In  this  latter  capacity  he  was  serving 
when  the  Macedonian  was  taken.  On  that  occasion,  Mr.  Allen  obtained  great  credit,  as 
the  executive  officer  of  the  ship,  and  the  manner  in  which  he  repaired  the  damages  of  the 
prize  has  been  esteemed  highly  seamanlike  and  beautiful.  His  promotion,  appointment 
to  the  Argus,  and  death,  appear  in  the  text. 

Captain  Allen  was  esteemed  one  of  the  best  officers  of  his  class  in  the  navy.  A  thor 
ough  man-of-war's  man,  he  was  of  mild  and  gentleman-like  deportment,  a  fine,  martial 
personal  appearance,  and  of  respectable  mental  attainments.  His  influence  over  the 
crews  with  which  he  sailed  was  very  great,  and  it  is  not  possible  to  say,  now,  what  might 
have  been  the  result  of  the  combat  in  which  he  fell,  had  he  not  been  so  early  killed.  He 
was  unmarried. 

The  two  lieutenants  of  the  Argus,  though  young  in  service,  were  both  men  of  great 
merit.  Mr.  Watson  died  while  serving  on  the  West  India  station,  a  few  years  later,  and 
left  an  unusual  high  name,  for  his  gentlemanly  and  personal  qualities  ;  while  the  junior 
lieutenant,  who  bore  the  same  name  as  Captain  Allen,  without  being  a  relative,  was 
killed  in  battle  with  pirates,  a  few  years  later,  leaving  as  high  a  professional  and  private 
character  behind  him,  as  any  man  of  his  age,  who  ever  died  in  the  service.  He  was  an 
officer  of  great  ingenuity,  respectable  attainments,  proved  courage,  and  high  principles. 

t  The  luck  of  the  Enterprise  will  be  more  apparently  a  short  summary  of  her  services. 
In  the  French  war,  under  Lieutenant  Commandant  Shaw,  she  took  more  French  pri 
vateers  than  any  vessel  in  the  West  Indies,  and  her  action  with  le  Flambeau,  was  one 
of  the  warmest  of  the  sort  known.  In  the  succeeding  war,  she  took  the  Tripoli,  of  equal 
force.  She  may  be  said  to  have  burned  the  Philadelphia,  as,  with  a  very  trifling  excep 
tion,  this  duty  was  performed  by  her  officers  and  men.  She  took  the  Boxer  in  the  En 
glish  war,  and,  notwithstanding  she  sailed  very  badly  after  she  was  rigged  into  a  brig, 
the  enemy  never  could  catch  her. 


116  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Attack  on  the  British  ship,  Narcissus,  by  the  gun-boats  in  Hampton  Roads — Attack  on 
Craney  Island — Notice  of  Mr.  Sigourney,  killed  on  board  the  Asp — Blockade  of  the 
United  States,  Macedonian,  and  Hornet — Capture  of  the  American  brig:  Viper,  Lieut. 
Henley — Loss  of  the  schooner  Ferret,  Lieut.  Kearny — Attack  on  the  Alligator,  sail 
ing-master  Basset — she  beats  oil' her  assailants — Mr.  Basset  is  promoted — The  Alligator 
is  sunk  in  a  gale  on  the  coast  of  Georgia — Loss  of  all  but  sixteen  of  her  crew — She  is 
afterwards  raised — Exploits  of  Capt.  Koarny — Notice  of  his  services — Gallant  de 
fence  of  gun-boat  No.  160,  by  sailing-master  Paine — his  promotion — Warfare  in  the 
Delaware — Capture  of  gun-boat  No.  121,  by  the  enemy's  ships  Junon  and  Martin. 

SHORTLY  after  the  commencement  of  the  war,  the  enemy  had  sent 
Admiral  Sir  John  Borlase  Warren  to  command  against  the  little  navy 
of  the  republic,  with  Rear-Admiral  Cockburn  as  the  next  in  rank. 
Several  two-decked  ships  appeared  on  the  coast,  and  near  a  hundred 
British  pennants  were  assembled  in  the  American  seas.  A  consid 
erable  force  collected  in  the  Chesapeake,  a  part  of  which  was  kept  to 
watch  the  Constellation,  in  the  manner  mentioned,  while  the  small 
vessels  made  descents  on  the  coast,  or  entered  the  rivers  and  creeks, 
with  which  those  waters  abound,  carrying  on  a  species  of  warfare  that 
had  no  other  effect  on  the  American  nation,  than  to  irritate  the  public 
mind,  and  which,  as  it  regarded  the  enemy,  could  not  have  had  a 
very  beneficial  influence  on  their  tone,  while  it  must  have  been  re 
pugnant  to  the  feelings  of  most  of  those  employed  on  duty  so  much 
opposed  to  the  ordinary  habits  of  military  men. 

In  the  early  part  of  June,  1813,  the  enemy  was  thought  to  have 
had  more  than  twenty  sail  of  cruisers 'in  and  about  the  Chesapeake, 
of  which  several  were  ships  of  the  line.  The  flags  of  the  two  admi 
rals  were  flying  among  them,  and  it  was  in  their  presence  that  the 
first  of  the  three  attempts  on  the  Constellation,  which  have  been  al 
ready  related,  was  made.  On  the  18th,  three  frigates  came  into 
Hampton  Roads,  and  one  of  them  went  up  nearly  to  the  quarantine 
ground,  sending  her  boats  to  destroy  some  small  vessels  in  the  James. 
The  next  day  the  flotilla  of  gun-boats  descended  to  attack  her,  under 
the  orders  of  Captain  Tarbell,  then  temporarily  in  command  of  the 
Constellation.  There  were  fifteen  boats  in  all,  acting  in  two  divi 
sions,  one  of  which  was  directed  by  Lieutenant  Gardner,  and  the 
other  by  Lieutenant  Robert  Henley.  Officers  and  men  were  taken 
from  the  frigate  to  man  them,  including  nearly  all  her  lieutenants  and 
midshipmen.  A  company  of  riflemen  volunteered  to  join  the  sea 
men,  and  were  also  distributed  among  the  boats.  The  weather  pre 
vented  Captain  Tarbell  from  approaching  the  enemy,  until  Sunday 
the  20th,  when  it  fell  calm,  and  the  gun-boats  dropped  down  within 
a  good  range  for  their  shot,  and  opened  on  the  upper  frigate,  about 
4,  A.  M.  At  this  time  the  two  other  frigates  were  still  lying  in  the 
Roads. 

The  gun-boats  were  formed  in  a  crescent,  and  a  brisk  cannonade 
was  commenced  on  the  part  of  the  Americans.  It  was  some  time 
before  the  enemy  returned  it,  the  approach  in  the  dark  and  mist 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  H7 

having  taken  him  completely  by  surprise.  The  flotilla  began  the 
action  at  anchor,  but  it  was  soon  found  impossible  to  keep  the  boats 
steady,  and  most  of  them  weighed,  and  got  out  their  sweeps,  by  means 
of  which  the  guns  were  kept  bearing  in  the  right  direction.  The  de 
fence  of  the  frigate  was  very  feeble,  and  after  discharging  two  or  three 
broadsides,  she  got  under  way,  but  the  wind  was  too  light  to  enable 
her  either  to  close,  or  to  haul  off.  This  vessel  was  in  a  very  critical 
situation,  and  owed  her  escape  in  a  great  measure  to  her  consorts  ; 
for,  after  a  severe  cannonade  of  more  than  an  hour,  one  of  the  ships 
below  was  enabled  to  close,  when  a  much  sharper  contest  occurred. 
But  the  wind  increasing,  and  the  third  ship  drawing  near.  Captain 
Tarbell  made  a  signal  for  the  flotilla  to  retire. 

In  this  affair,  most  of  the  boats  were  conducted  with  spirit.  Their 
fire  was  well  directed,  and  they  treated  the  upper  ship  quite  roughly. 
The  fire  of  this  vessel  was  extremely  feeble,  and  it  appears  to  have 
done  no  execution  whatever.  That  of  the  second  ship,  however,  was 
very  animated,  and  it  was  particularly  well  directed.  Although  the 
loss  of  the  Americans  in  men  was  small,  consisting  of  only  one  mas 
ter's  mate  killed,  and  two  men  wounded,  the  enemy's  grape  flew 
around  them  in  great  numbers.  One  boat  received  a  bad  shot  be 
tween  wind  and  water,  and  several  had  their  sweeps  shot  away,  or 
were  otherwise  injured.  The  gun-boat  commanded  by  Mr.  Nantz, 
sailing-master,  was  crippled,  and  in  danger  of  being  captured  by  the 
enemy,  when,  by  order  of  Captain  Tarbell,  she  was  taken  in  tow  by 
the  boat  commanded  by  Lieutenant  W.  B.  Shubrick,  of  the  Constel 
lation,  and  brought  off. 

The  frigate  first  engaged  was  thought  to  be  the  Narcissus  32,  and 
the  vessel  that  came  to  her  relief,  the  Junon  38,  Captain  Saunders. 
This  experiment  had  the  effect  to  convince  most  of  the  sea-officers 
engaged  on  board  the  gun-boats,  however,  of  the  bad  qualities  of  that 
description  of  vessel,  they  having  been  very  generally  found  wanting 
in  a  sufficient  degree  of  steadiness  to  render  their  fire  certain,  even 
in  smooth  water.  The  recoils  of  the  guns  caused  them  to  roll  to  a 
degree  that  rendered  the  aim  uncertain,  and  it  has  been  seen  that 
they  could  only  be  kept  in  the  proper  positions  by  the  aid  of  sweeps. 

The  next  flood,  a  large  force  of  the  enemy,  consisting  of  fourteen 
sail,  came  into  the  Roads,  and  an  attack  was  expected.  On  the  20th, 
the  enemy's  ships  weighed,  and  ascended  with  the  tide  to  the  mouth 
of  James  river,  where,  in  the  afternoon,  they  were  seen  making 
preparations  to  send  up  a  large  force  in  boats.  As  so  much  depended 
on  the  defence  of  the  batteries  of  Craney  Island,  Captain  Cassin, 
who  commanded  the  naval  force  at  Norfolk,  sent  three  of  the  lieu 
tenants  of  the  Constellation,  Messrs.  Neale,  W.  Branford  Shubrick, 
and  Sanders,  on  shore,  with  100  seamen,  to  take  charge  of  the  prin 
cipal  guns.  This  party  was  sustained  by  Lieutenant  Breckenridge, 
of  the  marines,  and  about  50  men  of  that  gallant  corps.  Most  of 
the  officers  of  the  navy  then  at  Norfolk,  and  who  did  not  belong  to 
the  frigate,  were  also  employed  in  the  gun-boats,  or  about  the  island. 
Early  on  the  morning  of  the  22d,  the  enemy  was  discovered  land 
ing  a  large  force  round  the  point  of  the  Nansemond;  and  about  8  A. 


118  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813, 

M.  the  barges  of  the  vessels  of  war  attempted  to  land  in  front  of 
Craney  Island,  at  a  point  where  they  were  safe  from  the  fire  of  the. 
gun-boats,  though  exposed  to  that  of  the  seamen's  battery.  Mr. 
Neale  now  opened  his  fire,  which  was  directed  with  great  coolness 
and  precision,  and,  after  having  three  of  his  boats  sunk,  the  enemy 
abandoned  the  attempt.  The  narrative  of  the  remainder  of  the  op 
erations  of  this  day,  belongs  to  the  general  history  of  the  war,  rather 
than  to  a  work  of  this  character. 

The  officers,  seamen,  and  marines  of  the  Constellation,  as  well  as 
the  other  portions  of  the  navy  employed  on  this  occasion,  gained 
great  credit  for  their  steadiness,  discipline,  and  spirit.  One  of  the 
barges  sunk  was  said  to  have  been  a  peculiar  boat,  called,  from  the 
great  number  of  oars  she  rowed,  the  Centipede.  She  was  described 
as  having  been  fifty  feet  long,  and  as  having  contained  75  men. 
About  40  prisoners  were  made  from  the  boats  that  were  sunk,  though 
the  total  loss  of  the  enemy  who  were  opposed  to  the  seamen  and 
marines,  is  not  known.  Captain  Cassin,  in  describing  the  fire  of 
the  seamen's  battery,  observed  that  it  resembled  the  shooting  of  rifle 
men.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  enemy  found  it  much  too  cool  and 
direct  to  be  faced. 

The  government  had  fitted  out  several  small  vessels  for  the  defence 
of  the  bays  and  rivers,  and  among  others  were  the  Scorpion  and  Asp. 
On  the  14th,  these  two  little  cruisers,  got  under  way  from  the  Yeo- 
comico,  and  stood  out  into  the  river,  when,  at  10  A.  M.,  a  considera 
ble  force  of  the  enemy  was  seen  in  chase.  The  Scorpion,  on  board 
of  which  was  the  senior  officer,  immediately  made  a  signal  for  the 
Asp  to  act  at  discretion,  and  began  to  beat  up  the  river.  The  Asp 
being  a  dull  sailer,  her  commander,  Mr.  Sigourney,  thought  it  expe 
dient  to  re-enter  the  creek.  He  was  followed  by  two  bri«fs,  which 
anchored  oif  the  bar,  and  hoisted  out  their  boats.  Mr.  Sigourney 
now  deemed  it  more  prudent  to  run  higher  up  the  Yeocomico  ;  and 
as  the  enemy  was  already  pulling  in,  he  cut  his  cable  and  made  sail. 
Three  boats  soon  after  attacked  the  Asp,  which  made  a  very  gallant 
defence,  and  handsomely  beat  them  off.  The  enemy,  however, 
reinforced,  and  renewed  the  attack  with  five  boats,  when  Mr.  Sigour 
ney  ran  the  Asp  on  shore,  and  was  boarded  by  about  50  men,  who 
succeeded  in  carrying  her.  She  was  set  on  fire  and  abandoned,  but 
Mr.  M'Clintock,  the  officer  second  in  command,  got  on  board  her 
again,  and  succeeded  in  extinguishing  the  flames.  In  this  affair, 
Mr.  Siirourney  was  killed,  dying  sword  in  hand  in  defence  of  his  ves 
sel,  in  a  manner  to  reflect  the  highest  credit  on  his  professional  train 
ing  and  personal  gallantry.*  The  Asp  had  but  two  or  three  light 
guns,  arid  a  crew  of  21  souls.  Of  the  latter,  10  were  killed,  wounded, 
and  missing;  facts  that  attest  the  gallantry  of  the  defence. 

While  these  events  were  occurring  at  the  south,  some  movements 
farther  north  brought  a  part  of  the  enemy's  force  within  the  waters 

*  Mr.  Sigourney  was  from  Boston,  and  had  served  as  a  midshipman  under  Lawrence, 
in  whose  school  he  had  obtained  his  notions  of  duty.  Few  persons  discovered  more  ap 
titude  for  the  profession  than  thisyoun^  gentleman,  who,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  had 
been  but  five  years  in  the  service.  His  age  must  have  been  about  21. 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  119 

of  Long  Island  Sound,  where,  with  occasional  changes  of  ships,  it 
continued  to  the  close  of  the  war.  After  the  United  States  had 
refitted  at  New  York,  on  her  return  from  the  cruise  in  which  she  had 
captured  the  Macedonian,  Commodore  Decatur  prepared  to  sail 
again,  with  the  latter  frigate  in  company.  The  Hornet  being  about 
to  go  to  sea,  at  the  same  time,  in  order  to  join  the  Chesapeake,  Cap 
tain  Lawrence,  the  three  vessels  got  under  way,  and  passed  Hell 
Gate  on  the  27th  of  May,  with  a  view  to  run  off  the  coast  between 
Montauk  and  Block  Island.  It  was  June  the  1st  before  the  ships 
found  an  opportunity  to  pass  through  the  Race  ;  but  they  were  met 
near  the  end  of  the  island  by  a  greatly  superior  force,  and  were  chased 
into  New  London.  Here  all  three  of  the  vessels  were  closely  block 
aded,  nor  was  either  of  the  frigates  able  to  get  to  sea  during  the 
remainder  of  the  war,  though  opportunities  were  long  and  anxiously 
sought.  In  the  end,  their  officers  and  people  were  transferred  to 
other  vessels.  It  will  give  an  idea  of  the  great  importance  that  ought 
to  be  attached  to  the  means  of  raising  blockades,  when  it  is  remem 
bered  that,  while  watching  the  three  American  vessels  which  then  lay 
in  the  Thames  above  New  London,  the  enemy  also  had  it  in  his 
power  to  blockade  the  most  important  point  on  the  continent  con 
nected  with  the  coasting  trade. 

About  this  time,  also,  a  small  brig  called  the  Viper,  which  had  been 
put  into  the  service  under  the  orders  of  Lieutenant  John  D.  Henley, 
was  taken  by  the  Narcissus  32,  under  circumstances  that  require  no 
particular  description.  Mr.  Henley,  as  well  as  Mr.  Crane,  of  the 
Nautilus,  Mr.  Nicholson,  of  the  Siren,  Mr.  Watson,  of  the  Argus, 
Mr.  Renshaw,  of  the  Rattlesnake,  Captain  Reed,  of  the  Vixen,  and 
all  the  officers  and  men  under  their  orders,  were  found,  by  regular 
courts  of  inquiry,  to  have  done  their  duty  on  the  several  occasions  in 
which  they  had  lost  the  different  vessels  named. 

The  U.  S.  schooner  Ferret,  Lieutenant  Kearny,  another  of  the 
little  vessels  employed  on  the  southern  coast,  in  order  to  protect  the 
bays,  rivers,  .sounds,  and  inlets,  was  lost  in  February,  1814,  on  the 
breakers  of  Stony  Inlet,  but  her  people  were  all  saved. 

In  January  of  the  same  year,  the  Alligator,  another  small  schooner, 
commanded  by  Mr.  Basset,  a  sailing-master,  was  lying  at  anchor  off 
the  coast,  abreast  of  Cole's  Island,  and  observing  an  enemy's  frigate 
and  brig,  just  without  the  breakers,  Mr.  Basset  suspected  that  an 
attempt  would  be  made  on  him  in  the  course  of  the  night.  Prepa 
rations  to  receive  the  enemy  were  made  accordingly.  About  half- 
past  7  in  the  evening,  six  boats  were  discovered,  under  cover  of  the 
marsh  grass,  pulling  up  with  muffled  oars.  When  near  enough,  they 
were  hailed,  and  a  musket  was  fired  at  them.  The  boats  now  made 
a  general  discharge  of  musketry  and  grape,  which  the  Alligator 
immediately  returned.  The  schooner  then  cut  her  cable,  and  avail 
ing  herself  of  a  light  breeze,  she  was  immediately  brought  under  com 
mand  of  her  helm.  By  this  prompitude,  Mr.  Basset  succeeded  in 
beating  off  his  assailants,  notwithstanding  the  schooner  soon  after 
grounded.  The  Alligator  had  2  men  killed,  and  2  wounded,  while 
the  loss  of  the  enemy  was  never  known.  The  schooner  had  but  40 


120  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1815. 

men  on  board,  while  the  boats  are  thought  to  have  contained  about 
100.  Of  the  latter,  the  loss  must  have  been  severe,  or  they  would  not 
have  abandoned  the  attack  after  the  Alligator  had  grounded.  The 
firing  continued  half  an  hour,  and  the  schooner  was  a  good  deal  cut 
up  in  her  sails  and  rigging.  A  large  cutter,  that  was  supposed  to 
have  been  one  of  the  boats  of  the  enemy  on  this  occasion,  was  shortly 
after  picked  up  on  the  North  Edisto,  much  injured  by  shot.  The 
bodies  of  one  officer  and  of  a  common  seaman  were  also  found  near 
by.  The  former  had  lost  an  arm,  besides  receiving  a  musket-shot 
wound.  Mr.  Basset  was  promoted  for  his  gallantry. 

We  will  connect  the  incidents  that  relate  to  the  Alligator,  by 
recording  here  a  singular  accident  that  not  long  after  befel  her.  After 
refitting,  she  returned  to  her  cruising  ground,  under  Mr.  Basset ;  and 
July  1st,  1814,  while  lying  in  Port  Royal  Sound,  off  the  island  of 
St.  Simons,  on  the  coast  of  Georgia,  a  black  cloud  was  seen  rapidly 
approaching  from  the  direction  of  the  continent.  As  this  gust  had 
every  appearance  of  a  tornado,  Mr.  Basset,  certain  it  would  capsize 
his  schooner,  unless  avoided  by  getting  before  the  wind,  cut  his  cable, 
got  the  head  of  his  jib  up,  and  endeavoured  to  run  the  Alligator 
ashore.  The  vessel  was  no  sooner  dead  before  the  wind,  than  she 
was  struck  by  a  tremendous  gust  which  she  withstood  ;  when,  believ 
ing  the  danger  over,  Mr.  Basset  ordered  the  helm  down,  and  the 
small  bower  let  go.  This  brought  the  vessel  up.  In  about  ten 
minutes,  however,  she  was  struck  by  another  gust,  and  the  second 
cable  was  cut.  Unhappily,  it  was  useless,  for  this  new  effort  of  the 
wind  whirled  the  Alligator  round  and  round,  as  if  she  had  been  a 
shell,  and  upset  her.  The  schooner  filled  and  sunk  in  four  fathoms 
water,  with  her  head  to  the  eastward.  Unfortunately,  a  cutter  that 
was  lying  on  one  side  of  the  deck,  was  thrown  over  to  the  other, 
killing  or  desperately  wounding  many  persons,  and  catching  Messrs. 
Brailesford  and  Rogerson,  midshipmen,  beneath  it.  These  two  gen- 
men,  and  17  men,  were  known  to  have  been  drowned ;  4  were 
missing,  who  most  probably  shared  the  same  fate,  and  16  persons 
were  saved.  The  Alligator  was  subsequently  raised. 

The  in-shore  war  at  the  south  was  distinguished  by  many  other 
little  exploits,  resembling  those  already  related  ;  one  of  which,  that 
was  performed  under  the  eyes  of  Captain  Dent,  who  commanded  at 
Charleston,  is  deserving  of  particular  notice.  Although  it  will  be 
advancing  the  time  to  a  period  near  the  close  of  the  war,  it  may  be 
related  here,  with  a  view  to  present  to  the  reader  most  of  these  isolated 
instances  of  gallantry  in  one  picture. 

In  January,  1815,  while  Captain  Dent  was  at  the  North  Edisto, 
he  obtained  information  that  a  party  of  officers  and  men  belonging 
to  the  Ilebrus,  Captain  Palmer,  was  watering  on  one  of  the  islands 
of  the  vicinity,  and  he  directed  Mr.  Lawrence  Kearny  to  proceed 
outside,  with  three  barges,  to  cut  them  off,  while  a  party  of  militia 
endeavoured  to  assail  them  by  land.  The  frigate  was  at  anchor, 
out  of  gun-shot ;  but  as  soon  as  she  perceived  the  design  of  the 
Americans,  she  fired  guns,  and  made  other  signals  of  recall,  when 
two  of  the  boats  pulled  towards  her,  and  a  tender,  that  contained  a 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  121 

strong  party,  attempted  to  run  out  also.  Fortunately  the  wind 
shifted,  bringing  the  Hebrus  to  windward  of  the  American  barges, 
it  is  true,  but  the  tender  to  leeward  of  them.  Discovering  his  advan 
tage,  Mr.  Kearny  determined  to  make  a  dash  at  the  latter,  regardless 
of  the  frigate  and  of  the  two  boats  that  were  pulling  off.  The  He 
brus,  perceiving  the  danger  in  which  her  tender  was  placed,  now 
made  the  greatest  exertions  to  save  her.  Shot  were  fired  at  her  own 
cutters,  to  drive  them  back  to  the  assistance  of  the  tender ;  and  a 
third  boat  was  sent  from  the  frigate  with  the  same  object.  She  also 
opened  her  fire  on  the  American  barges  with  much  effect,  one  of 
her  shot  taking  off  the  head  of  a  man  at  Mr.  Kearny's  side.  But 
this  gallant  officer,  disregarding  every  thing  but  his  object,  laid  the 
tender  aboard  in  the  steadiest  manner,  and  carried  her  off,  directly 
under  the  guns  of  the  frigate  to  which  she  belonged.  The  Hebrus's 
launch  was  also  taken,  her  people  having  hurried  on  board  the  ten 
der  when  the  alarm  was  given.  The  latter  had  a  carronade  and  six 
brass  swivels  in  her,  besides  other  arms. 

Mr.  Kearny  made  about  40  prisoners  on  this  occasion.  The  He 
brus  intercepting  his  return,  by  the  way  he  had  come  out,  he  carried 
his  prize  to  the  South  Edisto. 

A  few  days  later,  Mr.  Kearny,  in  the  launch  of  the  Hebrus,  with 
a  crew  of  25  men,  went  out  and  captured  a  tender  belonging  to  the 
Severn,  having  on  board  between  30  and  40  men.  Handsomer  ex 
ploits  of  the  sort  were  not  performed  in  the  war.* 

To  this  list  of  the  minor  conflicts,  may  be  added  an  attack  on  gun 
boat  No.  160,  commanded  by  Mr.  Paine.  This  officer,  who  then 
held  the  rank  of  sailing-master,  was  convoying  a  number  of  coasters 
from  Savannah  to  St.  Mary's,  when  an  expedition,  consisting  of  a 
tender  full  of  men,  and  ten  boats,  attacked  him  in  St.  Andrew's 
Sound,  about  3  A.  M.  of  the  6th  of  October,  1814.  After  a  short 
cannonading  and  a  sharp  discharge  of  musketry,  that  lasted  about 
20  minutes,  the  enemy  closed,  and  carried  the  boat  by  boarding. 
There  were  but  16  men  fit  for  duty  in  No.  160  at  the  time  ;  her  entire 
complement  consisting  of  30  souls.  Mr.  Paine  was  badly  wounded, 
as  were  two  of  his  people.  The  enemy  suffered  severely,  the  defence 
having  been  spirited  and  obstinate.f 

A  short  notice  of  the  warfare  in  the  Delaware  properly  occurs 
next.  This  bay  had  no  longer  the  importance  it  possessed  in  the  war 
of  1775.  Then,  Philadelphia  was  both  the  commercial  and  politi 
cal  capital  of  the  country,  but  it  had  now  lost  the  latter  distinction, 
and  in  the  way  of  shipping,  several  ports  were  fast  outstripping  it. 

*  The  services  and  professional  character  of  Com.  Kearny,  who  is  still  living,  are 
much  better  known  to  the  navy  than  to  the  country.  This  gentleman  was  put  in  situa 
tions  of  command  and  responsibility  soon  after  he  entered  the  service  in  1807  ;  and  while 
a  lieutenant,  he  probably  had  commanded  vessels  longer  than  any  captain  then  on  the 
list.  He  commanded  the  Enterprise  many  years,  as  a  lieutenant;  and  before  he  was 
made  a  master  and  commander,  had  passed  about  ten  years  in  separate  commands.  In 
the  Mediterranean,  at  a  much  later  day  it  was  said  of  this  officer,  that  his  ship,  the  War 
ren  20,  had  done  more  to  suppress  piracy  than  all  the  other  vessels,  French,  English, 
American,  and  Russian,  united.  Com.  Kearny's  mother  wasasister  of  the  regretted 
Lawrence,  whose  family  namehe  bears. 

t  Mr.  Paine  was  promoted  for  his  good  conduct,  and  ia  now  a  commander. 


122  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

The  enemy,  consequently,  paid  much  less  attention  to  these  waters 
than  to  those  of  the  Chesapeake,  and  to  other  points  of  mor<-  interest. 
The  length  of  the  river,  too,  added  to  the  security  of  the  places  that 
lie  on  its  banks,  and  there  was  little  apprehension  of  any  serious 
descent.  Still,  a  flotilla  consisting  of  £fun-boats  and  block-sloops 
had  been  equipped,  and  it  was  put  under  the  orders  of  Lieutenant 
Angus,  an  officer  of  tried  spirit. 

On  the  29th  of  July,  1813,  Mr.  Angus  learned  that  an  enemy's 
sloop  of  war  had  come  round  the  cape,  and  he  dropped  down  to 
reconnoitre,  with  eight  gun-boats  and  two  block-sloops.  The  sloop 
of  war  had  grounded  on  the  outside  of  Crow's  shoals,  and  it  was  de 
termined  to  attack  her.  Before  the  flotilla  could  get  in  order,  how 
ever,  a  frigate  came  in,  and  anchored  within  supporting  distance  of 
the  sloop.  At  length  all  the  boats  but  one,  No.  121,  Mr.  Shead,  were 
in  their  stations,  and  the  cannonading  commenced.  No.  121  had 
unfortunately  drifted  a  mile  and  a  half  from  her  consorts,  and,  though 
she  kept  sweeping,  no  exertions  could  get  her  back  into  the  line. 
After  a  sharp  cannonade  of  more  than  an  hour,  the  British  vessels 
sent  eight  boats,  with  a  strong  party  of  men,  against  the  straggler. 
Finding  all  his  efforts  to  regain  the  line  ineffectual,  Mr.  Shead  an 
chored,  and  prepared  to  receive  the  enemy,  with  a  coolness  that  was 
very  creditable.  As  soon  as  his  boat  was  steady,  Mr.  Shead  fired  at 
the  enemy.  At  the  first  discharge  the  pintle  of  the  gun  gave  way. 
Notwithstanding  this  accident,  a  second  shot  was  fired,  and  with 
effect,  but  the  gun-carriage  was  nearly  torn  to  pieces.  Mr.  Shead 
loaded  again,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  an  accidental  range,  but  with 
out  success.  In  the  mean  time,  the  enemy  steadily  advanced,  keep 
ing  up  a  warm  fire  from  his  boat-guns  and  small  arms,  and  the  people 
of  No.  121  prepared  to  repel  boarders.  The  overwhelming  force  of 
the  assailants,  however,  rendered  resistance  useless,  and  the  English 
soon  covered  the  decks  of  the  gun-boat,  her  people  being  driven 
below. 

The  enemy's  ships  were  the  Junon  38,  and  Martin  16  ;  and  their 
loss  was  7  killed  and  12  wounded.  No.  121  had  7  men  wounded. 

During  the  summer  of  1813,  after  the  capture  of  the  Chesapeake, 
the  American  government  had  but  three  frigates  at  sea  ;  the  Presi 
dent  44,  the  Congress 38,  and  Essex  32.  The  Constitution  44,  was 
undergoing  repairs  ;  the  Constellation  38,  was  blockaded  at  Norfolk, 
and  the  United  States  44,  and  the  Macedonian  38,  were  closely 
watched  in  the  Thames,  at  New  London.  The  Adams  28,  was  un 
dergoing  repairs  and  alterations ;  the  John  Adams  28,  after  having 
been  once  cut  down,  and  once  raised  upon,  had  been  laid  up,  as  unfit 
to  cruise  in  such  a  war.  She  was  subsequently  cut  down  a  second 
time,  but  was  not  yet  in  a  condition  to  go  to  sea ;  and  the  New  York 
36,  and  Boston  28,  were  virtually  condemned.  The  war  had  con 
tinued  but  little  more  than  a  year,  when  all  the  brigs  were  captured, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Enterprise,  which,  as  has  been  alreadv 
stated,  was  no  longer  trusted  at  sea. 

The  loss  of  the  small  vessels  induced  professional  men  to  reflect 
on  the  causes,  and  it  appears  to  have  been  the  better  opinion,  that 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  123 

too  many  guns  were  crowded  upon  them,  and  that  they  were  over 
manned.  The  great  number  of  people  on  board,  in  particular,  helped 
to  impede  their  sailing,  by  compelling  the  vessel  to  take  in  a  larger 
stock  of  provisions  and  supplies  than  they  were  originally  intended 
to  carry,  bringing  them  too  low  in  the  water ;  the  lightness  of  their 
frames,  and  their  sharpness,  rendering  it  impossible  to  dispense  with 
a  corresponding  weight  of  iron  ballast.  Had  these  vessels  remained 
schooners,  with  crews  of  70  or  80  men,  and  their  original  armaments, 
their  chances  for  running  would  probably  have  been  much  increased. 
It  should  be  remembered,  however,  that  a  small  cruiser  is  always 
much  more  liable  to  being  captured  than  a  large  one,  as  a  frigate  is 
of  sufficient  force  to  defeat  the  attempts  of  more  than  half  the  vessels 
of  war  that  are  usually  fallen  in  with  at  sea. 

The  administration  manifested  prudence  and  foresight,  in  the  class 
of  vessels  that  were  now  constructed  to  supersede  the  smaller  cruis 
ers,  sloops  of  war,  of  a  size  and  force  that  were  sufficient  to  resist 
any  thing  beneath  the  smaller  frigates,  having  been  laid  down. 
These  vessels  were  large  enough  to  carry  sail  hard,  while  their  crews 
bore  no  proportion  to  those  of  the  little  craft  mentioned.  Of  nearly 
three  times  their  tonnage,  they  did  not  carry  twice  the  number  of 
people  of  the  latter,  and,  of  course,  were  enabled  to  dispense  with  a 
proportionate  amount  of  stores.  In  the  end,  their  good  qualities 
were  made  manifest ;  and  had  hostilities  continued  for  any  length 
of  time,  it  is  probable  that  the  large  class  sloop  of  war  would  have 
been  found  to  be  the  most  serviceable  vessel  the  country  could  have 
employed,  in  the  absence  of  a  force  sufficient  to  keep  the  coast  en 
tirely  clear  of  the  enemy. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Launch  of  the  Guerriere,  Independence,  and  Java — Capture  of  the  Frolic,  Capt.  Bain- 
bridge,  by  the  frigate  Orpheus— The  Adams  cut  down  and  lengthened — her  cruise 
under  Capt.  Morris — she  captures  the  Woodbridge — is  burnt  at  Penobscot — Cruise  of 
the  Wasp,  Capt.  Blakely — she  captures  the  Reindeer — cuts  out  a  vessel  with  military 
stores — her  action  with  and  destruction  of  the  Avon — she  captures  the  brigs  Three 
Brothers,  Bacchus,  and  Attalanta — her  uncertain  fate — Notice  of  Capt.  Blakely — The 
Peacock,  Capt.  Warrington,  captures  the  Epervier — she  cruises  in  the  enemy's  seas, 
and  captures  fourteen  merchantmen — Capture  of  the  Highflyer  by  the  President,  Com. 
Rodgers. 

THE  Guerriere  44,  the  first  frigate  that  had  been  put  into  the  water, 
on  the  sea-board,  by  the  American  government,  since  the  year  1801, 
was  launched  at  Philadelphia,  June  the  20th,  1814.  It  was  intend 
ed  that  the  Independence  74,  should  have  gone  off  the  same  day,  at 
Boston,  but  she  stuck  on  the  ways.  She  was  gol  safely  into  the 
water  on  the  20th  of  July,  however,  and  was  the  first  two-decked 
ship  that  ever  properly  belonged  to  the  American  navy  ;  the  Amer 
ica  74,  having  been  given  to  the  King  of  France  while  yet  on  the 


124  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

stocks.  The  Java  44  soon  followed,  at  Baltimore.  Commodore 
Rodgerswas  appointed  to  the  Guerriere,  Commodore  Bainbridge  to 
the  Independence,  and  Captain  Perry  to  the  Java.  These  were  the 
only  large  vessels  that  were  launched  on  the  Atlantic  during  the  war, 
though  the  keels  of  the  Franklin  74,  Washington  74,  and  Columbia 
44,  were  laid,  and  the  two  first  ships  were  eventually  got  afloat ;  the 
Franklin  in  1815,  and  the  Washington  in  the  succeeding  year. 

The  new  sloops  of  war  began  to  go  to  sea  in  the  course  of  this 
summer.  The  Frolic  18,  Captain  Bainbridge,  had  a  short  career, 
having  been  chased  and  captured,  on  the  20th  of  April,  1814,  by  the 
Orpheus  36,  Captain  Pigot,  soon  after  she  got  out.  There  was  no 
action,  the  Frolic  having  thrown  most  of  her  guns  overboard  in  the 
chase. 

The  Adams  28  had  been  cut  down  to  a  sloop  of  war  and  length 
ened,  at  Washington,  so  as  to  mount  28  guns  on  one  deck,  under 
the  law  of  1812.  She  succeeded  in  passing  the  enemy's  ships  in 
Lynnhaven  Bay,  on  the  night  of  the  18th  of  January,  1814,  under 
the  command  of  Captain  Slorris,  an  officer  whose  career  has  been 
incidentally  traced  from  the  rank  of  midshipman  up  to  that  which  he 
now  held.  The  Adams  ran  off  east,  to  get  into  the  track  of  the  Eng 
lish  East  Indiamen,  and  she  made  several  prizes  of  no  great  value. 
On  the  25th  of  March,  however,  she  captured  the  Woodbridge,  India- 
man,  and  while  taking  possession,  the  weather  cleared  up,  Captain 
Morris  found  himself  directly  to  leeward  of  twenty-five  sail,  with  two 
vessels  of  war,  one  of  which  was  a  heavy  ship,  running  down  for 
him.  The  prize  was  necessarily  abandoned,  and  the  Adams  was 
chased  until  the  following  day,  when  the  enemy  resumed  his  course. 
The  Adams  continued  her  cruise,  going  into  Savannah,  in  April,  for 
supplies.  On  the  5th  of  May,  she  sailed  again,  going  oft'  the  Man 
tilla  Reef,  in  waiting  for  the  Jamaica  convoy,  which,  unfortunately, 
passed  her  in  the  night.  The  Adams,  on  ascertaining  this  fact,  gave 
chase,  and  got  in  sight  of  the  fleet,  but  was  driven  off  by  two  vessels 
of  war.  By  no  artifice  could  Captain  Morris  cut  a  vessel  out,  how 
ever,  the  ships  sailing  in  the  closest  possible  order,  and  the  cruisers 
in  company  manifesting  great  vigilance. 

The  Adams  now  stood  to  the  northward  and  eastward,  foiling  in 
with  much  ice,  and  thick  weather,  in  the  latitude  of  New  York.  On 
the  3d  of  July  she  made  the  Irish  coast,  arid  on  the  4th  she  chased 
two  vessels  into  the  mouth  of  the  Shannon.  The  thick  weather  was 
much  against  the  ship,  and  she  ran  more  to  the  southward.  In  lat. 
49°,  long.  10°,  an  enemy's  frigate  was  made  on  the  lee  bow,  and  a 
hard  chase  ensued.  By  sunset  the  frigate  was  nearly  within  gun 
shot,  and  the  wind  being  light,  the  Adams  cut  away  her  anchors,  and 
threw  overboard  two  guns.  In  the  course  of  the  night  it  fell  calm, 
and  Captain  Morris  who  had  participated  so  largely  in  the  escape  of 
the  Constitution,  got  out  his  boats  to  tow.  As  the  first  lieutenant  of 
the  Adams  (Mr.  Wadsworth)  had  been  the  second  lieutenant  with 
Captain  Hull,  on  that  celebrated  occasion,  these  officers  employed 
their  time  so  well,  during  the  night,  that  when  the  day  dawned,  the 
enemy  was  near  two  leagues  astern.  This  industry  probably  saved 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  125 

the  ship,  for  the  frigate  proved  to  be  very  fast,  nor  did  she  give  up  the 
chase  until  10  the  succeeding  night,  when  the  Adams  altered  her 
course  and  escaped. 

Shortly  after,  the  Adams  was  chased  by  two  more  frigates,  one  of 
which  was  on  her  lee  bow,  and  the  other  on  her  beam.  The  last  of 
these  vessels  continued  just  out  of  gun-shot,  near  twenty-four  hours, 
when  she  was  avoided,  also,  by  changing  the  course  in  the  night. 
The  ship  had  now  been  near  two  months  in  a  cold,  foggy,  damp  at 
mosphere,  and  the  scurvy  made  its  appearance  on  board.  So  many 
men  were  seized  with  this  terrible  disease,  that  Captain  Morris 
deemed  it  prudent  to  go  into  port.  At  4  A.  M.  on  the  17th  of  Au 
gust,  in  very  thick  weather,  the  Adams  ran  ashore  on  the  Isle  of 
Haute,  but  was  got  off  by  lightening.  It  was  found,  however,  that 
she  made  nine  feet  of  water  in  an  hour,  and  Captain  Morris  succeeded 
in  getting  her  into  the  Penobscot,  in  Maine,  as  high  up  as  Hampden, 
which  is  several  miles  above  Castine. 

While  the  Adams  lay  ready  to  be  hove  out,  with  nothing  in  her,  a 
strong  expedition  of  the  enemy,  consisting1  of  troops  and  vessels  of 
war,  entered  the  river,  and  ascended  as  high  as  Hampden.  A  small 
force  of  militia  was  assembled,  and  a  battery  was  mounted  with  the 
guns  of  the  ship,  in  order  to  protect  her;  but  the  irregular  troops  giving 
way,  and  leaving  the  seamen  and  marines  exposed  in  the  rear,  the 
first  without  muskets,  nothing  remained  but  to  set  the  vessel  on  fire, 
and  to  make  a  retreat.  All  the  service  connected  with  the  ship  was 
performed  in  the  most  orderly  and  creditable  manner,  until  a  part  of 
the  country  was  reached  where  it  was  found  impossible  to  subsist  the 
men  in  a  body,  on  account  of  the  distance  between  the  inhabitants, 
when  the  people  were  directed  to  break  up  into  small  parties,  and  to 
make  the  best  of  their  way  to  Portland.  It  is  a  fact  worthy  of  being 
recorded,  that  every  man  rejoined  his  commander,  according  to  or 
ders,  though  a  fatiguing  march  of  two  hundred  miles  was  necessary 
to  do  so.  Captain  Morris  showed  great  resources,  in  these  trying 
circumstances;  and  Messrs.  Wadsworth,  Madison,  Parker,  and 
Beatty,  the  lieutenants  of  the  ship,  Mr.  Watson,  of  the  marine  corps, 
and  Mr.  Rogers,  the  purser,  were  exceedingly  active  and  useful. 
Indeed,  all  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Adams  appear  to  have  behaved 
more  than  commonly  well.  But  one  seaman  and  one  marine  fell 
into  the  enemy's  hands. 

The  ship  had  made  many  prizes  during  this  cruise,  most  of  which 
were  destroyed. 

While  the  Adams  was  thus  running  the  chances  of  chases  and 
shipwreck,  the  Wasp  18,  Captain  Blakely,  sailed  from  Portsmouth, 
N.  II.,  on  a  cruise.  This  was  one  of  the  new  sloops  of  war  already 
mentioned,  and  the  name  of  the  favourite  vessel,  captured  by  the 
Poictiers,  had  been  given  to  her.  A  letter  from  Captain  Blakely 
announced  that  he  was  in  the  offinir,  on  the  first  of  May,  1814,  with 
a  fine  breeze  at  N.  W.  He  ran  off  the  coast  without  molestation, 
and  soon  appeared  near  the  chops  of  the  English  Channel,  where  he 
began  to  repeat  the  ravages  caused  by  the  Argus.  The  position  of 
the  ship  now  exacted  the  utmost  vigilance,  as  she  was  in  the  very 

VOL.  II.  8 


126  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

track  of  the  enemy.  At  a  quarter  past  4  A.  M.  on  the  28th  of  June, 
1814,  the  Wasp,  then  cruising  in  lat.  48°  36'  N.,  long.  11°  15'  W., 
made  two  sail,  a  little  forward  of  the  lee  beam.  The  weather  was 
fine,  the  wind  light,  and  the  water  exceedingly  smooth  for  that  sea. 
After  keeping  away  in  chase,  another  stranger  was  discovered  on 
the  weather  beam,  when  the  ship  was  immediately  brought  by  the 
wind,  in  order  to  close  with  her,  it  being  obviously  expedient  for  the 
American  vessel  to  select  the  antagonist  that  had  the  most  weatherly 
position.  At  10  the  chase  showed  English  colours,  and  began  to 
make  signals.  At  noon  her  signals  were  repeated,  and  she  fired  a 
gun.  The  Wasp  did  not  go  to  quarters  until  15  minutes  past  1  ; 
and  soon  after,  believing  he  could  weather  the  chase,  Captain  Blakely 
tacked.  The  stranger  also  tacked,  however,  and  stood  oil',  no  doubt 
to  preserve  the  weather  gage.  The  Wasp  now  showed  her  ensign, 
and  fired  a  gun  to  windward.  The  enemy,  a  large  man-of-war  brig, 
gallantly  answered  this  defiance.  The  Wasp  immediately  set  her 
light  canvass  to  close,  when,  at  32  minutes  past  2,  the  enemy  tacked, 
and  began  to  draw  near.  The  American  now  took  in  her  light  sails, 
and  tacked  in  her  turn;  the  English  vessel  still  maintaining  her 
weatherly  position,  and  making  sail  to  close. 

At  17  minutes  past  3,  the  enemy  was  on  the  weather  quarter  of  the 
Wasp,  distant  about  sixty  yards,  when  he  fired  his  shifting-gun,  a 
twelve-pound  carronade  mounted  on  a  topgallant  forecastle.  Two 
minutes  later  he  fired  again  ;  and  the  discharges  were  repeated  until 
the  gun  had  been  deliberately  fired  five  times  into  the  Wasp,  at  that 
short  distance,  and  in  unusually  smooth  water.  All  this  time  the 
Wasp  could  not  bring  a  gun  to  bear;  and  finding  that  the  enemy 
drew  ahead  .very  slowly,  Captain  Blakely  put  his  helm  down,  and 
made  a  half-board,  firing  from  aft  forward,  as  the  guns  bore.  He 
now  hauled  up  the  mainsail,  and  the  two  ships  being  necessarily  very 
near,  every  shot  told.  But  the  fire  of  the  Wasp  was  too  heavy  to  be 
borne,  and  the  brig  ran  her  aboard,  on  her  starboard  quarter,  at  40 
minutes  past  3,  her  larboard  bow  coming  foul.  The  English  now 
made  several  trials  to  enter  the  Wasp,  led  by  their  commander  in 
person,  but  were  repulsed  with  steadiness  and  without  confusion. 
Two  or  three  desperate  efforts  were  repeated,  but  with  the  same  want 
of  success,  when,  at  44  minutes  past  3,  Captain  Blakely  gave  the 
order  in  turn,  to  goon  board  the  Englishman,  and  in  one  minute  his 
flag  was  lowered.  On  the  part  of  the  enemy,  this  action  lasted  28 
minutes;  on  the  part  of  the  Wasp,  19  minutes,  including  the  time 
employed  in  boarding. 

The  prize  was  his  Britannic  Majesty's  sloop  of  war  Reindeer  18, 
Captain  Manners.  The  Reindeer  was  an  ordinary  thirty-two-pounder 
brig,  but,  like  the  Peacock,  her  armament,  when  taken,  was  of  twenty- 
four-pound  carronades.  She  mounted  18  guns,  besides  the  shifting 
carronade,  and  had  a  complement  on  board  of  118  souls.  Her  loss 
was25  killed,  and  42  wounded;  10  of  the  latter  dangerously.  Among 
the  slain  was  Captain  Manners  ;  and  the  first  lieutenant  and  master 
were  wounded.  The  Wasp  had  5  men  killed,  and  22  wounded. 
Two  midshipmen,  both  of  whom  subsequently  died,  were  among  tho 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  127 

latter.  The  Reindeer  was  literally  cut  to  pieces,  in  a  line  with  her 
ports  ;  her  upper  works,  boats  and  spare  spars  being  one  entire  wreck. 
A  breeze  springing  up  next  day,  her  foremast  fell.  The  Wasp  was 
hulled  six  times,  and  she  was  filled  with  grape.  The  principal  loss 
she  sustained  in  .men,  however,  was  in  repelling  the  attempt  to  board. 
It  is  difficult  to  say  which  vessel  behaved  the  best  in  this  short  but 
gallant  combat.  The  officers  and  people  of  the  Wasp  discovered 
the  utmost  steadiness,  a  cool  activity,  and  an  admirable  discipline. 
For  eleven  minutes  they  bore  the  fire  of  a  twelve-pounder,  that  was 
discharging  round  and  grape,  at  a  distance  varying  from  60  to  30 
yards,  with  a  subordination  and  quiet  that  could  not  possibly  be  sur 
passed  ;  and  when  it  did' commence,  their  own  fire  was  terrible. 
The  attempts  to  carry  their  ship  were  repulsed  with  ease  and  cool 
ness,  and  when  the  order  to  go  on  board  the  enemy  was  received,  it 
was  obeyed  with  decision  and  promptitude.  Throughout  the  whole 
affair,  the  ship  was  conspicuous  for  the  qualities  that  most  denote  a 
perfect  man-of-war,  and  the  results  of  her  efforts  were  in  proportion. 
It  is  believed,  notwithstanding,  that  this  ship  had  an  unusual  number 
of  men  on  board  of  her,  who  were  now  at  sea  for  the  first  time. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  attack  of  the  Reindeer  has  usually  been  con 
sidered  the  most  creditable  to  the  enemy  of  any  that  occurred  in  this 
war.  It  is  scarcely  possible  that  the  English  could  have  mistaken  a 
ship  with  the  air  and  style  of  the  Wasp  for  a  privateer  ;  and  Captain 
Manners,  in  engaging  her,  like  Captain  Allen,  of  the  Argus,  must 
have  been  conscious  that  he  was  going  into  action  with  a  vessel 
heavier  than  his  own.  The  mode  in  which  he  approached  was  ex 
ceedingly  officer-like  ;  and  when  he  discovered  the  hopelessness  of 
contending  against  the  fire  to  which  he  found  himself  so  suddenly 
and  unexpectedly  exposed,  the  decision  and  gallantry  with  which  he 
attempted  to  retrieve  the  day  by  boarding,  was  of  the  highest  order 
of  military  and  personal  merit.  It  is  understood  the  enemy  had  en 
deavoured  to  persuade  himself  that  the  Chesapeake  had  been  cap 
tured  by  his  superior  prowess  in  hand  to  hand  conflicts;  a  delusion 
so  general  in  Great  Britain,  as  has  been  already  stated,  that  it  has 
frequently  led  their  officers  into  serious  disasters  in  America  ;  and  it 
is  possible  that  the  commander  of  the  Reindeer  may  have  believed 
his  crew,  which  is  said  to  have  been  better  than  common,  able  to 
carry  the  Wasp  in  this  manner.  The  result  showed  the  difference 
between  a  crew  that  was  well  commanded,  and  one  that  had  no  lead 
ers,  but  in  no  degree  detracts  from  the  merit  of  the  English  officer, 
whose  personal  deportment  in  this  affair,  is  described  as  having  been 
worthy  of  all  praise.* 

Captain  Blakely  put  a  portion  of  his  wounded  prisoners  on  board 
a  neutral,  and  proceeded  himself  to  1'Orient,  where  he  arrived  on  the 
8th  of  July,  with  the  remainder.  The  prize  was  burned,  on  account 
of  the  great  danger  of  recapture. 

*  Captain  Manners  received  three  wounds  before  the  attempt  to  board,  one  shot  having 
nearly  carried  away  the  calves  of  both  legs.  In  endeavouring  to  board,  he  sprang  into 
the  rigging  of  his  own  vessel,  when  he  was  struck  on  the  upper  part  of  the  head  by  two 
musket-balls,  which  passed  through  to  the  chin.  Flourishing  his  sword,  he  fell  dead  on 
his  own  deck. 


128  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 


Alter  a  detention  in  port  until  the  27th  of  August,  the  Wasp  sailed 
on  another  cruise.  Two  prizes  were  made  when  a  few  days  out ; 
and  on  the  1st  of  September  .she  cut  a  vessel  loaded  with  guns  and 
military  stores,  out  of  a  convoy  often  sail,  that  was  under  the  care 
of  the  Armada  74;  but  was  chased  off  by  the  enemy,  in  an  attempt 
to  seize  another.  On  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  while  running 
free,  four  sail  were  seen,  nearly  at  the  same  time,  of  which  two  were 
on  the  larboard,  and  two  on  the  starboard  bow.  The  latter  being 
farthest  to  windward,  the  Wasp  hauled  up  for  the  most  weatherly 
of  them.  At  7  P.  M.  the  chase  began  to  make  signals,  with  flags, 
lanterns,  rockets,  and  guns.  The  Wasp  disregarded  all,  but  kept 
steadily  approaching.  At  20  minutes  past  9,  she  had  the  enemy  on 
her  lee  bow,  within  hail,  and  a  gun  was  fired  into  him.  The  shot 
was  returned,  when  Captain  Blakely  put  his  helm  up,  and  passed 
to  leeward,  under  an  apprehension  that  the  enemy  might  attempt 
to  escape,  for  it  was  blowing  fresh,  and  the  ship  was  running 
ten  knots  at  the  moment.  This  was  easily  effected,  the  enemy  being 
still  in  doubt  as  to  the  character  of  the  Wasp,  both  vessels  hailing.  As 
soon  as  she  had  got  the  desired  position,  however,  the  American  ship 
poured  in  a  broadside,  and  a  warm  engagement  commenced  at  29 
minutes  past  9.  The  firing  was  close  and  severe,  though  the  com 
bat  had  the  usual  embarrassments  of  a  night  action.  By  10  o'clock, 
notwithstanding  the  darkness  and  the  swell  that  was  on  at  the  time, 
the  fire  of  the  enemy  had  ceased,  and  Captain  Blakely  hailed  to 
ascertain  if  he  had  surrendered.  Receiving  no  answer,  and  a  few 
guns  being  fired  on  board  the  English  vessel,  the  Wasp  poured  in  a 
fresh  broadside,  but  at  12  minutes  past  10,  perceiving  that  the  enemy 
did  not  fire  any  longer,  he  was  again  hailed,  with  a  demand  to  know 
if  he  had  surrendered.  The  answer  was  in  the  affirmative,  and  the 
Wasp  lowered  a  boat  to  take  possession.  Before  the  latter  struck 
the  water,  however,  the  smoke  having  blown  away,  another  vesse 
was  seen  astern,  coming  up  fast,  when  the  boat  was  run  up  again, 
the  people  were  sent  to  their  guns,  which  had  been  secured,  and  the 
Wasp  was  brought  under  command,  in  readiness  to  receive  this 
second  antagonist.  At  36  minutes  past  10,  two  more  sail  were  seen 
astern,  and  it  became  necessary  to  abandon  the  prize. 

The  helm  of  the  Wasp  was  now  put  up,  and  the  ship  ran  off*  dead 
before  the  wind,  in  order  to  reeve  new  braces,  and  in  the  hope  of 
drawing  the  nearest  vessel  farther  from  her  consorts.  This  vessel 
continued  the  chase,  until  she  got  quite  near  the  Wasp,  when  she 
hauled  her  wind  across  the  stern  of  the  latter,  delivered  a  broadside, 
and  made  stretches  to  rejoin  the  captured  vessel,  which,  by  this  time, 
was  firing  guns  of  distress.  It  would  have  been  easy  for  the  second 
vessel  to  run  alongside  of  the  Wasp,  but  the  urgent  situation  of  her 
consort,  probably,  prevented  the  step. 

As  the  Wasp  left  her  prize  so  suddenly,  she  had  no  means  of 
learning  her  name  or  loss.  She  had  herself  but  two  men  killed,  and 
one  wounded,  the  latter  by  a  wad  ;  a  circumstance  that  proves  the 
closeness  of  the  combat.  She  was  hulled  four  times,  had  a  good 
many  grape  in  her,  and  was  much  cut  up  aloft.  All  that  Captain 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY,  ]J>9 

Blakely  could  state  concerning  his  enemy,  was  his  impression  that 
she  \vas  one  of  the  largest  brigs  in  the  British  navy.  The  four  shot 
that  hulled  the  Wasp,  weighed  each  just  32  pounds.  She  had  many 
hands  in  her  tops,  and  otherwise  appeared  to  be  strongly  manned.* 

It  is  now  known  that  the  vessel  captured  by  the  Wasp,  was  the 
Avon  18,  Captain  Arbuthnot.  The  brig  that  followed  the  Wasp, 
and  fired  into  her,  was  the  Castilian  18,  and  one  of  the  other  vessels 
in  sight  was  also  a  cruiser.  The  Avon  was  so  much  injured  that 
she  sunk,  and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  the  other  vessel  saved 
her  people.  By  some  accounts,  indeed,  a  few  of  the  wounded  were 
lost.  The  loss  of  men  on  board  the  Avon  is  not  accurately  known, 
the  statements  varying  from  30  to  50.  The  vessel  was  cut  up  in  an 
extraordinary  manner.  She  is  believed  to  have  mounted  18  thirty- 
two-pound  carronades,  with  the  usual  chase  guns,  and  to  have  had 
a  crew  of  120  men  in  her. 

Captain  Blakley's  conduct  on  this  occasion,  had  all  the  merit 
shown  in  the  previous  action,  with  the  additional  claim  of  engaging 
an  enemy  under  circumstances  which  led  him  to  believe  that  her 
consorts  were  in  his  immediate  vicinity.  The  steady  officer-like  man 
ner  in  which  the  Avon  was  destroyed,  and  the  coolness  with  which  he 
prepared  to  engage  the  Castilian,  within  ten  minutes  after  his  first 
antagonist  had  struck,  are  the  best  eulogiums  on  this  officer's  char 
acter  and  spirit,  as  well  as  on  the  school  in  which  he  had  been  trained. 

The  action  between  the  Wasp  and  the  Avon  occurred  on  the  1st 
of  September,  1814,  (sea-time,)  in  lat.  47°  30',  N.,  long.  11°  W. 
September  the  12th,  in  lat.  38°  2',  N.,  and  long.  14°  58;,  W.,  the 
former  ship  took  the  brio;  Three  Brothers,  and  scuttled  her.  Septem 
ber  14th,  in  lat.  37°  22'^N.,  long.  14°  33',  W.,  she  took  the  brig  Bac 
chus,  and  scuttled  her.  September  the  21st,  in  lat.  33°  12',  N.,  long. 
14°  56',  W.,  she  took  the  brig  Atalanta  8,  with  19  men.  As  this  was 
a  valuable  prize,  Mr.  Geisinger,  one  of  the  midshipmen  of  the  Wasp, 
was  put  on  board  her,  and  she  was  sent  to  America.  The  Atalanta 
arrived  safely  at  Savannah,  Nov.  4th,  and  brought  the  last  direct 
intelligence  that  was  ever  received  from  the  regretted  Blakely  and 
the  Wasp.  Various  accounts  have  been  given  of  the  manner  in  which 
she  was  probably  lost,  but  nothing  that  can  be  deemed  authentic  has 
ever  been  ascertained.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  ship  had  got  as  far 
south  as  the  Azores,  when  Mr.  Geisinger  left  her,  and  she  was,  in  fact, 
cruising  between  those  islands  and  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar  when 
Captain  Blakely  wrote  his  last  letter.  There  is  a  rumour  that  an 
English  frigate  went  into  Cadiz,  much  crippled,  and  with  a  very  se 
vere  loss  in  men,  about  this  time,  arid  that  she  reported  her  injuries  to 
have  been  received  in  an  engagement  with  a  heavy  American  cor 
vette,  the  latter  disappearing  so  suddenly,  in  the  night,  that  it  was 

*  Captain  Blakely  adds  that  the  enemy's  shot  weighed  one  pound  and  three-quarters 
more  than  any  on  hoard  the  Wasp.  This  would  make  the  32  pound  shot  of  the  Wasp 
weigh  about  30  pounds,  and  was  probably  near  the  proportion  that  all  the  American  shot 
of  that  day  bore  to  their  nominal  weight.  It  follows,  that  in  this  action  the  metal  of  the 
enemy  was  about  two  pounds  heavier  to  the  gun  than  that  of  the  Wasp,  while  in  the 
action  with  the  Reindeer,  the  Wasp'smetal  was  only  about  six  pounds  heavier  to  the 
gun,  than  that  of  her  enemy.  In  both  these  cases,  the  long  guns  are  excepted  ;  the 
American  ship  probably  carrying  heavier  metal  forward  than  the  English. 


130  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

thought  she  had  sunk.  This  story  can  be  traced  to  no  authentic 
source.  By  another  account,  the  ship  had  been  wrecked  on  the 
African  coast,  and  fora  short  time,  it  was  believed  that  her  people  were 
prisoners  among  the  Arabs.  The  probability  is,  that  the  Wasp  foun 
dered  either  in  a  gale,  or  in  a  squall,  though  she  may  have  been  lost 
by  any  of  the  other  accidents  of  the  ocean.  A  man-of-war,  in  par 
ticular,  always  runs  a  certain  risk  from  her  magazine,  and  as  ships 
are  known  to  have  been  blown  up  in  port,  it  is  probable  that  some 
which  suddenly  disappear  are  blown  up  at  sea. 

An  incident  occurred  a  few  years  after  the  last  direct  intelligence 
was  received  from  this  gallant  ship,  that  suddenly  and  keenly  revived 
the  interest  of  the  public,  which  had  begun  to  settle  into  a  saddened 
sympathy  with  the  friends  of  those  who  had  perished,  in  her  fate. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  Acting  Lieutenant  M'Kriight,  and  Mr. 
Lyman,  a  master's  mate,  both  of  the  Essex,  had  been  exchanged  by 
Captain  Hillyar,  and  taken  to  Rio  de  Janeiro,  in  the  Phoebe,  with  a 
view  to  make  certain  affidavits  necessary  to  the  condemnation  of  the 
American  frigate.  These  gentlemen,  after  remaining  some  time  in 
Brazil,  took  passage  in  a  Swedish  brig  bound  to  England,  as  the  only 
means  of  getting  borne.  A  long  time  passing  without  any  intelligence 
from  Mr.  M'Kriight  and  his  companion,  inquiries  were  set  on  foot, 
which  terminated  in  ascertaining  this  fact,  and,  subsequently,  in 
finding  the  master  of  the  Swedish  brig,  who  proved  by  his  log-book 
and  other  documents,  that  he  had  fallen  in  with  the  Wasp  18,  Cap 
tain  Blakely,  when  his  two  passengers  seized  the  occasion  to  put 
themselves  under  the 


*  Extract  from  the  Journal  kepi  on  board  the  Swedish  brig  Adonis,  during  a  voyage 
from  Rio  de  Janeiro  towards  Falmouth,  in  the  year  1814. 

"August  23.  —  Left  Rio  de  Janeiro;  Stephen  Decatur  M'Knight,  and  James  Lyman, 
passengers  for  England. 

"  October  9th.  —  In  lat.  18deg.  35min.  N.,  long.  30deg.  lOmin.  W.,  sea  account,  at  8 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  discovered  a  strange  sail  giving  chase  to  us,  and  fired  several  guns  ; 
she  gaining  very  fast.  At  half  past  10  o  clock  hove  to,  and  was  boarded  by  an  officer 
dressed  in  an  English  doctor's  uniform,  the  vessel  also  hoisted  an  English  ensign.  The 
officer  proceeded  to  examine  my  ship's  papers,  &c.  &c.,  likewise  the  letter-bags,  and 
took  from  one  of  them  a  letter  to  the  victualling-office,  London.  Finding  1  had  two 
American  officers  as  passengers,  he  immediately  left  the  ship,  and  went  on  board  the 
sloop  of  war  ;  he  shortly  after  returned,  took  the  American  gentlemen  with  him,  and  went 
a  second  time  on  board  the  sloop.  In  about  half  an  hour,  he  returned  again  with  Messrs. 
M'Knight  and  Lyman,  and  they  informed  me  that  the  vessel  was  the  United  States  sloop 
of  war  the  Wasp,  commanded  by  Captain  Blakely,  or  Blake,  last  from  France,  where 
she  had  refitted;  had  lately  sunk  the  Reindeer,  English  sloop  of  war,  and  another  vessel 
•which  sunk  without  their  being  able  to  save  a  single  person,  or  learn  the  vessel's  name,  — 
that  Messrs.  M'Kriight  and  Lyman  had  now  determined  to  leave  me,  and  go  on  board  the 
Wasp  —  paid  me  their  passage  in  dollars,  at  5s.  9d.,  and  having  taken  their  luggage  on 
board  the  Wasp,  they  made  sail  to  the  southward.  Shortly  after  they  had  left,  I  found 
that  Lieutenant  M'Knight  had  left  his  writing  desk  behind;  and  I  immediately  made 
signal  for  the  Wasp  to  return,  and  stood  towards  her;  they,  observing  my  signal,  stood 
back,  came  alongside,  and  sent  their  boat  on  board  for  the  writing  desk  ;  after  which  they 
sent  me  a  log-line  and  some  other  presents,  and  made  all  sail  in  a  direction  for  the  line  ; 
and  I  have  reason  to  suppose  for  the  convoy  that  passed  on  Thursday  previous." 

This  is  the  last  intelligence  from  the  Wasp.  It  is  sixteen  days  later  than  that  brought 
in  by  the  prize,  and  places  the  ship  about  900  miles  farther  south,  and  about  600  miles 
farther  west,  than  she  was  when  Mr.  Geisinger  left  her.  There  is  little  doubt  that  Cap 
tain  Blakely  intended  to  run  down  towards  the  Spanish  main,  and  to  pass  through  the 
West  Indies  in  order  to  go  into  a  southern  port,  according  to  his  orders.  There  is  only 
one  other  rumour  in  reference  to  this  ship,  that  has  any  appearance  of  probability.  It  is 
said  that  two  English  frigates  chased  an  American  sloop  of  war  off  the  southern  coast, 
about  the  time  the  Wasp  ought  to  have  arrived,  and  that  the  three  ships  were  struck  with 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  131 

The  Peacock  18,  Captain  Warrington,  went  to  sea  from  New 
York,  in  March,  1814,  and  proceeded  to  the  southward,  as  far  as  the 
Great  Isaacs,  cruising  in  that  vicinity  and  along  the  Florida  shore, 
to  Cape  Carnaveral.  On  the  29th  of  April,  in  lat.  27°  47',  N.  long. 
80°  9'  W.  three  sail  were  made  to  windward,  under  convoy  of  a 
large  brig  of  war.  The  merchantmen  hauled  up  to  E.  N.  E.,  and 
the  sloop  of  war  edged  away  for  the  American  ship.  The  two  ves 
sels  were  soon  alongside  of  each  other,  when  a  close  action  com 
menced.  The  Peacock  received  two  thirty-two-pound  shot  in  the 
quarter  of  her  fore-yard,  from  the  first  broadside  of  the  enemy,  which 
rendered  the  head-sails  nearly  useless.  This  injury  compelled  the 
Peacock  to  fight  running  large,  and  prevented  much  manoeuvring, 
the  combat  being  effectually  decided  by  gunnery.  At  the  end  of  42 
minutes  the  enemy  struck,  and  possession  was  taken  of  him. 

The  prize  was  H.  B.  M.  brig  Epervier  18,  Captain  Wales.  The 
Epervier  was  extensively  injured,  having  received  no  less  than  45 
shot  in  her  hull,  and  had  22  men  killed  and  wounded.  Her  main- 
topmast  was  over  the  side,  her  main  boom  was  shot  away,  her  fore 
mast  tottering,  her  bowsprit  badly  wounded,  standing  rigging  much 
cut,  and  she  had  five  feet  water  in  her  hold.  The  Peacock  received 
very  little  injury,  that  done  the  fore-yard  being  the  principal,  while 
her  hull  escaped  almost  entirely,  not  a  round  shot  touching  it.  No 
person  was  killed,  and  only  two  men  were  wounded. 

The  Peacock  was  a  heavier  vessel  than  the  Epervier,  while,  as 
usual,  the  disparity  in  the  loss  was  infinitely  greater  than  that  in  the 
force.  The  metal  was  nominally  the  same  ;  but,  if  the  shot  of  the 
Peacock  were  as  short  of  weight  as  those  of  the  Wasp  are  known  to 
have  been,  she  threw  at  a  broadside  only  twenty  pounds  of  metal 
more  than  her  antagonist.  The  Epervier  mounted  18  thirty-two- 
pound  carronades,  and  it  would  seem  had  no  chase  guns  ;  her  crew 
consisted  of  128  men.  On  board  this  vessel  were  found  $118,000 
in  specie. 

In  one  hour  after  the  retreat  from  quarters  was  beat,  the  Peacock 
had  her  fore-yard  fished,  and,  in  all  respects,  was  ready  again  to 

a  heavy  squall,  in  which  the  sloop  of  war  suddenly  disappeared.  There  is  nothing  sur 
prising  in  a  vessel  of  that  size  being  capsized  in  a  squall,  especially  when  carrying  sail 
hard,  to  escape  enemies,  hut  it  would  be  very  extraordinary  if  no  traces  of  her  should  be 
found  floating  on  the  ocean,  or  drifted  ashore.  The  rumour,  like  that  of  the  action  with 
the  frigate,  has  probably  no  foundation. 

Captain  Blakely  was  a  citizen  of  North  Carolina.  He  received  the  portion  of  his  edu 
cation  that  was  obtained  on  shore,  in  the  University  of  his  own  state,  and  he  entered  the 
navy  February  5th,  1800.  He  was  in  the  Mediterranean  under  Preble,  and  saw  the 
service  usual  to  the  officers  of  his  rank.  His  first  command  was  the  Enterprise  14,  and 
his  second  and  last,  the  vessel  in  which  he  perished.  He  was  married,  and  left  an  only 
child,  a  daughter,  whom  the  legislature  of  North  Carolina  asked  permission  to  educate. 
He  lived  to  the  age  of  33.  This  gentleman  enjoyed  a  high  reputation  in  the  service,  which 
his  short  career,  as  a  commander,  fully  justified.  There  is  little  doubt,  had  he  survived, 
that  Captain  Blakely  would  have  risen  to  the  highest  consideration  in  his  profession.  As 
it  was,  few  officers  have  left  better  names  behind  them. 

Onboard  the  Wasp,  there  perished  with  Captain  Blakely,  Lieutenants Reilly,  Tillin- 
ghast,  and  Baury.  Messrs.  Reilly  and  Baury  had  been  midshipmen  in  the  Constitution 
when  she  took  the  Guerriere  and  the  Java,  and,  after  contending  with  the  enemy  success 
fully  in  four  combats,  it  was  their  hard  fate  to  die  in  the  manner  conjectured.  Mr.  Til- 
linghast  was  very  active  in  the  capture  of  the  Boxer,  and  was  an  excellent  officer.  The 
present  Captain  "Geisinger  was  the  only  officer  saved  from  the  Wasp. 


132  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

engage.  The  Epervier  struck  about  11  A.  M.,  and  by  sunset  she 
was  in  a  condition  to  carry  sail.  It  was  only  by  the  greatest  exer 
tions,  however,  that  she  was,  at  first,  kept  from  sinking-. 

Mr.  J.  B.  Nicholson,  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  Peacock,  was  put 
in  charge  of  the  prize,  with  directions  to  make  the  best  of  his  way  to 
Savannah.  The  southern  coast  was  then  much  infested  by  the  en 
emy,  and,  as  Captain  Warrington  knew  that  she  was  liable  to  be 
brought  to  action  at  any  moment,  he  determined  to  convoy  his  prize 
into  port.  On  the  evening  of  the  29th  of  April,  or  the  day  of  the 
capture,  the  vessels  made  sail,  and  the  next  afternoon  they  were 
abreast  of  Amelia  Island,  when  two  frigates  were  discovered  at  the 
northward,  and  to  leeward.  At  Mr.  Nicholson's  request,  Captain 
Warrington  now  took  all  the  prize  crew  from  the  Epervier  but  that 
gentleman  and  sixteen  officers  and  men,  intending  to  send  the  prize 
into  St.  Mary's,  and  to  haul  to  the  southward  with  the  Peacock,  to 
lead  the  enemy  off  the  coast.  This  plan  succeeded,  the  Peacock 
getting  rid  of  the  frigate  that  chased  her  the  next  day.  The  Epervier, 
while  subsequently  running  along  the  coast,  on  her  way  to  Savannah, 
however,  fell  in  with  the  other  frigate,  and  keeping  close  in,  in  shoal 
water,  the  wind  being  light,  the  enemy  manned  his  boats,  and  sent 
them  in  chase.  There  was  a  moment  when  the  prize  was  in  great 
danger  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  her  pursuers,  for  the  boats  got  quite 
near,  in  her  wake.  In  this  critical  situation  Mr.  Nicholson  had  re 
course  to  a  stratagem  to  keep  them  off.  He  used  the  trumpet  as  if 
full  of  men,  and  when  the  boats  were  the  nearest,  he  issued  an  order, 
in  a  very  loud  voice,  to  make  a  yaw,  in  order  to  fire  a  broadside. 
This  appearance  of  a  readiness  to  engage  intimidated  the  enemy, 
who  abandoned  his  attempt  at  a  moment  when  he  might  have  carried 
the  Epervier  with  little  or  no  loss.  On  the  1st  of  May  the  brig  arrived 
safely  at  Savannah,  and,  on  the  4th,  the  Peacock  came  in  also.  Mr. 
Nicholson's  steadiness  and  ingenuity  were  much  applauded. 

Shortly  after  the  Peacock  sailed  on  a  cruise  for  the  enemy's  seas, 
the  Bay  of  Biscay,  the  coast  of  Portugal,  and  among  the  Islands, 
constantly  changing  her  position  to  elude  the  English  squadrons. 
After  passing  over  some  of  the  best  cruising  ground  in  the  Atlantic, 
the  ship  returned  to  New  York,  at  the  end  of  October,  without  hav 
ing  fallen  in  with  an  enemy  of  a  force  proper  for  her  to  engage.  She 
captured,  however,  14  sail  of  merchantmen. 

The  President  44,  continued  to  cruise  under  the  orders  of  Com 
modore  Rodgers,  and  the  Congress  38,  under  those  of  Captain  Smith, 
with  a  similar  want  of  success,  when  the  merits  of  their  commanders 
were  considered.  These  two  fine  frigates  traversed  the  Northern 
Atlantic,  in  a  variety  of  directions,  in  company  and  singly,  and  yet  it 
was  never  the  good  fortune  of  either  to  fall  in  with  an  enemy,  that 
could  be  brought  to  action.  The  latter  ship  even  went  south  of  the 
equator,  and  one  of  her  cruises  extended  to  eight  months,  but  her 
luck  did  riot  vary. 

In  one  of  his  cruises  Commodore  Rodgers  captured  an  enemy's 
man-of-war  schooner,  called  the  Highflyer,  drawing  her  under  his 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  133 

guns  by  an  artifice,  and  this  was  the  only  English  man-of-war  that  he 
took  during  his  command  of  this  ship. 

Early  in  February,  1814,  the  President  returned  from  a  cruise  of 
75  days,  a  brief  account  of  which  will  show  the  manner  in  which  this 
ship  sought  opportunities  of  meeting  the  enemy,  as  well  as  of  that  in 
which  she  was  foiledl  She  sailed  from  Providence  in  December, 
1813,  and  ran  off  to  the  southward  and  eastward,  into  long.  38°  W., 
lat  18°  N.  Here  she  chased  two  large  ships,  under  the  impression 
that  one  was  an  Indiaman  and  the  other  a  frigate,  but  both  proved  to 
be  frigates,  and  the  President  was  chased  in  her  turn.  On  this  occa 
sion,  the  nearest  vessel  threw  a  shot  over  the  American  ship,  her 
consort  being  close  astern.  Commodore  Rodgers  now  went  off 
Barbadoes,  and  after  cruising  some  time  for  a  convoy,  he  ran  down 
among  the  Islands  through  the  Mona  passage,  and  towards  the  con 
tinent,  striking  soundings  off  St.  Augustine.  From  this  point  the 
ship  proceeded  north,  keeping  as  near  the  coast  as  the  water  would 
allow,  until  she  got  off  Charleston.  Remaining  all  day  off  the  bar, 
Commodore  Rodgers  continued  standing  to  the  northward,  following 
the  coast  as  far  as  Sandy  Hook.  As  this  was  completely  running 
the  gauntlet  among  the  enemy,  several  cruisers  were  seen,  but 
always  in  squadron,  or  under  circumstances  that  prevented  an 
engagement. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Capt.  Barney's  flotilla  in  the  Chesapeake — Skirmishes  with  theenemy — Advance  of  the 
enemy  upon  Washington  City — Defensive  movements — Captains  Barney  and  Miller 
wounded  and  taken  prisoners — Vessels  destroyed,  and  city  taken — Attack  on  Balti 
more — Death  of  Gen.  Ross — Retreat  of  the  enemy— Failui-e  of  the  attack  by  water — 
Exchange  of  Capt.  Barney — Sketch  of  his  life. 

THE  general  peace  that,  owing  to  the  downfall  of  Napoleon,  so 
suddenly  took  place  in  Europe,  afforded  England  an  opportunity  of 
sending  large  reinforcements  in  ships  and  troops  to  America.  Regi 
ments  that  had  entered  France  from  Spain,  were  embarked  in  the 
Loire,  with  that  object ;  and  a  land  force  of  more  than  30,000  men 
was  soon  collected  in  the  interior,  or  on  the  American  coast.  The 
ships,  also,  were  much  increased  in  number ;  and,  it  would  seem, 
that  there  was  a  moment  when  some  in  England  were  flattered  with 
the  belief  of  being  able  to  dictate  such  terms  to  the  republic,  as  would 
even  reduce  its  territory,  if  they  did  not  affect  its  independence.  In 
carrying  on  the  war,  two  separate  plans  appear  to  have  been  adopted. 
One  aimed  at  conquest;  the  other  at  harrassing  the  coast,  and  at 
inflicting  the  injuries  that  characterise  a  partisan  warfare. 

In  furtherance  of  the  latter  intention,  a  considerable  force  in  ships 
and  troops  assembled  in  the  waters  of  the  Chesapeake,  early  in  the 


134  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

summer,  when  the  enemy  attempted  expeditions  of  greater  impor 
tance,  and  which  were  more  creditable  to  his  arms,  than  many  in 
which  he  had  been  previously  engaged  against  small,  exposed,  and 
defenceless  villages.  The  warfare  of  1813  had  induced  the  govern 
ment  to  equip  a  stronger  force  in  the  Chesapeake,  than  it  had  ori 
ginally  possessed,  and  Captain  Joshua  Barney,  the  officer  whose 
name  has  already  been  mentioned  with  dsitinction,  as  the  captor  of 
the  General  Monk,  was  placed  at  its  head.  The  vessels  of  the  flotilla 
under  the  orders  of  Captain  Barney,  were  principally  barges  carry 
ing  heavy  guns,  though  there  were  a  few  galleys,  and  a  schooner 
or  two. 

It  would  exceed  the  limits  of  a  work  of  this  nature,  to  enter  into  a 
minute  relation  of  all  the  skirmishes  to  which  the  predatory  warfare 
of  the  English,  in  the  Chesapeake,  gave  rise  ;  but  it  is  due  to  the  offi 
cers  and  men  employed  against  them,  to  furnish  an  outline  of  their 
services.  On  various  occasions,  parties  from  the  ships  had  conflicts 
with  the  detached  militia,  or  armed  citizens,  who  were  frequently 
successful.  Although  it  is  a  little  anticipating  events,  it  may  be 
mentioned  here,  that  in  one  of  these  skirmishes,  Captain  Sir  Peter 
Parker,  of  the  JVfenelaus,  was  killed,  and  his  party  driven  off  to  its 
ship.  In  several  other  instances,  captures  were  made  of  boats  and 
their  crews ;  the  people  of  the  country  frequently  displaying  a  cool 
ness  and  gallantry  that  were  worthy  of  trained  soldiers.  On  the 
whole,  however,  the  vast  superiority  of  the  enemy  in  numbers,  and 
his  ability  to  choose  his  time  and  place  of  attack,  gave  the  English 
the  advantage,  and  their  success  was  usually  in  proportion. 

The  presence  of  Captain  Barney's  flotilla  compelled  the  enemy  to 
be  more  guarded,  and  his  small  vessels  became  cautious  about  ap 
proaching  the  shallow  waters  in  calms,  or  in  light  winds.  On  the  1st 
of  June,  this  active  and  bold  officer  left  the  Patuxent  with  the  Scor 
pion,  two  gun-boats,  and  several  large  barges,  in  chase  of  two 
schooners.  He  was  closing  fast,  by  means  of  sweeps,  when  a  large 
ship  was  discovered  to  the  southward.  Just  at  this  moment  the  wind 
shifted,  bringing  the  enemy  to  windward,  blowing  fresh  and  becom 
ing  squally.  Signal  was  made  for  the  flotilla  to  return  to  the  Patux 
ent,  as  the  weather  was  particularly  unfavourable  for  that  descriptor 
of  force,  and  the  ship  proved  to  be  a  two-decker.  On  re-entering  the 
river,  the  wind  came  ahead,  when  the  gun-boats  began  to  sweep  up 
under  the  weather  shore.  One  of  the  latter  being  in  some  danger, 
Captain  Barney  anchored  with  the  Scorpion  and  the  other  boats,  and 
opened  a  fire,  which  immediately  drove  the  enemy's  schooners  out 
of  the  river.  On  this  occasion,  the  English  pushed  a  barge  in  front 
which  began  to  throw  Congreve  rockets.  By  this  essay,  it  was  found 
that  the  rockets  could  be  thrown  farther  than  shot,  but  that  they 
could  not  be  directed  with  any  certainty.  The  ship  of  the  line 
anchored  at  the  mouth  of  the  Patuxent ;  the  enemy's  barges  kept 
hovering  about  it,  and  the  American  flotilla  was  anchored  about  three 
miles  within  the  river. 

Between  the  4th  and  8th  of  June,  the  enemy  was  joined  by  a  rase"e 
and  a  sloop  of  war,  when  Captain  Barney  removed  his  flotilla  up 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  135 

the  river,  to  the  mouth  of  St.  Leonard's  creek.  On  the  morning  of 
the  Sth  the  British  were  seen  coming  up  the  river,  the  wind  being 
fair,  with  a  ship,  a  brig,  two  schooners,  and  fifteen  barges,  which 
induced  Captain  Barney  to  move  up  the  St.  Leonard's  about  two 
miles,  when  he  anchored  in  a  line  abreast,  and  prepared  to  receive 
an  attack.  At  8  A.  M.  the  ship,  brig,  and  schooners  anchored  at 
the  mouth  of  the  creek,  and  the  barges  entered  it,  with  the  rocket- 
boat  in  advance. 

Captain  Barney  now  left  the  Scorpion  and  the  two  gun-boats  at 
anchor,  and  got  his  barges,  13  in  number,  under  way,  when  the  en 
emy  retreated  towards  their  vessels  outside.  In  the  afternoon,  the 
same  manoeuvre  was  repeated,  the  enemy  throwing  a  few  rockets 
without  effect. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  9th,  the  ship  of  the  line  having  sent  up  a 
party  of  men,  the  enemy  entered  the  creek  again,  having  20  barges, 
but  after  a  sharp  skirmish,  retired.  The  object  of  these  demonstra 
tions  was  probably  to  induce  the  Americans  to  burn  their  vessels,  or 
to  venture  out  within  reach  of  the  guns  of  the  ships,  but  the  latter4 
were  commanded  by  an  officer  much  too  experienced  and  steady  to 
be  forced  into  either  measure  without  sufficient  reason.  On  the  llth, 
a  still  more  serious  attempt  was  made,  with  21  barges,  having  -the 
two  schooners  in  tow.  Captain  Barney  met  them  again,  and,  after 
a  sharper  encounter  than  before,  drove  them  down  upon  their  larger 
vessels.  On  this  occasion,  the  pursuit  was  continued,  until  the 
rasee,  which,  by  this  time,  had  ascended  the  Patuxent,  and  the  brig, 
opened  a  fire  on  the  Americans.  In  this  affair,  the  English  are 
thought  to  have  suffered  materially,  especially  one  of  the  schooners. 
A  shot  also  struck  the  rocket-boat. 

Some  small  works  were  now  thrown  up  on  the  shore,  to  protect  the 
American  flotilla,  and  the  blockade  continued.  In  the  mean  time, 
Captain  Miller,  of  the  marine  corps,  joined  the  flotilla,  and  a  consid 
erable  force  of  militia  was  collected  under  Colonel  Wadsworth,  of 
the  ordnance  service.  The  enemy  had  also  brought  a  frigate,  in 
addition  to  the  rase"e,  off  the  mouth  of  the  creek.  The  largest  of 
these  vessels  was  believed  to  be  the  Severn,  and  the  smallest  the  Nar 
cissus  32.  On  the  26th,  an  attempt  was  made  by  the  united  force 
of  the  Americans  to  raise  the  blockade.  The  cannonade  was  close, 
for  the  species  of  force  employed,  and  it  lasted  two  hours,  when  the 
Severn  cut,  and  was  run  on  a  sand  bank  to  prevent  her  sinking.*  It 
is  said  that  a  raking  shot  ripped  a  plank  from  her  bow,  and  placed 
her  in  imminent  danger.  Shortly  after,  in  company  with  the  Nar 
cissus,  she  dropped  down  the  river,  and  went  into  the  bay.  In  this 
handsome  affair,  the  flotilla  lost  13  men  in  killed  and  wounded ;  but 
it  effectually  raised  the  blockade,  and  induced  the  enemy  to  be  more 
cautious. 

The  portion  of  the  flotilla  that  was  in  the  Patuxent,  remained  in 
that  river  until  the  middle  of  August,  when  the  enemy  commenced 
that  series  of  movements,  which  terminated  in  his  advance  upon 

*By  some  accounts  this  ship  was  the  Loire. 


136  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

Washington.  On  the  16th,  Captain  Barney  received  intelligence 
that  the  British  were  coming  up  the  Patuxerit  in  force,  when  he  sent 
an  express  to  the  nayy  department  for  instructions.  The  answer 
was  to  land  the  men,  and  join  the  army  that  was  hurriedly  assembling 
for  the  defence  of  the  coast,  under  General  Winder,  and,  if  pressed, 
to  burn  the  flotilla. 

On  the  2 1st,  the  news  was  received  that  the  enemy  had  landed  a 
force  of  four  or  five  thousand  men  at  Benedict,  and  that  he  was 
marching  in  the  direction  of  the  capital.  Captain  Barney  immedi 
ately  landed  400  of  his  party,  leaving  the  vessels  in  charge  of  Mr. 
Frazier,  with  orders  to  set  fire  to  them,  if  attacked,  and  to  join  the 
main  body,  with  as  little  delay  as  possible.  The  next  day  this  order 
was  executed,  a  strong  detachment  of  seamen  arid  marines  approach 
ing  the  flotilla  to  attack  it. 

On  the  22d,  Captain  Barney  joined  the  assemblage  of  armed  citi 
zens,  that  was  called  an  army,  at  the  Wood-Yard.  The  next  day 
he  marched  into  Washington,  and  took  up  his  quarters  in  the  marine 
•barracks. 

After  a  good  deal  of  uncertainty  concerning  the  movements  of  the 
enemy,  it  was  understood  he  was  marching  directly  on  Washington, 
and  that  it  was  intended  to  fight  him  at  Bladensburgh.  The  flotilla- 
men  and  marines  left  the  Yard  on  the  morning  of  the  24th,  and  they 
arrived  at  the  battle-ground  on  a  trot,  and  were  immediately  drawn 
up  about  a  mile  to  the  west  of  Bladensburgh,  holding  the  centre  of 
General  Winder's  position.  After  a  short  skirmish  in  front,  where 
the  enemy  suffered  severely  in  crossing  a  bridge,  the  militia  fell  back, 
and  the  British  columns  appeared,  following  the  line  of  the  public 
road.  The  entire  force  of  the  flotilla-men  and  marines,  was  about 
500  men  ;  and  they  had  two  eijjhteens,  and  three  twelve-pounders, 
ship's  guns,  mounted  on  travelling  carriages.  Captain  Barney  took 
command  of  the  artillery  in  person,  while  Captain  Miller  had  the 
disposition  of  the  remainder  of  the  two  parties,  who  were  armed  as 
infantry.  The  marines,  78  men  in  all,  formed  a  line  immediately  on 
the  right  of  the  guns,  while  the  seamen,  370  men,  were  drawn  up  a 
little  in  their  rear,  and  on  the  right  flank  of  the  marines,  on  ground 
that  permitted  them  to  fire  over  the  heads  of  the  latter.  Although 
the  troops  that  were  falling  back  did  not  halt,  Captain  Barney  held 
his  position,  and  as  soon  as  the  enemy  began  to  throw  rockets,  he 
opened  on  him  with  a  sharp  discharge  of  round  and  grape.  The 
column  was  staggered,  and  it  immediately  gave  ground.  A  second 
attempt  to  advance  was  repulsed  in  the  same  manner,  when  the  en 
emy,  who,  as  yet,  had  been  able  to  look  down  resistance  by  his  dis 
cipline,  advancing  steadily  in  column,  was  obliged  to  make  an  oblique 
movement  to  his  left,  into  some  open  fields,  and  to  display.  Here 
he  threw  out  a  brigade  of  light  troops,  in  open  order,  and  advanced 
in  beautiful  style,  upon  the  command  of  Captain  Barney,  while  the 
head  of  a  strong  column  was  kept  in  reserve  in  a  copse  in  its  rear. 
Captain  Miller,  with  the  marines,  and  that  portion  of  the  seamen  who 
acted  as  infantry,  met  the  charge  in  the  most  steady  and  gallant  man 
ner  and  after  a  short  conflict,  drove  the  British  light  troops  back 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  137 

upon  their  supporting  column.  In  this  conflict  the  English  com 
inanding  officer,  in  advance,  Colonel  Thornton,  with  his  second  and 
third  in  rank,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Wood,  and  Major  Brown,  were  all 
wounded,  and  left  on  the  field.  The  marines  and  seamen  manifested 
the  utmost  steadiness,  though  it  was  afterwards  ascertained  that  the 
light  troops  brought  up  in  their  front,  amounted  to  about  600  men. 

There  can  be  no  question,  that  a  couple  of  regular  regiments 
would  now  have  given  the  Americans  the  day,  but  no  troops  remain 
ed  in  line,  except  the  party  under  Captain  Barney,  and  two  detach 
rnents  on  his  right,  that  were  well  posted.  Having  been  so  roughly 
handled,  the  enemy  made  no  attempt  to  advance  directly  in  front  of 
the  seamen  and  marines,  but,  after  forcing  the  troops  on  their  right 
from  the  field,  by  a  demonstration  in  that  direction,  they  prepared  to 
turn  the  rear  of  Captain  Barney,  in  order  to  surround  him.  While 
these  movements  were  going  on  in  front,  a  party  of  light  troops  had 
been  thrown  out  on  the  enemy's  right,  and  the  militia  having  aban 
doned  the  ground,  they  were  also  beginning  to  close  upon  the  Amer 
icans  that  stood.  By  this  time,  Captain  Barney,  Captain  Miller,  and 
several  other  officers  were  wounded ;  and  victory  being  impossible, 
against  odds  so  great,  an  order  was  given  to  commence  a  retreat. 
The  defence  had  been  too  obstinate  to  admit  of  carrying  off  the  guns, 
which  were  necessarily  abandoned.  All  the  men  retired,  with  the 
exception  of  the  badly  wounded  ;  among  the  latter,  however,  were 
Captain  Barney  and  Captain  Miller,  who  both  fell  into  the  enemy's 
hands.  The  loss  of  the  latter  in  front  of  the  seamen  and  marines, 
on  this  occasion,  was  near  300  men,  in  killed  and  wounded.  Of 
the  marines,  nearly  one-third  were  among  the  casualties  ;  and  the 
flotilla-men  suffered  considerably,  though  in  a  smaller  proportion. 

The  people  of  the  flotilla,  under  the  orders  of  Captain  Barney, 
and  the  marines,  were  justly  applauded  for  their  excellent  conduct 
on  this  occasion.  No  troops  could  have  stood  better ;  and  the  fire 
of  both  artillery  and  musketry  has  been  described  as  to  the  last  de 
gree  severe.  Captain  Barney  himself,  and  Captain  Miller,  of  the 
marine  corps,  in  particular,  gained  much  additional  reputation  ;  and 
their  conspicuous  gallantry  caused  a  deep  and  general  regret,  that 
their  efforts  could  not  have  been  sustained  by  the  rest  of  the  army. 

As  the  enemy  took  possession  of  Washington,  a  perfectly  defence 
less  straggling  town  of  some  eight  or  nine  thousand  inhabitants,  that 
evening,  and  a  considerable  force  in  ships  was  ascending  the  Poto 
mac,  it  was  thought  necessary  to  destroy  the  public  property  at  the 
navy  yard.  At  that  time,  a  frigate,  of  the  first  class,  called  the  Co 
lumbia.,  was  on  the  stocks,  and  the  Argus  18,  and  Lynx  12,  had  not 
long  been  launched.  A  small  quantity  of  stores  and  ammunition 
had  been  removed,  but  on  the  night  of  the  24th,  fire  was  communi 
cated  to  the  remainder.  It  is  difficult  to  say  why  the  vessels  afloat 
were  not  scuttled,  a  measure  that  would  have  allowed  of  their  being 
raised  again,  as  it  would  have  been  impossible  for  the  enemy  to  injure 
ships  in  that  state,  and  much  less  to  remove  them.  Indeed  the  ex 
pediency  of  setting  fire  to  anything  has  been  questioned,  since  the 
enemy  could  not  have  done  more.  It  is,  however,  just  to  remember, 


138  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

that  the  sudden  retreat  of  the  English  could  not  have  been  foreseen, 
and  that  they  had  a  commanding  naval  force  in  the  Potomac.  The 
loss  in  vessels  was  not  great ;  the  Columbia  44,  on  the  stocks,  and 
the  Argus  IS,  being  the  only  two  destroyed  that  were  of  any  value. 
The  Lynx  escaped  ;  and  it  would  seem  that  the  enemy  was  in  too 
great  a  hurry  to  do  her  any  injury.  On  this  occasion,  the  Boston  28 
was  burned,  though  the  ship  was  condemned.  The  hulk  of  the  New 
York  36  escaped  ;  but  all  the  naval  stores  were  consumed. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  this,  and  the  instance  in  which  the 
Adams  was  burned  in  the  Penobscot,  were  the  only  cases  in  the  war, 
in  which  the  enemy,  notwithstanding  his  numerous  descents,  was 
ever  able  to  destroy  any  public  cruiser  by  means  of  his  troops.  In 
this  respect,  the  difference  between  the  war  of  1812  and  that  of  1775, 
is  strikingly  apparent.  During  the  former  contest,  indeed,  the  ene 
my  succeeded  in  no  assault  on  any  place  of  size,  although,  encour 
aged  by  his  success  at  Washington,  an  attempt  was  shortly  after 
made  on  Baltimore. 

To  aid  in  resisting  these  descents  which  were  believed,  at  the  time, 
to  be  made  by  a  force  greatly  exceeding  that  which  was  actually  em 
ployed,  the  officers  and  men  of  the  navy,  who  were  in  the  vicinity, 
were  collected  on  the  shores  of  the  Chesapeake.  Commodore 
Rodgers,  with  the  crew  of  the  Guerriere  44,  then  nearly  ready  for 
sea,  was  withdrawn  from  Philadelphia;  Captain  Perry,  of  the  Java 
44,  which  ship  was  fitting  at  Baltimore,  and  Captain  Porter,  with 
other  gentlemen  of  the  service,  had  been  actively  employed  on  the 
banks  of  the  Potomac,  in  endeavouring  to  intercept  the  return  of  the 
British  ships  that  had  ascended  to  Alexandria  ;  a  duty  that  could  not 
be  effected,  however,  for  want  of  means  and  time.  The  guns  at  com 
mand  were  altogether  too  light.  Some  fighting  occurred.  Several 
gallant  attempts  with  fire-ships  were  made,  but  the  enemy's  move 
ments  were  too  rapid,  to  allow  of  the  necessary  preparations  in  a 
country  so  thinly  settled,  and  almost  destitute  of  military  supplies. 
In  the  course  of  this  service,  Commodore  Rodgers  repelled  an  attack 
on  a  small  party  of  less  than  50  men,  that  was  made  by  the  enemy 
in  an  attempt  to  cut  off  a  lighter  and  a  fire-vessel,  on  which  occa 
sion,  Mr.  Newcomb,  Mr.  Ramage,  Mr.  Forrest,  and  Mr.  Stockton, 
of  the  Guerriere,  were  conspicuously  useful.  These  gentlemen  were 
also  active  in  endeavouring  to  fire  the  enemy's  ships,  though  unsuc 
cessful.  Most  of  these  officers,  and  all  their  men,  were  ordered  to 
Baltimore,  when  that  town  was  threatened. 

Baltimore  was  a  much  more  formidable  place  to  assail  than  Wash 
ington,  being  compact,  and  containing,  at  that  time,  more  than 
40,000  souls.  Its  water  defences  were  respectable,  though  it  had 
no  other  fortifications  on  the  side  of  the  land,*  than  those  which  were 
thrown  up  for  the  occasion.  The  seamen,  both  of  the  ships  of  war 
and  of  the  flotilla,  with  the  marines  present,  were  all  under  the  com- 

*  It  may  assist  the  foreigner  who  reads  American  history,  if  he  is  told  that  in  America, 
there  is  no  fortified  town.  Defences  have  been  made  to  resist  attacks  by  sea,  and  field 
works  have  been  occasionally  thrown  up  around  different  places,  on  emergencies,  but 
no  American  town,  in  the  old  English  colonies,  -was  ever  regularly  walled  and  fortified. 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  139 

mand  of  Commodore  Rodgers,  who  made  a  judicious  disposition  of 
his  force. 

The  enemy  landed  early  on  the  12th  of  September,  near  a  place 
called  North  Point.  While  this  was  effecting,  the  British  frigates, 
sloops,  and  bomb-vessels,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Nourse, 
of  the  Severn,  proceeded  up  the  Patapsco,  with  a  view  to  cannonade 
and  bombard  the  water  defences  of  the  town.  Vice-Admiral  Coch- 
rane,  and  Rear-Admiral  Malcolm,  were  with  this  squadron.  A 
brigade  of  seamen  accompanied  the  army,  under  Captain  Crofton. 
With  this  party  Rear-Admiral  Cockburn  landed  in  person.  The 
troops,  as  at  Washington,  were  led  by  Major  General  Ross. 

After  proceeding  about  five  miles,  a  small  advanced  party  of  the 
local  militia  momentarily  checked  the  march  of  the  enemy,  falling 
back,  agreeably  to  orders,  when  it  found  itself  about  to  be  surround 
ed.  In  the  trifling  skirmishes  that  occurred  at  this  spot,  Major 
General  Ross  was  killed.  A  sharper  encounter  took  place  shortly 
after,  in  which  the  Americans  had  about  1500  men  engaged.  On 
this  occasion,  the  militia  had  24  men  killed,  and  129  wounded. 
They  lost  also,  I  officer  and  49  privates,  prisoners.  According  to 
the  accounts  of  the  enemy,  he  lost  in  both  affairs,  290  in  killed  and 
wounded.  Shortly  after  the  second  skirmish,  the  English  retreated 
to  the  place  of  debarkation,  and  abandoned  the  enterprise.  The 
armed  citizens  of  Baltimore  and  its  vicinity,  composed  the  force  that 
met  the  enemy  on  this  occasion. 

The  attack  by  water  was  equally  unsuccessful.  Fort  M'Henry 
was  bombarded  for  twenty-four  hours,  without  making  any  serious 
impression  on  it.  A  small  battery  in  advance,  manned  by  officers 
and  men  of  the  flotilla,  although  much  exposed,  returned  the  fire  to 
the  last.  In  the  course  of  the  night,  a  strong  brigade  of  boats  pushed 
into  the  Ferry  Branch,  and  would  have  gained  the  harbour,  had  it 
not  been  received  by  a  warm  fire  from  Forts  Covington  and  Babcock, 
as  well  as  from  the  barges  of  the  flotilla.  The  defence  was  found 
to  be  too  animated,  and  the  enemy  retreated.  Fort  Covington  was 
manned  by  80  seamen  of  the  Guerriere,  under  Mr.  Newcomb,  a  very 
excellent  young  officer  of  that  ship ;  and  Mr.  Webster,  a  sailing- 
master,  with  50  men  of  the  flotilla,  was  in  the  six-gun  battery  called 
Babcock.  The  barges  were  under  the  orders  of  Lieutenant  Rutter, 
the  senior  officer  present,  in  that  branch  of  the  service.  All  these 
gentlemen,  and  their  several  commands,  distinguished  themselves 
by  their  steadiness  and  efficiency. 

The  barges,  in  particular,  though  exposed  for  nearly  a  day  and  a 
night  to  the  shells  and  rockets  of  the  enemy,  maintained  their  posi 
tion  with  unflinching  firmness,  and  when  more  closely  attacked, 
repelled  the  enemy  with  ease.  At  a  most  critical  moment,  several 
vessels  were  sunk  in  the  channel,  which  would  have  completely  pre 
vented  the  enemy  from  bringing  up  his  heavy  ships,  had  he  seen  fit 
to  attempt  it.  The  duty  was  performed  with  coolness  and  expedition 
by  Captain  Spence. 

The  failure  virtually  terminated  the  warfare  in  the  Chesapeake,  the 
enemy  shortly  after  collecting  most  of  his  forces  at  the  south,  with  a 


140  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

view  to  make  a  still  more  serious  attempt  on  New  Orleans.  Small 
predatory  expeditions,  however,  continued  in  this  quarter,  to  the  close 
of  the  war,  though  they  led  to  no  results  of  sufficient  importance  to  be 
mentioned.  This  warfare  was  generally  beneficial  to  the  American 
government ;  the  excesses  into  which  the  enemy  were  led,  whether 
intentionally  or  not,  having  the  effect  to  disgust  that  portion  of  the 
population  which  had  been  seriously  averse  to  the  conflict ;  and  the 
administration  was  probably  never  stronger,  than  after  the  wanton 
destruction  of  the  public  buildings  at  Washington.  About  this  time, 
Captain  Barney*  was  exchanged,  and  he  resumed  his  former  com 
mand,  Jess  than  half  of  his  flotilla  having  been  destroyed  in  the 
Patuxent. 

*  Joshua  Barney  was  born  in  Baltimore,  July  6th,  1759.  He  went  to  sea  young,  and 
by  some  accidental  circumstances,  was  early  thrown  into  the  command  of  a  valuable  ship. 
At  the  commencement  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  or  in  October,  1775,  he  entered  on 
board  the  Hornet  10,  -which  was  fitted  at  Baltimore,  as  a  master's  mate,  and  sailed  in  the 
expedition  under  Commodore  Hopkins,  against  the  Bahamas.  The  Hornet  was  separated 
from  the  squadron,  by  bad  weather,  and  returned  to  port  alone.  He  next  joined  the 
Sachem  10,  Captain  Alexander,  as  a  lieutenant,  though  his  name  is  not  found  on  the 
regular  list  of  the  service,  until  July  20, 1781,  when  it  appears  by  the  side  of  those  of 
Dale  and  Murray.  From  this  fact,  it  is  to  be  inferred  that  the  first  commission  regularly 
received  from  Congress,  by  either  of  those  distinguished  young  sailors,  was  given  at  that 
time.  But  Mr.  Barney  served  even  as  a  first  lieutenant  of  a  frigate  at  a  much  earlier  day. 
He  was  in  that  station  on  board  the  Virginia  28,  when  taken  by  the  enemy  ;  and  he  also 
served  in  the  same  rank,  on  board  the  Saratoga  16.  Mr.  Barney  escaped  the  fate  of  the 
Saratoga,  in  consequence  of  having  been  in  a  prize. 

After  serving  in  a  very  gallant  manner  on  board  of  different  vessels  of  war,  as  a  lieu 
tenant,  and  in  several  private  cruisers  as  commander,  Mr.  Barney  was  appointed  to  the 
Hyder  Ally.  For  the  manner  in  which  he  received  this  command,  and  the  brilliant 
action  he  fought  in  that  ship,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  text.  From  the  year  1782  to 
that  of  1804,  Captain  Barney  served  in  the  General  Washington,  (late  General  Monk,) 
beingmost  of  the  time  employed  as  a  despatch  vessel,  or  on  civil  duty  of  moment.  It  is 
not  easy  to  say  what  was  the  regular  rank  of  Captain  Barney  at  this  period.  That  he 
was  a  lieutenant  in  the  public  marine  is  certain,  but  it  does  not  so  clearly  appear  that  he 
was  appointed  to  be  a  captain.  Of  his  claim  to  this  distinction  there  is  no  question, 
though  it  would  seem  that  the  peculiar  state  of  the  country  prevented  this  act  of  justice 
from  being  performed.  When  the  General  Washington  was  sold,  Captain  Barney 
retired  to  private  life,  and,  like  all  his  brother  officers  of  the  marine  of  the  Revolution, 
was  disbanded. 

In  1794,  Captain  Barney  was  one  of  the  six  captains  appointed  in  the  new  navy,  but  he 
declined  taking  the  commission  on  account  of  the  name  of  Captain  Talbot  preceding  his 
own.  In  1796,  Captain  Barney  went  to  France,  and  not  long  after,  he  was  induced  to 
enter  the  French  navy,  with  the  rank  of  chef  de  division.  On  the  28th  of  May,  he  sailed 
from  Rochefortfor  St.  Domingo,  in  1'Harmonie  44,  having  la  Railleuse  36  in  company, 
and  under  his  orders.  After  cruising  some  time  -with  these  ships,  to  which  a  third  was 
subsequently  added,  he  got  the  command  of  la  Meduse  and  1'Insurgente,  the  latter  being 
the  frigate  that  was  eventually  lost  in  the  American  navy.  With  these  two  ships  he 
came  to  America,  and  was  watched,  for  several  months,  by  a  superior  English  squadron. 
The  manner  in  which  Commodore  Barney  got  to  sea,  when  he  was  ready  to  sail,  has 
always  been  greatly  admired.  The  French  frigates  dropped  down  gradually  towards 
the  sea,  the  enemy  moving  out  before  them,  until  the  former  had  anchored  just  within 
the  capes,  and  the  latter  were  watching  them  in  the  offing.  As  soon  as  it  became  dark, 
Commodore  Barney  lifted  his  anchors  and  stood  up  the  bay,  until  far  enough  to  be  out 
of  sight,  when  he  again  brought  up.  The  next  morning,  missing  him,  the  English  sup 
posed  he  had  got  to  sea  in  the  night,  and  made  sail  in  chase.  Commodore  Barney,  in  the 
meanwhile,  followed  his  enemies  off  the  coast,  altering  his  course  in  time  to  avoid  them. 

In  1800,  Commodore  Barney  quilted  the  French  service,  and  returned  home.  He  was 
engaged  in  commerce  until  the  war  of  1812.  The  navy,  by  that  time,  had  become  too 
regular  to  allow  of  his  being  received  into  it,  and  he  accepted  the  command  of  a  privateer. 
He  made  only  one  cruise  in  this  vessel,  and  in  1813,  was  put  at  the  head  of  the  flotilla  in 
the  Chesapeake,  with  the  rank of»a  captain  in  the  navy,  though  not  properly  in  the  service. 
His  gallant  conduct  in  that  station  has  been  shown.  After  the  war  of  1812  he  held  a 
civil  station  under  the  government,  and  died  at  Pittsburg,  on  his  way  to  Kentucky,  De 
cember  1st,  1818,  in  the  59th  year  of  his  age.  The  wound  received  at  Bladensburgh  is 
lupposed  to  have  caused  his  death. 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  141 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

The  enemy's  fleet,  Admiral  Cockrane,  appears  off  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi — New 
Orleans — Movements  of  the  enemy — Commencement  of  hostilities — Handsome  resis 
tance  of  Lieut.  Jones — Action  on  Lake  Borgne — Surrender  of  Lieut.  Jones'  flotilla, 
after  a  gallant  defence — Landing  of  the  British  troops  below  New  Orleans,  under  Gen. 
Keane — Gen.  Jackson  marches  against  the  enemy — Assistance  of  the  Carolina.  Capt. 
Patterson,  in  the  defence — She  blows  up — Battle  of  New  Orleans — Naval  officers  who 
distinguished  themselves. 

THE  movements  in  the  Chesapeake  were  made  by  a  force  that  was 
assembled  for  other  and  greater  objects,  to  undertake  which  it  only 
waited  for  reinforcements.  The  principal  expedition  of  the  year  was 
not  commenced  until  near  the  close  of  the  season,  when  Admiral 
Cochrane,  after  collecting,  in  the  different  islands,  a  large  number 
of  ships  of  war,  transports,  and  store-vessels,  suddenly  appeared  off 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  This  was  at  the  commencement  of  De 
cember,  1814,  and  there  was  no  doubt,  from  the  first,  of  a  design  to 
make  a  formidable  attempt  on  the  important  town  of  New  Orleans, 
most  probably  with  a  view  to  permanent  conquest. 

The  defences  of  the  place,  with  the  exception  of  some  respectable 
fortifications  that  commanded  the  river,  were  of  a  very  trifling  nature. 
The  latter  were  formidable,  and  they  rendered  it  necessary  to  make 
either  a  descent  in  some  of  the  bayous,  by  means  of  boats,  or  to  de 
stroy  the  works  by  bombardment.  As  the  latter  required  time,  which 
would  allow  the  Americans  to  assemble  a  force  to  resist  the  invasion, 
and  was  of  doubtful  issue,  the  former  project  was  adopted.  To 
hazard  an  attempt  ofthe  sort  decided  on,  however,  it  became  neces 
sary  to  obtain  the  command  of  those  shallow  waters,  by  which  the 
approach  could  only  be  made.  To  this  object,  therefore,  the  enemy 
first  directed  his  attention. 

At  the  immediate  point  where  New  Orleans  stands,  the  Mississippi 
runs  nearly  east  and  west,  the  site  ofthe  place  being  on  the  left  bank 
ofthe  river.  Directly  north  ofthe  town,  distant  but  a  few  miles,  lies 
a  large  body  of  shallow  water,  that  is  called  Lake  Ponchartrain, 
though,  in  truth,  it  is  merely  a  bay  separated  from  the  waters  ofthe 
gulf,  by  a  passage  so  narrow  as  to  resemble  a  river.  This  passage  is 
called  the  Rigolets.  Another  deep  bay  that  puts  in  from  the  gulf, 
and  which  is  connected  with  Ponchartrain  by  means  ofthe  Rigolets, 
is  called  Lake  Borgne,  though  it  deserves  the  name  of  a  lake  still  less 
than  the  adjoining  estuary.  Vessels  of  a  light  draught  can  approach 
quite  near  the  town  by  means  of  these  two  bodies  of  water,  either  by 
entering  Lake  Ponchartrain  or  not,  while  the  ascent  ofthe  Missis 

Captain  Barney,  or  Commodore  Barney,  as  it  was  usual  to  call  him,  in  consequence 
of  his  rank  in  the  French  service,  was  a  bold,  enterprising,  and  highly  gallant  officer. 
His  combat  with  the  Monk  was  one  ofthe  neatest  naval  exploits  on  record;  and,  in  all 
situations,  he  manifested  great  spirit,  and  the  resources  of  a  man  fitted  to  command. 
There  is  little  question  that  he  would  have  been  one  of  the  most  distinguished  officers 
of  the  service,  had  he  remained  in  it ;  and  as  it  is,  few  Americans  enjoy  a  more  enviable 
professional  reputation.  Captain  Barney  is  'said  to  have  been  engaged  in  26  combats,  all 
of  which  were  against  the  English,  and  in  nearly  all  of  which  he  was  successful. 
VOL.  II.  9 


142  NAVAL  HISTOR1  [1814. 

sippi  is  long,  difficult,  and  extremely  crooked.  To  command  the 
approach  of  the  river,  the  fortifications  just  mentioned  had  been 
erected,  while  the  government  was  obliged  to  rely  principally  on  the 
navy  to  furnish  a  protection  for  the  lakes.  The  use  of  steam  at  that 
day  was  in  its  infancy,  and  the  water  being  too  shallow  for  vessels  of 
any  size,  no  better  craft  offered  for  this  purpose  than  the  ordinary 
gun-boats.  With  this  view  a  division  of  these  vessels,  accompanied 
by  a  few  light  tenders,  was  kept  in  the  lakes,  and  it  became  neces 
sary  to  the  enemy  to  destroy  this  force  before  he  could  trust  his  boats 
loaded  with  troops  beyond  the  protection  of  the  guns  of  his  ships. 

On  the  12th  of  December,  when  the  enemy's  fleet  first  made  its 
appearance  off  the  entrance  of  Lake  Borgne,  a  division  of  five  gun 
boats  was  in  that  bay,  under  the  command  of  Mr.  Thomas  Ap  Catesby 
Jones,  then  a  young  sea-lieutenant.  As  soon  as  Mr.  Jones  was  ap 
prised  of  the  appearance  of  the  enemy,  he  reconnoitered  his  force, 
and  having  ascertained  its  strength,  he  retired  higher  into  the  bay, 
with  a  view  to  take  a  position  to  command  the  approaches  towards 
the  town.  There  were  several  small  forts,  either  at  the  entrance 
of  Lake  Ponchartrain,  or  at  the  mouth  of  different  bayous,  or  creeks, 
that  put  up  into  the  low  swampy  grounds  below  New  Orleans,  and 
it  was  the  intention  of  Mr.  Jones  to  anchor  near  one  of  them,  at  a 
place  called  les  Petites  Coquilles.  His  vessels  consisted  merely  of 
gun-boats,  No  5,  commanded  by  Mr.  Ferris,  a  sailing-master,  and 
mounting  5  guns,  with  a  crew  of  36  men  ;  No.  23,  Acting  Lieutenant 
M'Keever,  5  guns  and  39  men  ;  No.  156,  Lieutenant  Commandant 
Jones,  5  guns  and  41  men ;  No.  162,  Acting  Lieutenant  Spedding, 
5  guns  and  35  men;  and  No.  163,  Mr.  Ulrick,  a  sailing-master,  3 
guns  and  21  men  ;  making  a  united  force  of  23  guns  and  183  men. 
The  metal  varied,  some  of  the  boats  having  two  long  heavy  guns, 
others  but  one,  and  all  having  two  or  three  short  lighter  pieces.  The 
vessels  themselves,  like  all  gun-boats,  were  low,  easy  of  entrance, 
slow  in  their  movements,  and  totally  without  quarters. 

Some  movements  of  the  enemy,  who  appeared  with  a  large  flotilla 
of  barges  and  boats  in  the  bay,  induced  Mr.  Jones  to  expect  an  attack, 
on  the  13th,  and  he  got  under  way  from  the  position  he  then  held,  at 
3  30  P.  M.,  to  attain  les  Petites  Coquilles,  as  mentioned.  A  small 
tender,  called  the  Seahorse,  had  been  despatched  into  the  Bay  of  St. 
Louis,  a  short  time  previously,  to  destroy  some  stores,  and  about  4 
o'clock  the  enemy  sent  three  boats  in  after  her,  to  cut  her  out.  The 
Seahorse  carried  one  li^ht  six-pounder,  and  had  but  14  men.  She 
was  commanded  by  Mr.  Johnson,  a  sailing-master.  A  few  dis 
charges  of  grape  drove  back  the  boats,  which  were  soon  reinforced, 
however,  by  four  more,  when  a  spirited  engagement  ensued.  This 
was  the  commencement  of  actual  hostilities,  in  the  celebrated  expe 
dition  against  New  Orleans.  Mr.  Johnson  having  got  a  position, 
where  he  was  sustained  by  two  sixes  on  the  shore,  made  a  handsome 
resistance,  and  the  barges  retired  with  some  loss.  A  few  hours 
later,  however,  the  Seahorse  and  stores  were  set  on  fire  by  the  Ameri 
cans  themselves,  as  it  was  not  possible  to  prevent  them  from  event 
ually  falling  into  the  hands  of  a  force  as  formidable  as  that  brought 
up  by  the  enemy.  Not  long  aPer,  another  tender,  called  the  Alii- 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  143 

gator,  armed  with  a  four-pounder,  and  with  a  crew  of  only  8  men, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English. 

About  1  A.  M.  on  the  14th,  the  flotilla,  which  had  been  endeav 
ouring  to  gain  a  better  position,  was  compelled  to  anchor  in  the  west 
end  of  the  passage  of  Malheureux  Island,  on  account  of  a  failure  of 
wind,  and  of  the  strength  of  the  current.  At  daylight  the  boats  of 
the  enemy  were  seen,  having  brought  up  about  three  leagues  to  the 
eastward.  It  was  a  perfect  calm,  and  a  strong  ebb  tide  setting  through 
the  pass,  no  alternative  was  left  Mr.  Jones,  but  to  prepare  obstinately 
to  defend,  or  to  abandon  his  vessels.  He  gallantly  determined  on 
the  first,  although  the  force  that  would  be  brought  against  him  was 
known  to  be  overwhelming.  Arrangements  were  accordingly  made 
to  resist  the  expected  attack  to  the  utmost.  It  had  been  the  intention 
to  form  the  five  gun-boats  with  springs  on  their  cables,  directly  across 
the  channel,  in  a  close  line  abreast,  but  the  force  of  the  current  de 
ranged  the  plan,  Nos.  156  and  163  having  been  forced  about  a  hun 
dred  yards  down  the  Pass,  and  that  much  in  advance  of  the  three 
other  boats.  The  approach  of  the  enemy  prevented  an  attempt  to 
repair  this  great  disadvantage,  which  exposed  the  vessels  mentioned 
to  being  assailed  while,  in  a  measure,  unsupported  by  their  consorts. 
When  the  character  of  the  resistance  is  considered,  it  appears  proba 
ble  that  this  accident  alone  prevented  a  victory  from  having  been 
obtained. 

The  English  flotilla  consisted  of  between  40  and  50  barges  and 
boats,  the  former  expressly  constructed  for  the  purpose  of  the  invasion, 
and  they  are  said  to  have  mounted  42  guns,  principally  carronades 
of  the  calibers  of  12,  18,  and  24  pounds.  The  number  of  men  em 
barked  in  these  boats  has  been  computed  as  high  as  1200  by  some 
accounts,  while  by  others,  it  has  been  put  as  low  as  400.  The  size 
and  number  of  the  barges,  however,  render  the  latter  account  im 
probable,  ten  men  to  a  boat  being  altogether  too  few  to  gain  belief. 
The  truth  would  be  apt  to  lie  between  the  extremes. 

At  10  39,  A.  M.,  the  enemy  raised  his  grapnels  and  kedges,  and 
forming  in  open  order,  in  a  line  abreast,  he  pulled  up  steadily  to  the 
attack.  When  near  enough  to  be  reached  by  shot,  the  gun-boats 
opened  a  deliberate  fire  on  the  approaching  barges,  though  with  little 
effect,  as  they  presented  objects  too  small  to  be  aimed  at  with  any 
accuracy.  At  11  10,  however,  the  enemy  opened  a  fire  through  his 
whole  line,  and  the  action  immediately  became  general  and  destruc 
tive.  At  11  49,  the  enemy  was  near  enough  to  make  an  attempt  to 
board  156,  which  vessel  was  much  exposed  by  her  advanced  position. 
Three  boats  dashed  at  her,  but  two  were  sunk,  and  the  attack  was 
repulsed.  It  was  renewed  by  four  boats,  which  were  also  beaten 
off  with  a  heavy  loss.  In  repelling  this  last  attack,  however,  Mr. 
Jones  was  shot  down,  when  the  command  devolved  on  Mr.  Parker, 
a  young  midshipman,  who  defended  his  vessel  until  he  was  severely 
wounded  himself,  and  was  overpowered  by  numbers.  The  enemy 
got  possession  of  No.  156  at  12  10,  and  he  immediately  turned  her 
guns  on  the  other  American  boats.  No.  163  was  next  carried,  after 
a  very  gallant  resistance,  aid  No.  162  followed,  but  not  until  Mr. 


144  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

Spedden  was  severely  wounded.  The  twenty-four-pounder  of  No 
5  had  been  dismounted  by  the  recoil,  and  the  fire  of  the  captured 
boats  having  been  turned  on  her,  she  was  also  compelled  to  submit. 
No.  23,  Mr.  M'Keever,  was  the  last  vessel  taken,  hauling  down  her 
flag  about  12  30,  when  under  the  fire  of  the  captured  boats,  and  all 
the  enemy's  remaining  force.  Captain  Lockyer  of  the  Sophie  com 
manded  the  English  flotilla  on  this  occasion,  assisted  by  Captain 
Montresor  of  the  Manley,  and  Captain  Roberts  of  the  Meteor. 

Although  the  loss  of  this  division  of  gun-boats  was  a  serious  im 
pediment  to  the  defence  of  New  Orleans,  both  the  country  and  the 
service  looked  upon  the  result  of  the  combat  as  a  triumph.  On  the 
latter,  in  particular,  the  resistance  made  by  Mr.  Jones,  and  the  offi 
cers  and  men  under  his  orders,  reflected  great  honour,  for  it  was 
known  to  have  been  made  almost  without  hope.  Circumstances 
compelled  the  assailed  to  fight  to  great  disadvantage,  and  it 
would  seem  that  they  struggled  to  render  their  chances  more  equal 
by  a  desperate  but  cool  gallantry.  In  consequence  of  the  character 
of  this  defence,  it  is  usually  thought,  in  the  service,  to  bestow  as 
much  credit  on  an  officer  to  have  been  present  at  the  defeat  of  Lake 
Borgne,  as  to  have  been  present  at  a  signal  victory. 

There  is  the  same  disagreement  in  the  published  accounts  of  the 
loss  of  the  British  on  this  occasion,  as  in  the  published  accounts  of 
their  force.  It  was  the  opinion  of  Lieutenant  Commandant  Jones, 
who  was  carried  on  board  the  enemy's  fleet,  that  their  killed  and 
wounded  amounted  to  nearly  400,  while  other  prisoners,  who,  from 
not  having  been  wounded,  had  perhaps  better  opportunities  for  as 
certaining  facts  of  this  nature,  have  never  placed  it  lower  than  be 
tween  200  and  300  men.  By  the  official  statement  of  the  enemy, 
as  published,  his  loss  was  94.  As  this  was  more  than  half  of  the  num 
ber  of  the  Americans  engaged,  it  proves  the  gallantry  of  the  resist 
ance,  but  it  is  believed  that  the  true  account  was  varied  for  the  pur 
pose  of  effect.*  The  American  loss,  though  severe,  was  comparatively 
trifling. 

The  command  of  the  naval  force  at  New  Orleans  had  been  given 
to  Captain  Patterson,  one  of  the  young  officers  who  had  been  a  pris 
oner  at  Tripoli  with  Captain  Bainbridge.  Captain  Patterson  was  a 
master  commandant,  and  he  was  assisted  by  many  excellent  officers, 
but  his  force  was  merely  intended  to  command  the  river  and  the 

*  The  disagreement  inofficial  accounts,  in  matters  that  will  not  well  admit  of  mistakes, 
leaves  no  choice  but  to  suppose  intentional  departures  from  facts  somewhere.  In  the 
British  official  account  of  the  battle  of  New  Orleans,  (8th  January,  1815.)  their  loss  in 
killed  is  stated  at  293.  It  is  well  known  that  the  field  was  left  in  possession  of  the  Ame 
ricans,  and  that  they  transferred  the  dead  to  the  English  for  burial.  In  his  letter  of  the 
9th  of  January,  General  Jackson  says  "upwards  of  300  have  alreadv  been  delivered  ove°- 
for  burial,  a*»  3  my  aien  are  still  engaged  Hi  picking  the.n  up,  .vuhin  my  lines  aud  cai. 
rying  them  to  the  point  where  the  enemy  are  to  receive  them."  Colonel  Hayne,  the 
American  Inspector  General,  under  whose  orders  the  dead  were  given  up,  on  the  13th, 
reports  them  at  700.  The  English  report  their  missing  at  475,  and  Colonel  Hayne  reports 
the  prisoners  at  501.  A  private  letter,  written  on  the  13th  says,  "  in  one  small  spot 
alone,  on  the  left  of  our  lines,  they  found  368  dead  bodies,"  or  75  more  than  the  total  loss 
of  the  enemy's  official  account.  It  was  of  eo  much  importance  to  impress  the  seamen 
with  the  idea  that  the  danger  of  attacking  in  boats  was  not  great,  that  we  find  a  motive 
for  the  difference  in  the  accounts  of  the  two  parties,  in  the  affair  of  Lake  Borgne.  It  by 
no  means  follows  that  an  officer  writes  what  is  published. 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  145 

shallow  waters  in  the  vicinity  of  the  town.  A  ship  called  the  Louis 
iana  had  been  purchased  and  armed  with  16  long  twenty- fours.  Men 
were  pressed  in  the  streets  for  the  emergency,  under  a  law  of  the 
state,  and  the  command  of  the  vessel  was  given  to  Lieutenant  C.  B. 
Thompson. 

The  enemy  finding  himself  in  command  of  Lake  Borgne,  by  the 
capture  of  the  gun-boats,  sent  up  a  brigade  of  troops,  under  Major 
General  Keane,  which  succeeded  in  entering  a  bayou,  and  in  landing 
but  a  few  miles  below  the  town.  Here  he  encamped,  after  advanc 
ing  to  some  hard  ground,  on  the  night  of  the  23d  of  December,  with 
his  left  flank  resting  on  the  Mississippi.  No  sooner  was  the  position 
of  the  British  known  to  the  Americans,  than  General  Jackson  march 
ed  against  them  with  all  the  disposable  force  he  could  assemble, 
making  a  total  of  about  1500  men,  and  by  a  prompt  and  spirited  night 
attack  he  saved  New  Orleans.  The  movements  of  the  troops  on  this 
occasion,  were  preceded  by  Captain  Patterson's  dropping  down 
abreast  of  the  English  bivouac,  in  the  U.  S.  schooner  Carolina  14, 
and  opening  a  most  galling  fire.  The  excellent  use  made  of  this 
little  vessel,  on  the  23d,  as  well  as  her  continuing  to  threaten  the 
left  flank  of  the  enemy,  materially  contributed  to  the  general  success 
of  the  campaign,  there  being  no  question  that  the  check  received  by 
the  English  in  the  action  just  mentioned,  alone  prevented  him  from 
marching  into  New  Orleans,  from  which  town  he  was  distant  only  a 
few  miles.  It  had  been  intended  that  the  Louisiana  should  join  in 
this  attack,  but  the  ship  could  not  be  got  ready  in  time. 

A  few  days  later,  however,  the  Carolina  was  very  critically  placed. 
The  enemy  had  landed  some  guns,  and  the  wind  having  blown  fresh 
for  some  time  at  N.  N.  W.,  it  had  been  found  impossible  to  ascend 
the  stream  against  the  current  that  was  even  too  strong  for  warping. 
The  armament  of  the  schooner  consisted  only  of  twelve-pound  car- 
ronades,  and  one  long  gun  of  the  same  caliber.  On  the  morning  of 
the  27th,  the  wind  being  quite  light  at  the  northward,  the  enemy 
opened  upon  the  Carolina  with  hot  shot  and  shells,  from  a  five-gun 
battery.  The  cannonade  was  returned  from  the  long  twelve,  the  only 
piece  that  could  be  used,  but  the  schooner  was  soon  set  on  fire,  be 
neath  her  cable  tiers,  and  a  little  after  sunrise  Captain  Henley  was 
compelled  to  give  orders  to  abandon  her.  Before  this  could  be  ef 
fected,  7  men  were  killed  and  wounded,  and  the  vessel  was  much 
injured  by  shot.  Shortly  after  the  crew  had  got  on  shore,  the  Caro 
lina  blew  up.  During  four  or  five  of  the  most  critical  days  of  the 
campaign,  this  little  vessel  rendered  signal  service,  and  the  enemy 
have  always  paid  a  just  tribute  to  the  spirit,  judgment,  and  intrepidity 
with  which  she  was  managed.  Her  behaviour  on  the  night  of  the 
23d,  reflected  great  credit  on  Captain  Patterson,  and  on  all  under 
his  orders. 

The  Louisiana  was  now  the  only  vessel  in  the  river,  and  she  cov 
ered  the  flank  of  the  American  lines.  On  board  this  ship  Captain 
Patterson  repaired,  after  the  loss  of  the  Carolina.  On  the  morning 
of  the  28th,  an  advance  of  the  enemy  against  the  American  troops, 
drew  a  fire  from  and  upon  the  ship,  which  was  maintained  for  seven 


146  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1815 , 


hours.  In  the  course  of  this  long  cannonade,  the  Louisiana  threw 
800  shot  among  the  enemy,  though  she  suffered  very  little  in  return. 

After  the  destruction  of  the  Carolina,  her  officers  and  people  volun 
teered  to  man  some  of  the  heavy  guns  that  were  mounted  on  the 
American  lines,  and  they  had  a  share  in  all  the  subsequent  successes 
obtained  on  shore.  Captain  Patterson  also  erected  a  battery  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  river,  which  was  put  up  under  the  orders  of  Cap 
tain  Henley,  and  was  of  material  use.  On  the  8th  of  January  the 
English  made  their  grand  assault,  and  were  defeated  with  dreadful 
slaughter.  In  this  extraordinary  battle,  the  loss  of  the  enemy  was 
computed  at  from  two  to  three  thousand  men,  more  than  two  thou 
sand  having  been  killed  and  wounded.  The  seaman's  battery  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  river  was  temporarily  abandoned,  but  the  Lou 
isiana  was  of  great  use,  and  the  officers  and  men  of  the  service  dis 
tinguished  themselves  by  their  activity,  zeal,  and  courage.  On  this 
occasion  Captain  Henley  was  wounded.  One  gun,  in  particular, 
commanded  by  Mr.  Philibert,  a  midshipman,  was  served  in  a  man 
ner  to  attract  general  attention.  The  Louisiana  continued  to  assist 
in  annoying  the  enemy,  until  the  night  of  the  18th,  when  the  English 
retreated  to  their  boats,  and  embarked,  abandoning  their  attempt 
altogether. 

Captain  Patterson  immediately  despatched  several  officers,  in  com 
mand  of  expeditions,  to  intercept  and  annoy  the  enemy  on  their  re 
treat,  though  the  want  of  a  direct  communication  between  the  river 
and  the  lakes,  prevented  the  employment  of  any  vessels  larger  than 
boats,  on  this  service.  Mr.  Thomas  Shields,  a  purser,  who  had  pre 
viously  been  a  sea-officer,  and  who  had  6  boats  and  50  men  under 
his  orders,  was  so  fortunate  as  to  capture  one  of  the  enemy's  large 
boats,  with  40  officers  and  men  of  the  14th  light  dragoons,  and  14 
seamen  on  board.  After  securing  these  prisoners,  Mr.  Shields  cap 
tured  a  barge  and  a  transport  schooner,  and  subsequently  five  other 
boats,  making  in  all  83  more  prisoners.  Some  skirmishing  occurred, 
and  Mr.  Shields  lost  one  or  two  of  his  prizes  and  prisoners,  but  he 
succeeded  in  bringing  in  with  him  78  of  the  latter,  besides  destroying 
several  boats.  Mr.  Johnson,  a  sailing-master,  also  performed  some 
service  of  the  same  nature  with  credit,  destroying  a  transport  and 
capturing  a  party  of  men. 

In  all  the  important  service  performed  in  front  of  New  Orleans, 
during  this  short  but  arduous  campaign,  the  navy  had  a  full  share, 
though  its  means  were  necessarily  so  limited.  Captain  Patterson, 
Captain  Henley,  Lieutenants  Jones,  Thompson,  M'Keever,  Sped- 
den,  Cunningham,  Norris,  Crowley,  with  several  sailing-masters  and 
midshipmen,  distinguished  themselves,  on  different  occasions.  The 
service  also  witnessed  with  peculiar  satisfaction  the  intelligence  and 
spirited  conduct  of  Mr.  Shields,  an  officer  who  had  received  his  train 
ing  in  its  own  school.  The  marine  corps  had  its  share,  too,  in  the 
honours  of  this  glorious  campaign,  a  small  detachment  of  it  having 
acted  with  its  usual  good  conduct,  under  the  command  of  Major 
Carmick,  who  was  wounded  in  the  affair  of  the  28th  of  December. 

Although  it  will  be  exceeding  the  rigid  limits  of  a  strictly  nautical 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  147 

work,  this  chapter  cannot  be  closed  without  paying  a  tribute  to  the 
gallant  band  of  armed  citizens  that,  in  the  main,  drove  the  enemy 
from  the  shores  of  Louisiana.  The  attempt  was  made  under  the  false 
impression,  which  had  been  industriously  circulated  in  Europe,  of 
an  extensive  disaffection  to  the  American  Union  ;  a  delusion  that 
was  soon  destroyed  at  the  point  of  the  boyonet.  It  would  be  diffi 
cult  to  find  another  instance  in  history  in  which  a  population, 
deficient  in  arms,  organisation,  training,  and  numbers,  so  signally 
defeated  a  powerful  force  of  disciplined  troops,  accustomed  to  war, 
or  manifested  the  same  degree  of  promptitude,  unanimity,  and  spirit, 
in  preventing  their  firesides  from  being  violated  by  the  presence  of  a 
licentious  soldiery,  as  was  the  fact  with  the  defenders  of  New  Orleans. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

British  and  American  force  on  Lake  Ontario — Resources  of  the  two  countries — Attack 
on  Sacketts  Harbour — Lieut.  Woolsey  defends  against  six  British  vessels — Appoint 
ment  of  Com.  Chauncey — Six  schooners  purchased  and  equipped — Forces  compared 
— Upper  Lakes — Attack  on,  and  capture  of  the  British  brigs  Detroit  and  Caledonia, 
by  Lieut.  Elliot — he  receives  a  sword  from  Congress — Part  of  the  John  Adams'  crew 
reach  Buffalo — Com.  Chauncey  puts  out  in  squadron — The  Royal  George  retires  un 
der  the  batteries  of  the  enemy — Accident  on  board  the  Pert — Capture  by  the  Hamilton 
and  Growler — Descent  upon  the  British  ports  on  Niagara  river — Gallant  conduct 
of  Lieut.  Angus — The  enemy's  batteries  carried,  guns  spiked  and  bai'racks  burned — 
Marvelous  escape  of  Messrs.  Dudley,  Holdup  and  Wragg. 

WE  have  now  reached  a  period  when  it  has  become  proper  to 
advert  to  events  on  the  different  lakes,  which  were  the  scenes  of  some 
of  the  most  important,  as  well  as  of  the  most  interesting  incidents  of 
the  war.  In  order  to  do  this,  it  will  be  necessary  to  return  to  the 
commencement  of  hostilities,  for  the  whole  of  this  portion  of  the  sub 
ject  has  been  reserved,  in  order  to  lay  it  before  the  reader  in  a  con 
tinued  narrative,  having  no  immediate  connexion  with  its  other 
branches. 

The  English  government  had  long  maintained  a  small  naval  force 
on  the  great  lakes  ;  though  much  the  larger  portion  of  Champlain 
being  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  it  had  kept  no 
cruiser  on  that  water.  On  Lake  Ontario,  however,  there  were  sev 
eral  vessels,  as  early  as  the  commencement  of  the  century,  one  of 
which  was  a  ship  called  the  Earl  of  Moira.  When  the  American 
government  caused  the  Oneida  16  to  be  built,  that  of  the  Canadas 
laid  down  the  keel  of  a  ship  called  the  Royal  George,  which  was 
pierced  for  22  guns,  and  which  was  about  one  half  larger  than  the 
American  vessel. 

The  Oneida  was  manned  and  equipped  at  the  declaration  of  the 
war,  and  was  still  under  the  command  of  Mr.  Woolsey,  who  had  built 
her  four  years  previously.  The  naval  station  on  the  American  side 
of  the  lake  was  at  Sackett's  Harbour,  a  beautiful  and  safe  basin,  not 


148  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812. 

far  from  the  commencement  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  while  that  of  the 
British  was  nearly  opposite,  at  Kingston.  The  enemy,  however, 
had  greatly  the  advantage  in  ports,  those  of  the  north  shore  of  this 
lake  being  generally  the  most  commodious  and  easy  of  entrance, 
though  probably  not  as  numerous  as  those  of  the  south.  The  Eng 
lish  also  possessed  a  material  advantage  over  the  Americans,  in  all 
the  warfare  of  this  region  of  country,  whether  on  the  water,  or  on  the 
land,  in  the  age  and  more  advanced  civilisation,  and  consequently, 
in  the  greater  resources  of  the  settlements  on  their  southern  frontier, 
over  those  on  the  northern  frontier  of  the  United  States.  It  being  a 
common  error  to  associate  with  the  facts,  the  very  reverse  of  this  state 
of  things,  as  settlements  recede  from  the  ocean,  it  may  be  useful  to 
explain  the  cause. 

The  views  of  the  French,  when  they  held  the  Canadas,  extending 
to  a  union  between  these  northern  provinces,  and  those  they  then 
occupied  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi, 
a  line  of  posts  had  early  been  established  along  the  great  waters,  and 
around  these  several  spots  settlements  had  been  made,  of  course, 
some  of  which  dated  anterior  to  any  of  the  possessions  of  the  Dutch 
in  New  York,  or  of  the  English  in  Pennsylvania.  Thus  the  country 
in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  Niagara  river  was  as  old,  in  the  way 
of  civilisation,  as  that  in  the  vicinity  of  the  city  of  New  York  ;  and 
in  many  respects  it  had  all  the  appearances  and  advantages  of  its 
antiquity.  The  same  was  true  of  other  points  on  the  Canadian 
frontier.  Kingston,  which  had  been  called  Frontenac  by  the  French, 
was  a  town  of  some  size,  and  it  enjoyed  the  facilities  and  resources 
that  are  produced  by  time  and  care.  On  the  American  shores  of  all 
the  great  waters,  with  an  immaterial  exception  at  Detroit,  the  very 
reverse  was  the  case.  The  settlements  were  isolated,  poor,  and 
recent.  Sackett's  Harbour  was  an  insignificant  hamlet  of  a  dozen 
houses  ;  Oswego  was  but  little  larger,  and  no  other  place  worthy  to 
be  called  even  a  village,  then  existed  on  the  American  side  of  Lake 
Ontario.  Ogdensburg,  much  the  most  important  port  in  all  that 
region,  was  a  new  village,  about  sixty  miles  down  the  St.  Lawrence, 
and  was  of  no  use  as  a  naval  station.  In  addition  to  this  great  disad 
vantage,  the  larger  lakes  were  bounded  by  broad  belts  of  forest,  with 
roads  that  were  always  bad,  and  sometimes  nearly  impassable.  Be 
tween  the  Hudson  and  the  shores  of  Ontario,  a  distance  of  200  miles, 
there  existed  no  other  means  of  communication,  at  that  day,  than 
were  offered  by  the  ordinary  highways,  and  an  imperfect  and  inter 
rupted  navigation  along  the  waters  of  the  Mohawk,  Wood  Creek, 
Oneida  Lake,  and  th'e  rivers  that  flow  from  the  latter  into  Lake  On 
tario.  Supplies  were  consequently  obtained  with  great  difficulty, 
and  at  an  enormous  expense.  On  the  other  hand,  the  enemy,  pos 
sessing  the  outlet  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and,  in  one  sense,  a  command 
of  the  ocean,  was  enabled  to  convey  all  the  required  naval  and  mili 
tary  stores,  from  the  ware-houses  in  England,  to  the  dock-yards  in 
the  Canadas,  by  water.  It  will  at  once  be  understood  that,  while  the 
scene  of  the  warfare  that  is  about  to  be  related,  was  apparently  at  a 
vast  distance  from  the  seat  of  British  power,  as  to  all  practical  pur- 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  149 

poses,  it  was  nearer  to  the  resources  of  that  empire,  than  were  the 
naval  stations  of  America  to  the  seaports  of  the  republic. 

At  the  time  war  was  declared,  England,  however,  had  no  officers 
of  .her  royal  marine  on  the  American  Jakes,  while  those  who  belonged 
to  the  Oneida,  and  to  the  gun-boats  on  Champlain,  were  regularly 
trained,  and  bore  commissions  in  the  navy  of  the  United  States. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  this  circumstance  materially  influenced  the 
results  of  the  first  acts  of  hostilities  that  occurred,  the  English  vessels 
being  conducted  by  a  set  of  provincial  seamen,  who  had  never  enjoy 
ed  a  sufficient  opportunity  of  acquiring  the  discipline,  or  of  imbibing 
the  spirit  of  a  high-toned  service.  Still  the  British  vessels,  not  long 
before,  had  been  commanded  by  one  who  had  passed  his  youth  in  the 
English  navy,  and  a  few  of  his  inferiors  had  also  possessed  limited 
opportunities  of  learning  its  practice. 

The  great  superiority  of  the  enemy  in  force,  notwithstanding  his 
known  inferiority  in  discipline  and  comparative  efficiency,  prevented 
Lieutenant  Commandant  Woolsey  from  inviting  hostilities,  which 
were  permitted  to  corne  from  the  enemy.  On  the  1.9th  of  July,  or 
about  a  month  after  war  was  declared,  five  sail  were  discovered  from 
the  fort  at  Sackett's  Harbour,  a  few  leagues  in  the  offing,  and  shortly 
after,  they  captured  a  boat  belonging  to  the  custom-house,  which 
they  sent  in,  with  a  demand  that  the  Oneida  should  be  surrendered 
to  them,  as  well  as  a  schooner  called  the  Lord  Nelson,  that  had  been 
captured  not  long  before  by  the  brig.  The  Oneida  now  got  under 
way,  and  ran  down  to  windward  of  the  enemy's  squadron,  to  try  her 
sailing,  and,  if  possible,  to  pass  it,  with  a  view  to  escape.  Finding 
the  latter  impracticable,  however,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Woolsey 
beat  back  into  the  harbour,  and  anchored  his  brig  close  under  a  bank, 
where  she  could  rake  the  entrance.  All  the  guns  of  her  off  side 
were  landed  and  mounted  on  the  shore,  presenting  a  force  of  16 
twenty-four-pound  carronades  in  battery.  On  a  height  that  com 
manded  the  offing,  as  well  as  the  entrance,  was  a  small  fort ;  here  a 
long  thirty-two-pounder,  that  had  been  originally  intended  for  the 
Oneida,  in  her  legal  character  of  a  gun-boat,  was  mounted  ;  and  the 
enemy  still  remaining  outside,  Mr.  Woolsey  repaired  to  the  spot,  and 
took  charge  of  the  piece  in  person. 

The  enemy  kept  turning  to  windward,  and  having  got  within  gun 
shot,  he  opened  a  slow,  irregular,  and  ill-directed  fire  on  the  fort, 
brig,  and  batteries.  His  fire  was  returned  ;  and,  after  a  cannonade 
of  about  two  hours,  the  English  vessels  bore  up,  and  stood  back 
towards  Kingston.  This  was  the  commencement  of  hostilities  on 
the  lakes,  and  it  fully  proved  the  incompetency  of  the  officers  in 
charge  of  the  enemy's  force,  for  the  duty  with  which  they  had  been 
entrusted.  The  English  vessels  consisted  of  the  Royal  George  22, 
Prince  Regent  16,  Earl  of  Moira  14,  Duke  of  Gloucester,  Seneca, 
and  the  Simcoe.*  On  the  part  of  the  Americans,  no  harm  was 

*  The  English  changed  the  names  of  their  vessels  in  a  way  to  render  it  very  difficult 
to  trace  them,  or  to  particularise  their  force.  The  Earl  of  Moira,  a  ship  in  1812,  was  de 
stroyed,  under  another  name,  as  a  brig,  in  1814,  and  had  been  a  schooner  in  the  interval. 


150  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812. 

done ;  while  the  enemy  is  believed  to  have  received  some  trifling 
injuries. 

It  is  probable  that  the  government  of  Canada  was  itself  dissatisfied 
with  the  result  of  this  first  experiment  of  its  naval  forces,  for  soon 
after  arrangements  were  made  to  send  officers  and  men  who  belong 
ed  to  the  royal  navy,  upon  the  lakes.  It  was  apparent  to  both  na 
tions,  that  the  command  of  the  inland  waters  was  of  great  importance 
in  carrying  on  the  war  of  the  frontiers,  and  each  of  the  belligerents 
commenced  systematic  operations  to  obtain  it.  As  the  enemy  was 
already  much  the  strongest  on  Ontario,  it  was  incumbent  on  the 
American  government  to  take  the  first  measures,  and  it  set  about 
them  in  earnest,  very  shortly  after  the  beginning  of  hostilities.  It 
being  evident  that  the  command  was  one  of  the  most  important  that 
had  ever  been  confided  to  an  American  officer,  great  care  was  neces 
sary  in  the  selection  of  the  individual  to  whom  this  highly  responsi 
ble  and  arduous  duty  was  to  be  confided.  The  choice  of  the  depart 
ment  fell  on  Captain  Isaac  Chauncey,  then  at  the  head  of  the  New 
York  navy  yard ;  and  it  was  generally  admitted,  by  all  conversant 
with  his  professional  character,  that  a  better  selection  could  not  have 
been  made.  Of  tried  firmness  and  spirit,  Captain  Chauncey  was 
one  of  the  best  practical  seamen  of  the  age,  and  his  knowledge  of 
ships  extended  to  all  those  details  which  would  properly  come  within 
the  scope  of  his  duties.  His  orders  were  dated  August  3lst,  1812, 
and  on  the  6th  of  October,  he  arrived  at  Sackett's  Harbour  in  person. 
As  the  command  of  Commodore  Chauncey  extended  to  all  the  lakes 
with  the  exception  of  Champlain,  he  had  employed  the  time  that 
intervened  between  the  date  of  his  orders,  and  that  of  his  arrival  on 
the  station,  in  organising  and  despatching  the  means  for  creating 
the  necessary  force.  Forty  ship-carpenters  left  New  York  on  the 
first  week  of  September,  and  more  followed  immediately.  Instruc 
tions  were  sent  to  Mr.  Woolsey,  to  purchase  sundry  small  merchant 
vessels  ;  and  on  the  18th  of  September,  100  officers  and  seamen  left 
New  York  for  Sackett's  Harbour,  with  guns,  shot,  stores,  <fec. 

The  vessels  used  by  the  Americans  in  the  navigation  of  Lake  On 
tario,  were  schooners,  varying  in  size  from  30  to  100  tons  ;  and  the 
first  measure  of  Commodore  Chauncey  was  to  purchase  a  sufficient 
number  of  these  craft  to  obtain  the  command  of  the  lake,  until  others 
better  fitted  for  war  could  be  constructed.  A  selection  was  accord 
ingly  made  of  several  of  the  most  eligible,  by  Mr.  Woolsey,  and  they 
were  bought,  armed,  equipped,  manned,  and  put  into  the  service, 
under  the  names  of  the  Hamilton,  Governor  Tompkins,  Conquest, 
Growler,  Julia,  Pert,  <fcc.  &c.  Neither  of  these  schooners  had  the 
construction  or  the  qualities  requisite  for  vessels  of  war,  but  they 
were  the  best  for  the  service  contemplated  that  could  then  be  found 
on  those  waters.  Without  quarters,  their  armaments  consisted 
principally  of  long  guns,  mounted  on  circles,  with  a  few  of  a  lighter 
description,  that  could  be  of  no  material  service,  except  in  repelling 
boarders.  The  keel  of  a  ship  to  mount  24  thirty-two-pound  carron- 
ades,  however,  was  laid  down  in  September,  or  before  the  command 
ing  officer  reached  the  station. 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  151 

In  conjunction  with  the  Oneida,  the  entire  flotilla  that  could  be 
made  immediately  available  mounted  40  guns,  and  it  was  manned 
with  430  men,  the  marines  included.  As  the  armament  of  the 
Oneida  was  just  16  guns,  it  follows  that  there  was  an  average  of  4 
guns  each,  among  the  six  other  vessels.  At  this  time,  the  enemy 
was  said  to  possess  on  Ontario,  the  Royal  George  22,  Earl  of  Moira 
14,  both  ships  ;  and  the  schooners  Prince  Regent  16,  Duke  of  Glou 
cester  14,  Simcoe  12,  and  Seneca  4;  making  a  force  in  guns,  more 
than  double  that  of  the  Americans,  with  a  proportionate  disparity  in 
the  number  of  the  crews.  As  cruising  vessels,  the  enemy's  squadron 
possessed  an  advantage  in  their  size  and  construction,  that  greatly 
increased  their  superiority. 

While  these  preparations  were  making  on  Ontario,  the  service  on 
the  other  lakes  was  not  overlooked.  Owing  to  the  manner  in  which 
the  navigation  is  interrupted  by  the  cataract  of  Niagara,  there  is  no 
natural  communication  between  the  first  of  these  great  bodies  of 
fresh  water,  and  its  more  western  neighbours,  nor  had  any  artificial 
means  been  attempted  at  that  early  day.  It  was  necessary,  in  con 
sequence,  to  construct  and  collect  different  squadrons,  or  flotillas 
for  the  different  waters,  a  duty  that  greatly  increased  the  expense 
of  the  preparations,  and  materially  added  to  the  arduous  character 
of  the  command.  As  the  supplies  for  the  Indian  warfare  of  the 
northwest,  as  well  as  the  protection  of  the  right  flank  of  the  enemy, 
depended,  in  a  great  measure,  on  the  ability  to  navigate  Erie  and 
the  upper  lakes,  as  the  contiguous  waters  are  termed,  both  sides 
turned  their  attention  early  to  the  means  of  obtaining  an  ascendency 
on  the  former,  which,  it  was  felt,  must  be  the  place  where  the  con 
test  was  to  be  decided. 

Previously  to  the  war  of  1812,  there  was  no  vessel  on  the  upper 
lakes,  that  properly  belonged  to  the  American  marine.  A  brig, 
called  the  Adams,  however,  had  been  constructed  on  these  waters, 
for  the  convenience  of  the  war  department,  which,  under  its  own 
officers,  had  long  found  it  useful  in  the  transportation  of  stores  and 
military  supplies.  This  vessel  had  no  proper  quarters,  though 
insufficient  substitutes  had  been  provided  ;  and  the  peculiar  service 
rendering  her,  at  all  times,  liable  to  assaults  from  the  savages  of  the 
interior,  she  had  an  armament  of  light  guns.  By  the  capture  of 
Michigan,  however,  the  Adams  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
who  changed  her  name  to  the  Detroit,  and  took  her  into  their  ser 
vice.  At  this  time,  the  enemy  possessed  two  or  three  other  vessels 
on  the  upper  lakes,  and  of  course,  this  capture,  for  the  moment,  gave 
them  complete  command  of  the  waters,  between  the  outlet  of  Lake 
Erie  and  the  head  of  Lake  Michigan. 

With  a  view  to  counteract  this  ascendency  Lieutenant  J.D.  Elliot 
was  sent  by  Commodore  Chauncey  to  the  upper  lakes,  about  the 
time  that  the  latter  officer  appeared  at  Sackett's  Harbour,  with  direc 
tions  to  purchase  any  suitable  vessels  that  might  be  found,  and  to 
make  preparations  also  for  the  creation  of  the  necessary  force  in  that 
quarter.  While  Mr.  Elliot  was  thus  employed,  a  fortunate  concur 
rence  of  circumstances  put  it  in  the  power  of  this  officer  to  plan  a 


152  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812 

blow  at  the  enemy,  of  which  he  availed  himself  with  a  spirit  and 
promptitude  that  were  highly  creditable.  On  the  morning  of  the  7th 
of  October,  the  Detroit  came  down  the  lake,  in  company  with  another 
brig,  called  the  Caledonia,  and  anchored  under  Fort  Erie,  and  that 
very  day  intelligence  was  received  that  the  first  party  of  seamen 
intended  for  the  lake  was  within  a  short  march  of  the  Niagara  fron 
tier.  Orders  were  accordingly  sent  to  hasten  their  arrival,  which 
actually  took  place  about  noon  of  the  same  day. 

Finding  that  the  men  were  without  arms,  Mr.  Elliot  applied  to 
Brigadier  General  Smythe,  the  officer  in  command  of  the  troops  on 
that  frontier,  who  not  only  furnished  the  necessary  means,  but  who 
permitted  about  fifty  soldiers  to  volunteer  to  aid  in  the  enterprise, 
under  the  orders  of  Captain  Towson  of  the  artillery,  who  also  volun 
teered  for  the  occasion. 

Two  of  the  large  boats  used  in  those  waters,  containing  about  50 
men  each,  partly  seamen  and  partly  soldiers,  were  prepared  for  the 
service,  and  a  small  boat,  or  two,  were  manned  by  a  few  civilians. 
The  party  attempted  to  pull  out  of  Buffalo  Creek,  early  in  the  eve 
ning  of  the  7th,  but  the  large  boats  grounded  on  the  bar.  Here  some 
delay  occurred,  it  being  found  necessary  for  most  on  board  to  get 
into  the  water,  before  they  could  make  the  boats  float  again.  It  was 
consequently  much  later  when  the  adventurers  reached  the  stream. 

As  the  enemy  lay  near  their  own  shore,  the  party  pulled  some 
distance  up  the  lake  in  order  to  get  above  his  vessels,  before  they 
edged  away.  It  was  past  midnight  when  they  got  near  the  two 
brigs,  the  Detroit  lying  highest  up  stream,  and  farthest  from  the  land. 
The  boat  destined  to  attack  the  Caledonia  was  directed  to  lead,  in 
order  that  both  vessels  might  be  assaulted  as  nearly  as  possible  at 
the  same  moment.  This  boat  was  under  the  orders  of  Mr.  Watts,  a 
sailing-master,  supported  by  Captain  Towson,  while  Mr.  Elliott,  in 
person,  had  charge  of  the  other  boat,  in  which  were  Lieutenant 
Roach  of  the  artillery,  and  Ensign  Pressman  of  the  infantry. 

As  the  leading  boat  crossed  the  bow  of  the  Detroit,  the  enemy  took 
the  alarm,  and  the  party  of  Mr.  Elliott,  as  it  approached,  received 
two  volleys  of  musketry.  Without  regarding  this,  both  boats  pulled 
steadily  on,  that  which  led  reaching  the  Caledonia  in  proper  time, 
but  it  would  seem  that  one  of  the  grapnels  missed,  and  she  fell  so  far 
astern  as  to  allow  the  enemy  to  make  a  stout  resistance.  Here  the 
decision  and  spirit  of  Captain  Towson  were  of  material  service,  and 
the  vessel  was  captured.  Lieutenant  Roach  of  the  army,  who  was 
accustomed  to  the  duty,  steered  the  boat  of  Mr.  Elliott,  which  was 
laid  alongside  of  the  Detroit  with  great  steadiness  and  accuracy, 
when  the  party  went  aboard  of  the  enemy,  Lieutenants  Elliott  and 
Roach  leading.  The  former  had  a  narrow  escape,  his  hat  having 
been  struck  from  his  head,  and  at  the  same  instant  he  nearly  cleft 
the  skull  of  the  English  commander,  who  discovered  the  greatest 
resolution.  Being  well  supported,  this  brig  was  carried  with  great 
rapidity. 

In  this  handsome  affair,  one  man  was  killed,  and  a  few  were 
wounded,  including  Mr.  Cummings  a  midshipman,  in  the  boat  of 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  153 

Mr.  Elliott,  while  that  of  Mr.  Watts,  owing  to  the  circumstance  men 
tioned,  sustained  rather  more  loss.  Mr.  Elliott  reported  the  Detroit 
as  carrying  six  long  nines,  and  to  have  had  a  crew  of  fifty-six  souls. 
The  Caledonia  mounted  but  two  guns,  and  had  a  much  smaller  com 
plement  of  men.  About  thirty  American  prisoners  were  found  in  the 
former  vessel,  and  ten  in  the  latter. 

The  Caledonia  was  brought  successfully  over  to  the  American 
side,  but  the  Detroit  met  with  greater  difficulty.  Mr.  Elliott  found 
himself  obliged  to  drop  down  the  river,  passing  the  forts  under  a  brisk 
fire,  and  anchoring  within  reach  of  their  guns.  Here  a  cannonade 
took  place,  during  which  fruitless  efforts  were  made  to  get  lines  to 
the  American  shore,  in  order  to  warp  the  brig  across.  Finding  him 
self  assailed  by  the  guns  of  the  enemy's  works,  as  well  as  by  some 
light  artillery,  Mr.  Elliott  determined  to  cut,  and  drop  out  of  the 
reach  of  the  first,  believing  himself  able  to  resist  the  last.  This  plan 
succeeded  in  part,  but  the  pilot  having  left  the  vessel,  she  brought 
up  on  Squaw  Island.  The  prisoners  were  now  sent  on  shore,  and 
shortly  after  Mr.  Elliott  left  her,  with  a  view  to  obtain  assistance. 
About  this  time  the  enemy  boarded  the  prize,  but  were  soon  driven 
out  of  her,  by  the  artillery  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Scott,  the  Detroit 
being  commanded  equally  by  the  guns  on  both  sides  of  the  Niagara. 
Under  such  circumstances,  the  vessel  was  effectually  rendered  unfit 
for  service,  and  in  the  end,  after  removing  most  of  her  stores,  she 
was  burned  by  the  Americans. 

This  was  the  first  naval  success  obtained  by  either  nation,  in  the 
warfare  on  the  lakes,  and  it  was  deemed  a  fortunate  commencement 
for  the  Americans,  on  waters  where  they  might  hope  to  contend  with 
their  powerful  foes,  on  an  equality.  The  conduct  of  Mr.  Elliott  was 
much  applauded,  and  Congress  voted  him  a  sword.  His  promptitude 
and  decision  were  of  great  service,  and  it  adds  to  the  merit  of  all  en 
gaged,  that  the  Caledonia  was  thought  to  be  a  brig  of  a  force  much 
superior  to  what  she  proved  to  be,  when  they  left  the  shore.  The 
army  had  an  equal  share,  in  the  credit  of  this  dashing  little  enter 
prise,  Captain  Towson,  who  in  effect,  commanded  one  of  the  boats, 
though  it  was  necessarily  managed  by  a  sea-officer,  having  particu 
larly  shown  decision  and  conduct.  The  names  of  Lieutenant  Roach 
of  the  artillery,  Ensign  Pressman  of  the  infantry,  and  of  several  vol 
unteers  from  Buffalo,  were  also  included  in  the  eulogies  of  the  com- 
mandingofficer. 

Not  long  after  this  successful  exploit,  part  of  the  crew  of  the  John 
Adams  28,  which  had  been  laid  up  at  New  York,  reached  Buffalo, 
to  help  man  the  force  government  intended  to  equip  on  Lake  Erie. 
Mr.  Angus  hi?  senior  officer,  accompanying  this  party,  and  there 
being  a  want  of  lieutenants  on  the  othei  lake,  Mr.  Elliott  now  went 
belo\v  to  join  the  vessels  immediately  under  the  orders  of  Commodore 
Chauncey.  Before  quitting  this  station,  however,  this  officer  had 
contracted  for  several  schooners,  that  lay  in  the  Niagara,  but  which 
it  was  subsequently  found  difficult  to  get  into  the  lake  on  account  of 
the  enemy's  batteries. 

Commodore  Chauncey  first  appeared  on  the  lake  on  the  8th  of 


154  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812. 

November,  with  his  broad  pennant  flying  on  board  the  Oneida  16, 
Lieutenant  Commandant  Woolsey,  and  having  in  company  the 
Conquest,  Lieutenant  Elliott;  Hamilton,  Lieutenant  M'Pherson ; 
Governor  Tompkins,  Lieutenant  Brown  ;  Pert,  Mr.  Arundel ;  Julia, 
Mr.  Trant;  and  Growler,  Mr.  Mix;  the  three  last  named  officers 
holding  the  rank  of  sailing-masters.  The  object  in  going  out,  was 
to  intercept  the  return  of  the  enemy's  vessels,  most  of  which  were 
known  to  have  been  to  the  westward,  conveying  supplies  to  the  army 
at  Kingston.  In  order  to  effect  this  purpose,  the  American  squad 
ron,  or  flotilla,  for  it  scarcely  merited  the  former  term,  went  off  the 
False  Ducks,  some  small  islands  that  lie  in  the  track  of  vessels  keep 
ing  the  north  shore  aboard.  As  it  approached  the  intended  station  a 
ship  was  made  in  shore.  She  was  soon  ascertained  to  be  the  Royal 
George,  then  much  the  largest  vessel  that  had  ever  been  constructed 
on  the  inland  waters  of  America.  That  a  ship  of  her  force  should 
feel  it  necessary  to  retire  before  the  Oneida,  must  be  attributed  to  the 
circumstance  of  her  not  being  properly  officered,  the  enemy  not 
having  yet  made  their  drafts  from  the  royal  navy  for  the  service  on 
the  lakes.  Commodore  Chauncey  chased  the  Royal  George  into 
the  Bay  of  Quinte",  and  lost  sight  of  her  in  the  night.  The  next 
morning,  however,  she  was  seen  again,  lying  in  the  narrow  passage 
that  leads  down  to  Kingston.  Signal  was  immediately  made  for  a 
general  chase,  which  was  vigorously  kept  up,  with  alternate  squalls 
and  light  airs,  until  the  enemy  was  fairly  driven  in  under  the  protec 
tion  of  his  own  batteries. 

Although  the  wind  blew  directly  in,  and  made  a  retreat  difficult, 
Commodore  Chauncey  decided  to  follow  the  enemy,  and  feel  his 
means  of  defence,  with  an  intention  ef  laying  the  ship  aboard,  should 
it  be  found  practicable.  Arrangements  for  that  purpose  were  ac 
cordingly  made,  and  a  little  before  3  P.  M.  the  vessels  that  were  up, 
got  into  their  stations,  and  stood  towards  the  mouth  of  the  harbour. 
The  Conquest,  Lieutenant  Elliott,  led  in  handsome  style,  followed 
by  the  Julia,  Mr.  Trant,  Pert,  Mr.  Arundel,  and  Growler,  Mr.  Mix, 
in  the  order  named.  The  Oneida  brought  up  the  rear,  it  being 
intended  to  give  time  for  the  heavy  guns  of  the  schooners  to  open  the 
way  for  a  closer  attack  by  the  brig.  The  Hamilton  and  Governor 
Tompkins  were  a  considerable  distance  astern,  having  been  sent  to 
chase,  and  did  not  close  for  some  time. 

At  five  minutes  past  3,  the  batteries  on  India  and  Navy  Points 
opened  on  the  Conquest,  but  their  fire  was  not  returned  until  seven 
minutes  later.  In  three  minutes  after  the  Conquest  commenced 
firing,  she  was  joined  by  the  other  three  schooners  in  advance.  The 
gun  of  tl  e  Pert  bursted  at  the  third  discharge.  By  this  accident, 
Mr.  Arundel,  her  commander,  was  badly,  and  a  midshipman  and 
three  men  were  slightly  wounded.  The  vessel  was  rendered,  in  a 
great  degree,  useless,  for  the  remainder  of  the  day.  The  Oneida, 
though  under  fire  for  some  time  previously,  did  not  open  with  her 
carronades  on  the  Royal  George,  until  forty  minutes  past  3,  but 
when  she  did  commence,  the  enemy  was  soon  thrown  into  confusion, 
and  at  4  P.  M.  he  cut  his  cables,  ran  deeper  into  the  bay,  and  made 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  155 

fast  to  a  wharf,  directly  under  the  protection  of  the  muskets  of  the 
troops.  Here,  a  part  of  her  people  actually  deserted  her,  though 
they  subsequently  returned  on  board.  Soon  after,  the  Governor 
Tompkins,  Lieutenant  Brown,  bore  up  off  the  harbour,  in  a  beauti 
ful  manner,  and  engaged,  having  been  preceded  some  time,  with 
equal  gallantry,  by  the  Hamilton,  Lieutenant  M'Pherson.  The  ac 
tion  became  warm  and  general,  and  was  maintained  with  spirit  for 
half  an  hour,  the  enemy  firing  from  five  batteries,  the  ship,  and  some 
rnoveable  guns.  It  was  now  so  near  night,  the  wind  blew  so  directly 
in,  and  the  weather  looked  so  threatening,  that  the  pilots  declared 
their  unwillingness  to  be  responsible  any  longer  for  the  vessels,  and 
Commodore  Chauncey,  who  found  the  enemy  much  stronger  on 
shore  than  he  had  been  taught  to  believe,  made  the  signal  for  the 
flotilla  to  haul  off.  When  an  offing  of  about  two  miles  had  been 
gained,  however,  the  squadron  anchored,  with  an  intention  to  renew 
the  attack  in  the  morning. 

In  this  spirited  affair,  which  partook  of  the  character  of  the  assaults 
on  Tripoli,  and  which  was  probably  inferior  to  none  of  the  cannon 
ades  on  that  town,  for  gallantry  and  vigour,  after  a  due  allowance 
is  made  for  the  difference  in  the  force  employed,  the  Americans 
suffered  much  less  than  might  have  been  expected.  The  Oneida 
had  one  man  killed  and  three  wounded,  and  she  received  some  dam 
age  aloft.  The  other  vessels  escaped  even  better,  the  audacity  of 
the  attack,  as  is  so  often  the  case,  producing  a  sort  of  impunity. 
Mr.  Arundel,  of  the  Pert,  however,  who  had  refused  to  quit  the  deck, 
though  badly  wounded,  was  unfortunately  knocked  overboard  and 
drowned,  while  the  vessel  was  beating  up  to  her  anchorage. 

The  schooners  behaved  well  on  this  occasion,  creating  a  high  de 
gree  of  confidence  on  the  part  of  Commodore  Chauncey,  in  his  offi 
cers  and  men,  and  a  corresponding  'feeling  of  respect  in  the  latter 
towards  their  commander.  The  steady  manner  in  which  all  the 
vessels  beat  up  to  their  anchorage,  under  a  brisk  fire  from  the  ene 
my's  guns  and  batteries,  was  not  the  least  creditable  part  of  their 
conduct,  on  this  occasion.  The  loss  of  the  English  is  not  known, 
thoujrh  it  was  evident  that  the  Royal  George  suffered  materially. 
The  feeblenes  of  their  resistance  was  probably  owing  to  the  audacity 
of  the  attack,  as  they  could  not  have  anticipated  that  a  force  so  small 
would  presume  to  lie  off  a  place  amply  provided  with  the  means  of 
defence. 

On  the  morning  of  the  10th  there  was  every  appearance  of  a  gale  of 
wind,  and  the  contemplated  attack  was  deferred.  At  7  A.  M.  a 
signal  was  made  to  weigh,  and  the  flotilla  turned  out  of  a  very  nar 
row  passage  into  the  open  lake,  under  a  press  of  sail,  the  lateness 
of  the  season,  and  the  known  character  of  that  tempestuous  water, 
and  the  appearances  of  foul  weather,  rendering  the  measure  prudent. 
Shortly  after  getting  an  offing,  the  Simcoe  was  seen  and  chased  into 
shoal  water,  under  a  sharp  fire  from  the  Tompkins,  Hamilton,  and 
Julia,  which  cut  her  up  a  good  deal.  She  escaped,  however,  by 
crossing  a  reef,  though  followed  into  nine  feet  water,  by  Mr.  M'Pher 
son,  in  the  Hamilton.  It  coming  on  to  blow  a  gale,  the  pilots  refused 


156  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812. 

to  remain  out  any  longer,  and  Commodore  Chauncey  was  compelled 
to  return  to  Sackett's  Harbour. 

While  chasing  in  the  Bay  ofQuinte,  a  schooner  was  captured  by 
the  Hamilton,  and  burned,  and  as  the  flotilla  ran  into  Kingston  it 
captured  another,  off  the  mouth  of  the  harbour.  It  was  found  that 
this  prize  could  not  turn  out  of  the  passage  next  morning,  with  the 
other  vessels,  and  the  Growler,  Mr.  Mix,  was  directed  to  run  down 
past  the  port  with  her,  with  a  view  to  come  up  on  the  other  side  of 
the  island,  and  with  the  hope  that  the  appearance  of  these  two  ves 
sels  might  induce  the  Royal  George  to  come  out  in  chase.  The  latter 
project  failed,  but  the  Growler  got  safe  into  Sackett's  Harbour  on 
the  13th,  with  this  and  another  prize,  a  sloop,  having  on  board  a 
brother  of  the  late  General  Brock. 

Intelligence  reaching  Commodore  Chauncey  that  the  Earl  of  Moira 
was  off  the  Ducks,  he  sailed  the  same  day  with  the  Oneida,  in  a  snow 
storm,  to  capture  her,  but  the  enemy  was  too  much  on  the  alert  to 
be  caught  by  surprise,  and  the  distances  on  the  lake  were  too  short 
to  admit  of  his  being  easily  overtaken  in  chase.  The  Oneida  saw 
the  Royal  George  and  two  schooners,  but  even  these  three  vessels 
were  not  disposed  to  engage  the  American  brig  singly.  The  two 
schooners  in  company  with  the  Royal  George  on  this  occasion,  were 
supposed  to  be  the  Prince  Regent  and  the  Duke  of  Gloucester. 
Commodore  Chauncey  then  went  off  Oswego  to  cover  some  stores 
expected  by  water.  During  this  short  cruise  the  Oneida  narrowly 
escaped  shipwreck,  and  the  ice  made  so  fast  that  it  would  have  been 
impossible  to  work  the  carronades  had  there  been  a  necessity  for  it. 
The  Conquest,  Tompkins,  Growler,  and  Hamilton,  notwithstanding, 
continued  to  cruise  off  Kingston,  until  the  17th  of  November.  On 
the  19th  the  Commodore  attempted  to  goto  the  head  of  the  lake,  but 
was  driven  back  by  a  gale,  during  which  so  much  ice  was  made  as 
to  endanger  the  vessel.  The  Growler  was  dismasted.  Early  in 
December  the  navigation  closed  for  the  season. 

While  these  events  were  occurring  on  the  lower  lake,  the  navv 
was  not  altogether  unemployed  on  the  upper  waters,  although,  as 
yet,  not  a  single  vessel  had  been  equipped.  A  small  body  of  troops 
had  been  collected  at  Buffalo  under  Brigadier  General  Smythe,  and 
it  was  generally  understood  that  it  was  the  intention  of  that  officer  to 
make  a  descent  on  the  Canada  shore,  as  soon  as  a  competent  force 
was  prepared.  Towards  the  close  of  November,  it  was  believed  that 
the  arrangements  were  in  a  sufficient  degree  of  forwardness  to  admit 
of  an  attempt  to  drive  the  enemy  from  the  batteries  that  lined  the 
opposite  shore,  in  order  to  clear  the  way  for  the  landing  of  the 
brigade.  To  aid  it  in  executing  this  important  service,  the  army 
naturally  turned  its  eyes  for  professional  assistance  towards  the  body 
of  seamen  collected  at  this  point. 

The  men  of  the  John  Adams  had  encamped  in  the  woods,  near 
the  river,  and  finding  the  enemy  in  the  practice  of  cannonading  across 
the  Niagara,  shortly  after  their  arrival,  they  dove  into  the  wreck  of 
the  Detroit,  at  night,  made  fast  to,  and  succeeded  in  raising  four  of 
that  vessel's  guns  with  a  large  quantity  of  shot.  These  pieces  were 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  157 


mounted  in  battery,  and  a  desultory  cannonading  was  maintained, 
by  both  parties,  until  the  arrival  of  some  heavy  guns  from  the  sea 
board,  when  the  Americans  got  a  force  in  battery,  that  enabled  them 
completely  to  maintain  their  ground  against  their  adversaries.  In 
this  manner,  more  than  a  month  had  passed,  when  the  application 
was  made  to  Mr.  Angus,  for  some  officers  and  seamen  to  assist  in 
carrying  and  silencing  the  batteries  opposite,  in  order  to  favour  the 
intended  descent.  The  arrangements  were  soon  completed,  and  the 
morning  of  the  28th  of  November  was  chosen  for  the  undertaking. 

The  contemplated  invasion  having  separate  points  in  view,  the 
expedition  was  divided  into  two  parties.  One  commanded  by  Cap 
tain  King  of  the  15th  infantry,  was  directed  to  ascend  the  current  a 
little,  in  order  to  reach  its  point  of  attack,  while  the  other  was  in 
structed  to  descend  it,  in  about  an  equal  proportion.  The  first  being 
much  the  most  arduous  at  the  oars,  the  seamen  were  wanted  espe 
cially  for  this  service.  Mr.  Angus  accordingly  embarked  in  10  boats, 
with  70  men.  exclusively  of  officers,  and  accompanied  by  Captain 
King,  at  the  head  of  a  detachment  of  150  soldiers.  With  this  party 
went  Mr.  Samuel  Swartwout  of  New  York,  as  a  volunteer.  Lieu 
tenant  Colonel  Boerstler  commanded  10  more  boats  which  conveyed 
the  detachment,  about  200  strong,  that  was  to  descend  with  the 
current. 

The  division  containing  the  seamen  left  the  American  shore  first, 
about  1  A.  M.with  muffled  oars,  and  pulled  deliberately,  and  in  beau 
tiful  order,  into  the  stream.  That  the  enemy  were  ready  to  meet 
them  is  certain,  and  it  is  probable  he  was  aware  of  ah  intention  to 
cross  that  very  night.  Still  all  was  quiet  on  the  Canada  side,  until 
the  boats  had  passed  out  of  the  shadows  of  the  forest  into  a  stronger 
light,  when  they  were  met  with  a  discharge  of  musketry  and  the  fire 
of  two  field  pieces,  that  were  placed  in  front  of  some  barracks 
known  by  the  name  of  the  Red  House.  The  effect  of  this  reception 
was  to  produce  a  little  confusion  and  disorder,  and  some  of  the  offi 
cers  and  a  ijood  many  men  being  killed  or  wounded,  all  the  boats  did 
not  gain  the  shore.  Those  in  which  efficient  officers  remained, 
however,  dashed  in,  in  the  handsomest  manner,  and  the  seamen  in 
them  landed  in  an  instant.  A  body  of  the  enemy  was  drawn  up  in 
front  of  the  barracks,  with  their  left  flank  covered  by  the  two  guns. 
As  soon  as  the  troops  could  be  formed,  the  enemy's  fire  was  returned, 
and  a  short  conflict  occurred.  At  this  juncture  a  small  party  of  sea 
men  armed  with  pikes  and  pistols,  headed  by  Mr.  Watts,  a  sailing- 
master,  and  Mr.  Holdup,  made  a  detour  round  the  foot  of  the  hill, 
and  charging  the  artillerists,  took  the  guns  in  the  most  gallant  man 
ner,  mortally  wounding  and  capturing  Lieutenant  King,  who  com 
manded  them.  At  the  same  instant  the  remaining  seamen  and  the 
troops  charged  in  front,  when  the  enemy  broke  and  took  refuge  in 
the  barracks. 

The  enemy's  fire  was  now  very  destructive,  and  it  became  indis 
pensable  to  dislodge  him.  Several  spirited  young  midshipmen  were 
with  the  party,  and  three  of  them,  Messrs.  Wragg,  Holdup,  and  Dud- 
ley,  with  a  few  men,  succeeded  in  bursting  open  a  window,  through 

VOL.  ii.  10 


158  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1812 

which  they  made  an  entrance.  This  gallant  little  party  unbarred  a& 
outer  door,  when  Mr.  Angus  and  the  seamen  rushed  in.  In  an  in 
stant,  the  straw  on  which  the  soldiers  slept  was  on  fire,  and  the  bar 
racks  were  immediately  wrapt  in  flames.  The  enemy,  a  party  of 
grenadiers,  was  on  the  upper  floor,  and  finding  it  necessary  to  retreat, 
he  made  a  vigorous  charge,  and  escaped  by  the  rear  of  the  building. 
Here  he  rallied,  and  was  attacked  by  Captain  King,  who  had  formed 
outside. 

The  party  of  seamen  and  soldiers  now  got  separated,  in  conse 
quence  of  an  order  having  been  given  to  retreat,  though  it  is  not 
known  from  what  quarter  it  proceeded,  and  a  portion  of  both  the 
seamen  and  the  soldiers  fell  back  upon  the  boats  and  re-embarked. 
Mr.  Angus,  finding  every  effort  to  stop  this  retreat  useless,  retired 
with  his  men.  But  Captain  King,  with  a  party  of  the  troops,  still 
remained  engaged,  and  with  him  were  a  few  seamen,  with  Messrs. 
Wragg,  Dudley,  and  Holdup  at  their  head.  These  young  officers 
fell  in  with  the  soldiers,  and  a  charge  being  ordered,  the  enemy  again 
broke  and  fled  into  a  battery.  He  was  followed,  and  driven  from 
place  to  place,  until,  entirely  routed,  he  left  Captain  King  in  com 
mand  of  all  the  batteries  at  that  point. 

Believing  that  their  part  of  the  duty  was  performed,  the  young  sea- 
officers  who  had  remained  now  retired  to  the  shore,  and  crossed  to 
the  American  side,  in  the  best  manner  they  could.  Most  of  the  sea 
men,  who  were  not  killed,  got  back,  by  means  of  their  professional 
knowledge ;  but  Captain  King,  and  several  officers  of  the  army, 
with  60  men,  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands,  in  consequence  of  not  hav 
ing  the  means  of  retreat.  The  attack  of  Colonel  Boerstler  succeeded, 
in  a  great  degree,  and  his  party  was  brought  off. 

Although  this  affair  appears  to  have  been  very  confused,  the  fighting 
was  of  the  most  desperate  character.  The  impression  made  by  the 
seamen  with  their  pikes,  was  long  remembered,  and  their  loss  was 
equal  to  their  gallantry.  The  enemy  was  effectually  beaten,  and 
nothing  but  a  misunderstanding,  which  is  said  to  have  grown  out  of 
the  fact  that  the  boats  which  did  not  come  ashore  at  all,  were  sup 
posed  to  have  landed  and  then  retreated,  prevented  the  attack  from 
being  completely  successful.  Still,  the  batteries  were  carried,  guns 
spiked,  barracks  burned,  and  caissons  destroyed. 

Owing  to  the  nature  of  the  service  and  the  great  steadiness  of  the 
enemy,  who  behaved  extremely  well,  this  struggle  was  exceedingly 
sanguinary.  Of  twelve  sea-officers  engaged,  eight  were  wounded,  two 
of  them  mortally.  The  entire  loss  of  the  party  was  about  30  in  killed 
and  wounded,  which  was  quite  half  of  all  who  landed,  though  some 
were  hurt  who  did  not  reach  the  shore.  The  troops  behaved  in  the 
most  gallant  manner  also,  and  many  of  their  officers  were  wounded. 
Both  Mr.  Angus  and  Captain  King,  gained  great  credit  for  their 
intrepidity.* 

*  Mr.  Angus,  the  only  commissioned  sea-officer  present,  was  also  hurt  by  a  severe  blow 
in  the  head,  from  the  butt  of  a  musket,  thoug'i  not  reported  among  the  wounded.  Messrs. 
Sisson  and  Watts,  sailing-masters,  died  of  their  wounds.  Mr.  Carter,  another  muster 
was  wounded.  Of  the  midshipmen,  Mr.  \V  ragg,  since  dead,  was  wounded  in  the  abdo 


1812.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  159 

As  none  of  the  great  lakes  are  safe  to  navigate  in  December,  this 
closed  the  naval  warfare  for  the  year,  though  both  nations  prepared 
to  turn  the  winter  months  to  the  best  account,  while  the  coasts  were 
ice-bound. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

The  new  ship  Madison  launched  at  Sackett's  Harbour — Two  ships  laid  down  at  Fresque 
Isle — Launch  of  the  Lady  of  the  Lake — Embarkation  of  the  squadron  under  Com. 
Chauncey — Attack  on  York  (Toronto) — its  reduction — General  Pike  killed — Capture 
of  the  schooner  Duke  of  Gloucester,  and  a  vessel  of  twenty  guns  (nearly  finished)  de 
stroyed — Attack  on  Fort  George — Retreat  of  the  enemy — Evacuation  of  the  Niagara 
frontier  by  the  British. 

BOTH  parties  employed  the  winter  of  1812-13  in  building.  In  the 
course  of  the  autumn,  the  Americans  had  increased  their  force  to 
eleven  sail,  ten  of  which  were  the  small  schooners  bought  from  the 
merchants,  and  fitted  with  gun-boat  armaments,  without  quarters. 
In  addition  to  the  vessels  already  named,  were  the  Ontario,  Scourge, 
Fair  American  and  Asp.  Neither  of  the  ten  was  fit  to  cruise;  and 
an  ordinary  eighteen-gun  brig  ought  to  have  been  able  to  cope  with 
them  all,  in  a  good  working  breeze,  at  close  quarters.  At  long  shot, 
however,  and  in  smooth  water,  they  were  not  without  a  certain  effi 
ciency.  As  was  proved  in  the  end,  in  attacking  batteries,  and  in 
covering  descents,  they  were  even  found  to  be  exceedingly  ser 
viceable. 

On  the  26th  of  November,  the  new  ship  was  launched  at  Sackett's 
Harbour,  and  was  called  the  Madison.  She  was  pierced  for  24  guns, 
and  her  metal  was  composed  of  thirty -two-pound  carronades,  ren 
dering  her  a  little  superior  to  the  Royal  George.  Nine  weeks  before 
this  ship  was  put  into  the  water,  her  timber  was  growing  in  the  forest. 
This  unusual  expedition,  under  so  many  unfavourable  circumstances, 
is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  excellent  dispositions  of  the  commanding  offi 
cer,  and  to  the  clear  head,  and  extraordinary  resources  of  Mr.  Henry 
Eckford,  the  builder  employed,  whose  professional  qualities  proved 
to  be  of  the  highest  order. 

men  by  a  bayonet;  Mr.  Graham,  now  Commander  Graham,  lost  a  leg;  Mr.  Holdup, 
late  Captain  Holdup-Stevens,  was  shot  through  the  head;  Mr.  Brailesford,  since 
dead,  was  shot  through  the  leg ;  and  Mr.  Mervine,  now  Captain  Mervine,  received 
a  musket-ball  in  the  side.  Mr.  Dudley,  since  dead,  went  through  the  whole  affair  unhurt, 
though  much  exposed. 

Messrs.  Dudley,  Holdup,  and  Wragg  remained  in  Canada  to  the  close  of  the  fighting. 
These  three  young  gentlemen,  neither  of  whom  was  yet  twenty,  met  at  the  water  side 
about  daybreak,  and  got  into  a  leaky  canoe,  which  Mr.  Dudley  brought  out  of  a  creek. 
The  latter  made  two  paddles  of  rails,  by  means  of  a  battle-axe,  and  taking  in  three 
wounded  seamen,  and  two  that  were  unhurt,  they  put  off  from  the  English  shore.  Not 
withstanding  they  bailed  with  their  hats,  the  canoe  sunk  under  them,  close  to  Squaw 
Island.  Here  they  dragged  their  wounded  men  ashore,  got  the  canoe  emptied,  hauled 
her  round  to  the  American  side,  and  made  afresh  effort  to  cross,  in  which  they  succeeded, 
though  the  canoe  was  nearly  filled  again  before  they  reached  the  shore.  One  of  the 
wounded  men  died  just  as  the  party  landed. 


160  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  enemy  laid  the  keel  of  a  ship  a  little  larger 
than  the  Madison,  which  would  have  effectually  secured  the  com 
mand  of  the  lake,  notwithstanding  the  launching  of  the  latter,  as  their 
small  vessels  were  altogether  superior  to  those  of  the  Americans  ;  and 
the  Royal  George  was  perhaps  strong  enough  to  engage  two  hrigs 
ofthe  force  of  the  Oneida.  It  became  necessary,  therefore  to  lay 
down  a  new  ship  at  Sackett's  Harbour,  and  for  this  purpose  a  fresh 
gang  of  shipwrights  went  up  in  February. 

About  this  time,  the  enemy  made  choice  of  Captain  Sir  James 
Lucas  Yeo,  to  command  on  the  American  lakes.  This  officer  had 
lately  been  wrecked  in  the  Southampton  32,  and  possessed  a  high 
reputation  for  spirit  and  conduct.  So  much  importance  was  attached 
to  the  control  of  these  waters,  that  great  care  was  had  in  the  selec 
tion  of  the  officers  who  were  to  command  on  them.  So  sensible  were 
both  belligerents,  indeed,  ofthe  necessity  of  struggling  for  the  su 
periority,  that  each  side  appeared  to  anticipate  an  attack  in  the 
course  ofthe  winter,  and  it  is  known  that  one  was  actually  meditated 
on  the  part  ofthe  Americans. 

In  the  month  of  March,  however,  Commodore  Chauncey  proposed 
to  the  government  an  attack  on  York,  (now  Toronto,)  instead  ofthe 
one  that  had  been  contemplated  on  Kingston,  giving  such  forcible 
reasons  for  changing  the  plan,  that  his  advice  was  followed.  It 
appears  that  the  enemy  had  committed  the  fault  of  using  two  different 
ports  for  building,  by  which  mistake  he  necessarily  exposed  himself 
to  the  risk  of  an  attack  against  divided  means  of  defence.  As  it 
might  give  the  command  ofthe  lake,  for  some  months  at  least,  to 
destroy  a  single  vessel  of  any  size,  the  wisdom  ofthe  plan  proposed 
by  the  American  naval  commander  will  be  seen  at  a  glance. 

In  the  meantime,  preparations  were  ma'de  for  constructing  a  force 
on  Lake  Erie,  two  brigs  having  been  laid  down  at  Presque  Isle, 
(now  Erie,)  during  the  month  of  March.  But  the  fact  that  nearly 
the  whole  of  the  American  side  of  this  frontier  was  scarcely  more 
than  a  wilderness,  as  well  as  that  many  of  the  roads  which  existed 
were  little  better  than  passages  among  marked  trees,  and  during  the 
spring  and  autumn  were  nearly  impassable,  rendered  all  the  orders 
ofthe  government  exceedingly  difficult  to  execute,  and  greatly  retarded 
the  preparations.  To  add  to  the  embarrassments,  it  was  found  that 
men  transported  from  the  sea  coast  to  those  ofthe  lakes,  were  liable 
to  contract  a  debilitating  fever,  more  especially  when  exposed,  as 
those  necessarily  were  who  had  no  regular  dwellings  to  receive  them. 

Fresh  parties  of  seamen  began  to  arrive  at  Kingston  in  March, 
where  the  new  ship  was  fast  getting  ready. 

On  the  6th  of  April,  Mr.  Eckford  put  into  the  water,  on  the  Ame 
rican  side,  a  beautiful  little  pilot-boat  schooner,  that  was  intended 
for  a  look-out  and  despatch  vessel.  She  was  armed  with  merely  one 
long  brass  nine  on  a  pivot,  and  was  called  the  Lady  ofthe  Lake. 
Two  days  later,  the  keel  of  the  new  ship  was  laid.  She  was  con 
siderably  larger  than  the  Madison. 

About  the  middle  of  the  month,  the  lake  was  considered  safe  to 
navigate,  and  on  the  19th,  the  squadron  was  reported  ready  for  active 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  161 

service.  Onthe22d,  accordingly,  General  Dearborn  caused  a  body 
of  1700  men  to  be  embarked,  and  on  the  24th,  owing  to  the  impa 
tience  of  the  army,  which  suffered  much  by  being  crowded  into  small 
vessels,  an  attempt  was  made  to  get  out.  The  commodore,  however, 
agreeably  to  his  own  expectations,  was  obliged  to  return,  it  blowing 
a  gale.  These  few  days  had  a  very  injurious  effect  on  the  health 
of  both  branches  of  the  service,  as  there  was  not  sufficient  room  for 
the  men  to  remain  below,  and  on  deck  they  were  exposed  to  the 
inclemency  of  the  season.  The  Madison  alone,  a  mere  sloop  of 
war,  had  600  souls  in  her,  including  her  own  people.  On  the  25th, 
however,  the  squadron,  consisting  of  the  Madison,  Lieutenant  Com 
mandant  Elliott,  Commodore  Chauncey ;  Oneida,  Lieutenant  Com 
mandant  Woolsey;  Fair  American,  Lieutenant  Chauncey  ;  Hamil 
ton,  Lieutenant  M'Pherson ;  Governor  Tompkins,  Lieutenant  Brown ; 
Conquest,  Mr.  M'allaby;  Asp,  Lieutenant  Smith;  Pert,  Lieutenant 
Adams;  Julia,  Mr.  Trant;  Growler,  Mr.  Mix ;  Ontario,  Mr.  Ste 
vens;  Scourge,  Mr.  Osgood;  Lady  of  the  Lake,  Mr.  Flinn  ;  and 
Raven,  transport,  got  out,  and  it  arrived  off  York,  on  the  morning 
of  the  25th,  without  loss  of  any  sort.  All  the  vessels  ran  in  and 
anchored  about  a  mile  from  the  shore,  to  the  southward  and  west 
ward  of  the  principal  fort. 

Great  steadiness  and  promptitude  were  displayed  in  effecting  a  land 
ing.  The  wind  was  blowing  fresh  from  the  eastward,  but  the  boats 
were  hoisted  out,  manned,  and  received  the  troops,  with  so  much 
order,  that  in  two  hours  from  the  commencement  of  the  disembarka 
tion,  the  whole  brigade  was  on  shore,  under  the  command  of  Briga 
dier  General  Pike.  The  wind  drove  the  boats  to  leeward  of  the  place 
that  had  been  selected  for  the  landing,  which  was  a  clear  field,  to  a 
point  where  the  Indians  and  sharp  shooters  of  the  enemy  had  a 
cover  ;  but  the  advance  party  was  thrown  ashore  with  great  gallantry, 
and  it  soon  cleared  the  bank  and  thickets,  with  a  loss  of  abo^t  40 
men.  This  movement  was  covered  by  a  rapid  discharge  of  grape 
from  the  vessels.  As  soon  as  a  sufficient  number  of  troops  had  got 
ashore,  they  were  formed  by  General  Pike  in  person,  who  moved  on 
to  the  assault.  The  small  vessels  now  beat  up,  under  a  brisk  fire 
from  the  fort  and  batteries,  until  they  had  got  within  six  hundred 
yards  of  the  principal  work,  when  they  opened  with  effect  on  the 
enemy,  and  contributed  largely  to  the  success  of  the  day.  The  com 
modore  directed  the  movements  in  person,  pulling  in  his  gig,  and 
encouraging  his  officers  by  the  coolness  with  which  he  moved  about, 
under  the  enemy's  fire.  There  never  was  a  disembarkation  more 
successful,  or  more  spiritedly  made,  considering  the  state  of  the 
weather,  and  the  limited  means  of  the  assailants.  In  effecting  this 
service,  the  squadron  had  two  midshipmen  slain,  and  15  men  killed 
and  wounded,  mostly  while  employed  in  the  boats.  After  sustaining 
some  loss  by  an  explosion  that  killed  Brigadier  General  Pike,  the 
troops  so  far  carried  the  place,  that  it  capitulated.  It  remained  in 
peaceable  possession  of  the  Americans  until  the  1st  of  May,  when 
't  was  evacuated  to  proceed  on  other  duty. 

The  capture  of  York  was  attended  with  many  important  results, 


162  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

that  fully  established  the  wisdom  of  the  enterprise.  Although  the 
Prince  Regent,  the  third  vessel  of  the  enemy,  escaped,  by  having 
sailed  on  the  24th  for  Kingston,  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  which  had 
been  undergoing  repairs,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans.  A 
vessel  of  twenty  guns,  that  was  nearly  finished,  was  burnt,  and  a  large 
amount  of  naval  and  military  stores  were  also  destroyed.  A  very 
considerable  quantity  of  the  latter,  however,  was  saved,  shipped,  and 
sent  to  Sackett's  Harbour.  Many  boats  that  had  been  built  for  the 
transportation  of  troops  were  also  taken.  In  the  entire  management 
of  this  handsome  exploit,  the  different  vessels  appear  to  have  been 
well  conducted,  and  they  contributed  largely  to  the  complete  success 
which  crowned  the  enterprise. 

Although  the  brigade  re-embarked  on  the  1st  of  May,  the  squad 
ron  was  detained  at  York  until  the  8th,  by  a  heavy  adverse  gale  of 
wind.  The  men  were  kept  much  on  deck  for  more  than  a  week, 
and  the  exposure  produced  many  cases  of  fever,  in  both  branches  of 
the  service.  More  than  a  hundred  of  the  sailors  were  reported  ill, 
and  the  brigade,  which  had  lost  269  men  in  the  attack,  the  wounded 
included,  was  now  reduced  to  about  1000  effectives,  by  disease.  As 
soon  as  the  weather  permitted,  the  commanding  naval  and  army 
officers  crossed  in  the  Lady  of  the  Lake,  and  selected  a  place  for  an 
encampment  about  four  miles  to  the  eastward  of  Fort  Niagara,  when 
the  vessels  immediately  followed  and  the  troops  disembarked. 

As  soon  as  released  from  this  great  incumbrance  on  his  move 
rnents,  Commodore  Chauncey  sailed  for  the  Harbour,  with  a  view 
to  obtain  supplies,  and  to  bring  up  reinforcements  for  the  army.  A 
few  of  the  schooners  remained  near  the  head  of  the  lake,  but  the 
greater  part  of  the  squadron  went  below,  where  it  arrived  on  the  llth. 
The  small  vessels  were  now  employed  in  conveying  stores  and  troops 
to  the  division  under  General  Dearborn,  which  was  reinforcing  fast 
by  arrivals  from  different  directions. 

On  the  15th  of  this  month  the  enemy  had  advanced  so  far  with  his 
new  ship,  which  was  called  the  Wolfe,  as  to  have  got  in  her  lower 
masts,  and  expedition  became  necessary,  an  action  for  the  command 
of  the  lake  being  expected,  as  soon  as  this  vessel  was  ready  to  come 
out.  On  the  16th,  100  men  were  sent  to  the  upper  lakes,  where 
Captain  Perry,  then  a  young  master  and  commander,  had  been 
ordered  to  assume  the  command,  some  months  previously.  On  the 
22d,  the  Madison,  with  the  commodore's  pennant  still  flying  in  her, 
embarked  350  troops,  and  sailed  for  the  camp  to  the  eastward  of  the 
mouth  of  the  Niagara,  where  she  arrived  and  disembarked  the  men 
on  the  25th.  The  Fair  American,  Lieutenant  Chauncey,  and  Pert, 
Acting  Lieutenant  Adams,  were  immediately  ordered  down  to  watch 
the  movements  of  the  enemy  at  Kingston,  and  preparations  were 
made,  without  delay,  for  a  descent  on  Fort  George.  On  the  26th 
Commodore  Chauncey  reconnoitred  the  enemy's  coast,  and  his  posi 
tion,  arid  that  night  he  sounded  his  shore,  in  person,  laying  buoys  for 
the  government  of  the  movements  of  the  small  vessels,  which  it  was 
intended  to  send  close  in.  The  weather  being  more  favourable,  the 
Madison,  Oneida,  and  Lady  of  the  Lake,  which  could  be  of  no  use 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  163 

in  the  meditated  attack,  on  account  of  their  armaments,  received  on 
hoard  all  the  heavy  artillery  of  the  army,  and  as  many  troops  as 
they  could  carry,  while  the  rest  of  the  soldiers  embarked  in  boats. 

At  3  A.  M.,  on  the  27th  of  May,  the  signal  was  made  to  weigh, 
and  the  army  having  all  previously  embarked,  at  4  the  squadron  stood 
towards  the  Niagara.  As  the  vessels  approached  the  point  of  dis 
embarkation,  tjie  wind  so  far  failed,  as  to  compel  the  small  vessels  to 
employ  their  sweeps.  The  Growler,  Mr.  Mix,  and  Julia,  Mr.  Trant, 
swept  into  the  mouth  of  the  river,  arid  opened  on  a  battery  near  the 
lighthouse.  The  Ontario,  Mr.  Stevens,  anchored  more  to  the  north 
ward  to  cross  their  fire.  The  Hamilton,  Lieutenant  M'Pherson,  the 
Asp,  Lieutenant  Smith,  and  the  Scourge,  Mr.  Osgood,  were  directed 
to  stand  close  in,  to  cover  the  landing,  to  scour  the  woods,  or  any 
point  where  the  enemy  might  show  himself,  with  grape-shot;  while 
the  Governor  Tompkins,  Lieutenant  Brown,  and  Conquest,  Lieuten 
ant  Pettigrew,  were  sent  farther  to  the  westward  to  attack  a  battery 
that  mounted  one  heavy  gun. 

Captain  Perry  had  come  down  from  the  upper  lake  on  the  evening 
of  the  25th,  and  on  this  occasion  was  the  sea-officer  second  in  rank, 
present.  Commodore  Chauncey  confided  to  him  the  duty  of  attend 
ing  to  the  disembarkation  of  the  troops.  The  marines  of  the  squad 
ron  were  embodied  with  the  regiment  of  Colonel  Macomb,  and  400 
seamen  held  in  reserve,  to  land,  if  necessary,  under  the  immediate 
orders  of  the  commodore  in  person. 

When  all  was  ready,  the  schooners  swept  into  their  stations,  in  the 
handsomest  manner,  opening  their  fire  with  effect.  The  boats  that 
contained  the  advance  party,  under  Colonel  Scott,  were  soon  in  mo 
tion,  taking  a  direction  towards  the  battery  near  Two  Mile  Creek, 
against  which  the  Governor  Tompkins  and  Conquest  had  been 
ordered  to  proceed.  The  admirable  manner  in  which  the  first  of 
these  two  little  vessels  was  conducted,  drew  the  applause  of  all  who 
witnessed  it,  on  Mr.  Brown  and  his  people.  This  officer  swept  into 
his  station,  under  fire,  in  the  steadiest  manner,  anchored,  furled  his 
sails,  cleared  his  decks,  and  prepared  to  engage,  with  as  much  cool 
ness  and  method,  as  if  comingto  in  a  friendly  port.  He  then  opened 
with  his  long  gun,  with  a  precision  that,  in  about  ten  minutes,  lite 
rally  drove  the  enemy  from  the  battery,  leaving  the  place  to  his  dead. 
The  boats  dashed  in,  under  Captain  Perry,  and  Colonel  Scott 
effected  a  landing  with  the  steadiness  and  gallantry  for  which  that 
officer  is  so  distinguished.  The  enemy  had  concealed  a  strong  party 
in  a  ravine,  and  he  advanced  to  repel  the  boats,  but  the  grape  and 
the  cannister  of  the  schooners,  and  the  steady  conduct  of  the  troops, 
soon  drove  him  back.  The  moment  the  command  of  Colonel  Scott 
got  ashore,  the  success  of  the  day  was  assured.  He  was  sustained 
by  the  remainder  of  the  brigade  to  which  he  belonged  then  com 
manded  by  Brigadier  General  Boyd,  and  after  a  short  but  sharp  con 
flict,  the  enemy  was  driven  from  the  field.  The  landing  was  made 
about  9  A.  M.,  and  by  12  M.  the  town  and  fort  were  in  quiet  posses 
sion  of  the  Americans,  the  British  blowing  up  and  evacuating  the 
latter,  and  retreating  towards  Queenston. 


164  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

In  this  handsome  affair,  in  which  the  duty  of  the  vessels  was  per 
formed  with  coolness  and  method,  the  navy  had  but  one  man  killed 
and  two  wounded.  So  spirited  indeed,  was  the  manner  in  which  the 
whole  duty  was  conducted,  that  the  assailants  generally  suffered 
much  less  than  the  assailed,  a  circumstance  that  is,  in  a  great  meas 
ure,  to  be  ascribed  to  the  good  conduct  of  the  covering  vessels. 
General  Dearborn  reported  his  loss,  on  this  occasion,  at  only  17 
killed  and  45  wounded,  while  he  puts  that  of  the  enemy  at  90  killed, 
and  160  wounded,  most  of  whom  were  regular  troops.  One  hundred 
prisoners  were  also  made. 

Both  the  commanding  general,  and  the  commanding  sea-officer, 
spoke  in  the  highest  terms  of  the  conduct  of  the  naval  force  employed 
in  the  descent  on  Fort  George.  General  Dearborn  admitted  the 
extent  of  his  obligations  to  Commodore  Chauncey  for  the  excellent 
dispositions  he  had  made  for  landing  the  troops,  always  a  service  of 
delicacy  and  hazard,  and  his  judicious  arrangements  for  silencing 
the  batteries,  under  the  fire  of  which  it  was  necessary  to  approach 
the  shore.  The  trifling  amount  of  the  loss,  is  the  best  evidence  how 
much  these  thanks  were  merited.  Commodore  Chauncey  himself 
commended  all  under  his  orders,  though  he  felt  it  due  to  their  especial 
services,  particularly  to  mention  Captain  Perry,  and  Lieutenant 
M'Pherson.  Lieutenant  Brown,  of  the  Governor  Tompkins,  was 
signally  distinguished,  though  his  name,  from  some  accident,  was 
omitted  in  the  despatches. 

The  occupation  of  Fort  George  brought  with  it  an  evacuation  by 
the  British  of  the  whole  Niagara  frontier.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Pres 
ton  took  possession  of  Fort  Erie  on  the  evening  of  the  28th,  and  the 
entire  river,  for  the  moment,  was  left  at  the  command  of  the  Ameri 
cans.  By  this  success,  the  squadron  obtained  the  temporary  use  of 
another  port,  Commodore  Chauncey  running  into  the  Niagara  and 
anchoring,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  27th.  Captain  Perry  was  imme 
diately  despatched  above  the  falls,  with  a  small  party  of  seamen,  to 
carry  up  five  vessels  that  had  been  purchased,  or  captured,  and  which 
it  had  not  been  practicable,  hitherto,  to  get  past  the  enemy's  batteries. 
This  duty  was  performed  during  the  first  days  of  June,  though  not 
without  infinite  labour,  as  it  was  found  necessary  to  track  the  differ 
ent  vessels  by  the  aid  of  oxen,  every  inch  of  the  way,  against  the 
strong  current  of  the  Niagara,  a  party  of  soldiers  lending  their  assis 
tance.  By  the  close  of  the  month,  that  zealous  officer  had  got  them 
all  across  the  lake  to  Presque  Isle,  where  the  two  brigs,  laid  down 
early  in  the  spring,  had  been  launched  in  the  course  of  May,  though 
their  equipment  proceeded  very  slowly,  from  the  state  of  the  roads 
and  a  want  of  men. 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  165 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

The  enemy  effect  a  landing  on  Horse  Island — Under  Sir  George  Prevost,  they  attack 
Sackett's  Harbour — and  are  repulsed,  with  loss — Launch  of  the  General  Pike — Promo 
tions  in  the  navy — Captures  hy  the  enemy  on  Lake  Champiain — Depredations  at 
Pittsburgh — Capture  of  the  Lady  Murray,  with  military  stores — Movements  of  the 
enemy  on  Lake  Ontario — The  American  squadron  makes  a  second  attack  on  York — 
Ineffectual  attempts  to  meet  the  enemy — Loss  of  the  Hamilton  and  Scourge  in  a  squall 
— Capture  of  the  Growler  and  Julia— Notice  of  Mr.  Trant. 

WHILE  these  important  movements  were  in  the  course  of  execu 
tion  near  the  western  end  of  the  lake,  others  of  equal  magnitude 
were  attempted  near  its  eastern.  The  descent  on  Fort  George  took 
place  on  the  27th  of  May,  and  almost  at  the  same  moment,  Sir  George 
Prevost,  the  British  Commander-in-chief  and  Commodore  Sir  J.  L. 
Yeo,  meditated  a  coup  de  main  against  Sackett's  Harbour,  in  revenge 
for  the  blow  they  had  received  at  York.  By  destroying  the  new  ship, 
Commodore  Yeo  would  most  probably  secure  a  superiority  on  the 
lake  for  the  remainder  of  the  season,  the  Americans  having  no  cruis 
ing  vessel  but  the  Madison,  fit  to  lie  against  the  Wolfe  or  Royal 
George. 

On  the  morning  of  the  28th  of  May,  the  Wolfe,  Royal  George, 
Mbira,  Prince  Regent,  Simcoe,  and  Sfineca,  with  two  gun-boats, 
and  a  strong  brigade  of  barges  and  flat-bottomed  boats,  appeared  off 
Sackett's  Harbour.  When  about  two  leagues  from  the  shore,  a 
considerable  party  of  troops  was  placed  in  the  boats,  and  the  whole 
squadron  bore  up,  with  a  view  to  land ;  but  their  attention  was 
diverted  by  the  appearance  to  the  westward  of  a  brigade  containing 
nineteen  boats,  which  were  transporting  troops  to  the  Harbour. 
The  enemy  immediately  sent  his  own  barges  in  pursuit,  and  suc 
ceeded  in  driving  twelve  boats  on  shore,  and  in  capturing  them, 
though  not  until  they  had  been  abandoned  by  the  Americans.  The 
remaining  seven  got  into  the  Harbour.  Hoping  to  intercept  another 
party,  the  enemy  now  hauled  to  the  westward,  and  sent  his  boats 
ahead  to  lie  in  wait,  and  the  intention  to  disembark  that  afternoon 
was  abandoned. 

As  the  day  dawned,  on  the  morning  of  the  29th,  a  strong  division 
of  barges,  filled  with  troops,  and  covered  by  the  two  gun-boats,  was 
seen  advancing  upon  Horse  Island,  a  peninsula  at  a  short  distance 
from  the  village  of  Sackett's  Harbour.  A  body  of  about  800  men 
effected  a  landing,  accompanied  by  Sir  George  Prevost  in  person, 
and  an  irregular  and  desultory,  but  spirited  engagement  took  place. 
At  first,  the  enemy  drove  all  before  him,  and  he  advanced  quite  near 
the  town,  but  being  met  by  a  detachment  of  regulars,  he  was  driven 
back  with  loss,  and  compelled  to  abandon  his  enterprise. 

In  this  affair,  had  the  enemy's  vessels  done  as  good  service  as  the 
American  vessels  performed  near  the  Niagara,  the  result  might  have 
been  different ;  but,  though  some  of  them  swept  up  pretty  near  the 
shore,  they  were  of  no  assistance  to  the  troops.  Unfortunately  false 


166  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

information  was  given  to  the  sea-officer  in  charge  of  the  store-houses, 
and  he  set  fire  to  them,  by  which  mistake,  not  only  most  of  the 
stores  taken  at  York,  but  many  that  had  come  from  the  sea-board 
were  consumed.  But  for  this  accident,  the  enemy  would  have  had 
no  consolation  for  his  defeat. 

Information  reached  Commodore  Chauncey  on  the  30th  of  May, 
that  the  enemy  was  out,  and  he  immediately  got  under  way  from  the 
Niagara,  looked  into  York,  then  ran  off  Kingston,  but  falling  in 
with  nothing,  he  crossed  to  the  Harbour,  where  he  anchored  ;  being 
satisfied  that  the  English  squadron  had  returned  to  port. 

Every  exertion  was  now  made  to  get  the  new  ship  afloat,  Com 
modore  Chauncey  rightly  thinking  he  should  not  be  justified  in 
venturing  an  action  with  his  present  force.  Although  he  had  four 
teen  sail  of  vessels,  which  mounted  altogether  82  guns,  but  two  had 
quarters,  or  were  at  all  suited  to  close  action.  As  both  the  Madison 
and  Oneida  had  been  constructed  for  a  very  light  draught  of  water, 
neither  was  weatherly,  though  the  former  acquitted  herself  respect 
ably  ;  but  the  latter  was  dull  on  all  tacks,  arid  what  might  not  have 
been  expected  from  her  construction,  particularly  so  before  the  wind. 
The  schooners  were  borne  down  with  metal,  and  could  be  of  no 
great  service  except  at  long  shot.  On  the  other  hand,  all  the  ene 
my's  vessels  had  quarters,  most  of  them  drew  more  water,  relatively, 
and  held  a  better  wind  than  the  Americans,  and  as  a  whole  they 
were  believed  to  mount  about  the  same  number  of  guns.  In  the 
way  of  metal  the  English  large  ships  were  decidedly  superior  to  the 
two  largest  American  vessels,  mounting  some  sixty-eight-pound 
carronades  among  their  other  guns. 

The  keel  of  the  new  ship  had  been  laid  on  the  9th  of  April,  and 
she  was  got  into  the  water  June  12th,  notwithstanding  Mr.  Eckford 
had  been  compelled  to  take  off  his  carpenters  to  make  some  altera 
tions  on  the  vessels  in  the  Niagara.  This  ship  was  a  large  corvette, 
and  was  pierced  for  26  guns,  long  twenty-fours,  and  she  mounted 
two  more  on  circles  ;  one  on  a  topgallant  forecastle,  and  the  other  on 
the  poop.  The  day  before  the  launch.  Captain  Sinclair  arrived  and 
was  appointed  to  this  vessel,  which  was  called  the  General  Pike. 
Lieutenant  Trenchard,  who  arrived  at  the  same  time,  received  the 
command  of  the  Madison.  About  this  time  a  considerable  promo 
tion  occurred  in  the  navy,  by  means  of  which,  Captain  Sinclair  was 
posted.  Mr.  Woolsey,  Mr.  Trenchard,  and  Mr.  Elliott,  all  of  whom 
served  on  the  lakes,  were  raised  to  the  rank  of  masters  and  com 
manders,  though  several  weeks  elapsed  before  the  commissions  were 
received.  Messrs.  Holdup,  Dudley,  Packett,  Yarnall,  Wragg, 
Adams,  Pearce,  Edwards,  Jones,  Conklin,  and  Smith,  gentlemen 
who  had  also  been  detached  for  this  service,  and  most  of  whom  had 
been  acting,  were  regularly  raised  to  the  rank  of  lieutenants.  It 
was,  however,  a  just  cause  of  complaint,  with  all  the  commanders  on 
the  different  lakes,  that  so  few  officers  of  experience  were  sent  to 
serve  under  them.  Most  of  the  gentlemen  just  named  had  been  to 
sea  but  four  or  five  years,  and  they  were  generally  as  young  in  years 
as  they  were  in  experience.  That  they  subsequently  acquitted  them 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  167 

selves  well,  is  owing  to  the  high  tone  of  the  service  to  which  they 
belonged. 

Although  the  Pike  was  so  near  completion,  there  were  neither 
officers  nor  men  for  her,  on  the  station  ;  and  the  canvass  intended 
for  her  sails  had  been  principally  burned  during  the  late  attack  on 
the  Harbour.  At  this  time,  moreover,  while  the  service  pressed,  but 
120  men  had  been  sent  on  lake  Erie,  Commodore  Chauncey  having 
entertained  hopes  of  being  able  to  reinforce  that  station  from  below, 
after  defeating  the  enemy. 

On  Lake  Champlain  two  cutters,  or  sloops,  named  the  Eagle  and 
the  Growler  were  equipped  early  in  the  war,  and  were  first  placed 
under  the  orders  of  Lieutenant  Sidney  Smith.  Before  the  close  of 
the  season,  however,  Lieutenant  Thomas  M'Donough,  an  officer 
already  well  known  to  the  service  for  his  spirit  and  experience,  and 
who  fought  side  by  side  with  Decatur,  in  all  that  officer's  brilliant 
achievements,  before  Tripoli,  was  sent  up  to  assume  the  command. 
This  was  so  late  in  the  year,  however,  as  to  prevent  much  active 
service  before  the  vessels  were  obliged  to  go  into  winter  quarters. 

In  the  course  of  the  winter  of  1812-13,  another  sloop,  named  the 
President,  was  transferred  from  the  transport  service  of  the  army,  to 
the  navy.  Thus  reinforced,  M'Donough  took  the  lake  early  in  the 
spring,  commanding  the  President  in  person,  and  having  the  Growler, 
Lieutenant  Smith,  and  Eagle,  Mr.  Loomis.  in  company.  Returning 
to  Burlington  in  May  of  this  year,  from  some  service  up  the  lake, 
Captain  M'Donough  learned  that  a  small  British  vessel,  mounting 
one  gun,  had  ascended  as  high  as  Plattsburg,  on  the  other  shore, 
committing  depredations  as  she  proceeded.  In  consequence  of  this 
intelligence,  the  Growler  and  Eagle,  under  Lieutenant  Smith,  were 
immediately  ordered  down  as  low  as  Champlain,  in  order  to  close 
the  passage  against  any  more  such  excursions. 

The  two  sloops  reached  their  station  on  the  evening  of  the  2d 
June.  It  blowing  a  good  southerly  breeze  next  morning,  Lieuten 
ant  Smith  got  under  way  at  3,  and  stood  down  into  the  narrow 
waters,  in  the  expectation  of  finding  some  of  the  enemy's  row  galleys 
at  Ash  Island.  Disappointed  in  this,  the  Growler  continued  to  lead 
down  the  lake,  until  she  came  in  sight  of  the  works  on  Isle  aux  Noix, 
about  seven  o'clock.  The  Growler  now  tacked,  and  began  to  beat 
back  towards  the  open  lake,  having  the  wind  from  the*  same  quar 
ter,  but  light.  There  was  also  an  adverse  current  so  near  the  outlet 
of  the  lake. 

As  soon  as  the  enemy  was  aware  of  the  advantage  of  these  circum 
stances,  three  of  their  row  galleys  came  out  from  under  the  works, 
and  opened  their  fire,  each  galley  carrying  a  long  24.  The  guns  of 
the  two  American  vessels  were  so  light  as  to  give  the  heavy  metal  of 
the  galleys,  a  great  superiority,  it  being  impossible  to  come  to  close 
quarters  without  running  within  the  range  of  the  fire  of  the  batteries. 
To  render  the  situation  of  the  sloops  still  more  critical,  the  troops  of 
the  enemy  now  lined  the  woods  on  each  side  of  the  lake,  and  opened 
on  the  sloops  with  musketry.  This  fire  was  returned  with  constant 


168  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

discharges  of  grape  and  cannister,  by  Americans,  and  it  was  thought 
with  some  effect  on  the  soldiery. 

In  this  manner  the  combat  continued  for  several  hours,  until  half 
past  12,  a  heavy  shot  from  the  galleys  struck  the  Eagle  under  her 
starboard  quarter,  and  passed  out  on  the  other  side,  ripping  off  a 
whole  plank  under  water.  The  sloop  went  down  almost  immediately. 
Fortunately  the  water  was  so  shoal,  where  she  was  at  the  moment, 
that  her  bulwarks  remained  on  one  side,  above  water,  and  the 
wounded  were  got  on  them,  and  remained  in  safety  until  taken  off 
by  boats  sent  from  the  enemy.  Soon  after  this  accident  occurred  to 
the  Eagle,  the  Growler  had  her  fore-stay  and  main-boom  shot  away, 
when  she  became  unmanageable,  and  ran  ashore.  Of  course,  this 
vessel  was  also  compelled  to  strike. 

Although  Lieutenant  Smith  made  a  great  mistake  in  trusting  two 
vessels  of  that  force,  in  so  narrow  a  passage,  with  a  foul  wind  and  a 
current  against  his  retreat,  his  defence  was  gallant,  and  highly  cred 
itable  to  the  service.  The  Growler  had  1  killed  and  8  wounded,  and 
the  Eagle  11  wounded,  Mr.  Graves,  the  pilot,  severely. 

In  consequence  of  this  loss,  the  two  vessels  mentioned  were  trans 
ferred  from  the  American  to  the  British  flotilla,  arid  in  August  they 
appeared  off  Burlington,  accompanied  by  three  gun-boats,  and 
several  batteaux ;  the  President,  Captain  M'Donough  then  lying  there, 
but  unable  to  go  out,  as  this  vessel  now  constituted  the  whole  Amer 
ican  force.  The  enemy  destroyed  some  stores,  and  captured  several 
small  trading  craft  that  fell  in  with  his  way.  He  also  threw  a  few 
shot  into  the  town.  This  expedition  was  commanded  by  Captain 
Everard. 

The  Americans  now  commenced  building,  and  purchasing,  as  on 
the  other  lakes,  and  by  the  end  of  the  season  had  made  some  progress 
towards  attaining  a  force  likely  to  secure  to  them,  again,  the  com 
mand  of  the  lake. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  efforts  on  Ontario  continued.  One  of  the 
small  vessels  was  constantly  kept  cruising  between  the  Ducks  and 
Kingston,  to  watch  the  enemy,  it  being  known  that  he  was  now  much 
superior  in  force.  Early  in  June,  the  British  squadron  went  up  the 
lake,  most  probably  to  transport  troops,  quitting  port  in  the  night ; 
but  Commodore  Chauncey  very  properly  decided  that  the  important 
interests  confided  to  his  discretion  required  that  he  should  not  follow 
it,  until  he  was  reinforced  by  the  accession  of  the  Pike,  to  get  which 
vessel  ready,  every  possible  exertion  was  making. 

On  the  14th  of  June,  the  Lady  of  the  Lake,  Lieutenant  W. 
Chauncey,  left  the  harbour  to  cruise  off  Presque  Isle,  to  intercept 
the  stores  of  the  enemy  ;  and  on  the  16th,  she  captured  the  schoonei 
Lady  Murray,  loaded  with  provisions,  shot,  and  fixed  ammunition. 
This  vessel  was  in  charge  of  an  ensign  and  15  men,  the  prisoners 
amounting,  in  all,  to  twenty-one.  Mr.  Chauncey  carried  his  prize 
into  the  harbour  on  the  18th,  passing  quite  near  the  enemy's  squad 
ron.  The  prisoners  reported  the  launch  of  a  new  brig  at  Kingston. 

About  this  time,  the  enemy's  squadron,  consisting  of  the  Wolfe, 
Royal  George,  Moira,  Melville,  Berresford,  Sidney  Smith,  and  one 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  169 

or  two  gun-boats,  appeared  off  Oswego.  Preparations  were  made 
to  disembark  a  party  of  troops,  but  the  weather  becoming  threaten 
ing,  Sir  James  Yeo  was  induced  to  defer  the  descent,  and  stood  to 
the  westward.  He  then  went  off  the  Genesee,  where  some  provi 
sions  were  seized  and  carried  away,  and  a  descent  was  made  at  Great 
Sodus,  with  a  similar  object,  but  which  failed,  though  several  build 
ings  were  burned,  and  some  flour  was  captured.  Shortly  before,  he 
had  appeared  off  the  coast,  to  the  westward  of  the  Niagara,  seizing 
some  boats  belonging  to  the  army,  loaded  with  stores.  Two  vessels, 
similarly  employed,  were  also  captured. 

On  the  23d  of  June,  14  of  the  guns,  and  a  quantity  of  the  rigging 
for  the  Pike,  reached  the  harbour;  and  the  next  day,  Commodore 
Chauncey  advised  the  government  to  commence  building  a  large  fast- 
sailing  schooner.  This  recommendation  was  followed,  and  the  keel 
of  a  vessel  that  was  subsequently  called  the  Sylph,  was  soon  after 
laid,  her  size  being  determined  by  the  nature  of  the  materials  neces 
sary  for  her  equipment,  which  were  principally  on  the  spot. 

It  was  the  last  of  June  before  the  people  began  to  arrive  for  the 
Pike  ;  the  first  draft,  consisting  of  only  35  men,  reaching  the  harbour 
on  the  29th  of  that  month.  These  were  followed,  on  the  1st  of  July, 
by  94  more,  from  Boston.  It  was  thought,  by  the  assistance  of  the 
army,  that  the  ship  might  be  got  out,  with  the  aid  of  these  men.  In 
estimating  the  embarrassments  of  the  lake  service,  in  general,  the 
reluctance  of  the  sailors  of  the  country  to  serve  on  those  waters  should 
not  be  overlooked.  The  stations  were  known  to  be  sickly,  the  ser 
vice  was  exceedingly  arduous,  several  winter  months  were  to  be 
passed,  under  a  rigorous  climate,'  in  harbours  that  had  none  of  the 
ordinary  attractions  of  a  seaport,  and  the  chances  for  prize-money 
were  too  insignificant  to  enter  into  the  account.  At  this  period  in  the 
history  of  the  navy,  the  men  were  entered  for  particular  ships,  and 
not  for  the  general  service,  as  at  present ;  and  it  would  have  been 
nearly  impossible  to  procure  able  seamen  for  this  unpopular  duty, 
had  not  the  means  been  found  to  induce  parts  of  crews  to  follow  their 
officers  from  the  Atlantic  coast,  as  volunteers.  A  considerable  party 
had  been  sent  from  the  Constitution,  to  Lake  Ontario,  after  her  return 
from  the  coast  of  Brazil,  and  the  arrival  of  a  portion  of  the  crew  of 
the  John  Adams,  on  Lake  Erie,  has  already  been  mentioned.  On 
the  8th  of  July,  Captain  Crane  arrived  from  the  same  ship  ;  and  two 
days  later,  he  was  followed  by  all  the  officers  and  men  of  that  vessel, 
for  which  a  new  crew  had  been  enlisted.  This  timely  reinforcement 
was  assigned,  in  a  body,  to  the  Madison,  that  ship  being  nearly  of  the 
size  and  force  of  the  vessel  from  which  they  came. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  1st  of  July,  however,  or  previously  to  this 
important  accession  to  his  force,  a  deserter  came  in  and  reported  that 
Sir  James  Yeo  had  left  Kingston  the  previous  night,  in  20  large 
boats,  with  a  body  of  800  or  1000  men,  with  which  he  had  crossed 
and  landed  in  Chaumont  Bay,  about  seven  miles  from  the  Harbour. 
Here  he  had  encamped  in  the  woods,  concealing  his  boats  with  the 
branches  of  trees,  with  an  intention  to  make  an  attack  on  the  Amer 
ican  squadron,  in  the  course  of  the  approaching  night.  Preparations 


170  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

were  accordingly  made  to  receive  the  expected  assault,  but  the  ene 
my  did  not  appear.  On  the  following  morning,  Commodore 
Chauncey  went  out  with  the  vessels  that  were  ready,  and  examined 
the  shore,  but  the  enemy  could  not  be  found.  At  sunset  he  returned, 
and  moored  the  vessels  in  readiness  for  the  attack.  Still  no  enemy 
appeared.  That  night  and  the  succeeding  day,  five  more  deserters 
came  in,  all  corroborating  each  other's  account,  by  which  it  would 
seem  that  the  expedition  was  abandoned  on  the  night  of  the  1st,  in 
consequence  of  the  desertion  of  the  man  who  had  first  come  in.  At 
this  time,  the  Pike  had  16  of  her  guns  mounted  ;  and  there  is  little 
doubt  that  Commodore  Yeo  would  have  been  defeated,  had  he  per 
sisted  in  his  original  intention.  By  July  3d,  the  remainder  of  her 
armament  had  reached  the  harbour. 

Soon  after,  Commodore  Chauncey  felt  himself  strong  enough  to 
despatch  130  men,  with  the  necessary  officers,  to  the  upper  lakes ; 
and  permission  was  given  to  Captain  Perry  to  commence  his  opera 
tions  against  the  enemy,  as  soon  as  that  officer  should  deem  it  prudent. 
Still  a  proportion  of  the  men  present,  that  varied  from  a  tenth  to  a 
fifth  of  their  whole  number,  was  reported  on  the  sick  list ;  among 
whom  were  Captain  Sinclair,  of  the  Pike,  all  the  lieutenants  of  that 
ship  but  one,  and  60  of  her  people. 

On  the  21st  of  July,  the  Madison,  Captain  Crane,  went  off  Kings 
ton,  communicating  with  the  commodore  by  signal,  who  remained 
at  anchor  in  the  Pike,  which  ship  was  getting  ready  as  fast  as  possi 
ble.  The  same  evening  the  latter  went  out,  accompanied  by  the 
squadron,  running  over  to  the  north  shore,  and  then  steered  to  the 
westward.  The  winds  were  light,  and  the  vessels  did  not  arrive  off 
the  mouth  of  the  Niagara,  until  the  27th.  Here  a  small  body  of 
troops  was  embarked  under  Colonel  Scott,  and  the  squadron  pro 
ceeded  to  the  head  of  the  lake,  with  a  view  to  make  a  descent  at 
Burlington  Bay.  After  landing  the  troops  and  marines,  a'nd  recon- 
noitering,  Colonel  Scott  believed  the  enemy  to  be  too  strong,  and  too 
well  posted,  for  the  force  under  his  command;  and  on  the  30th,  the 
vessels  weighed  and  ran  down  to  York.  Here  Colonel  Scott  landed 
without  opposition,  and  got  possession  of  the  place.  A  considerable 
quantity  of  provisions,  particularly  flour,  was  seized,  five  pieces  of 
cannon  were  found,  some  shot  and  powder  were  brought  off,  and  11 
boats,  built  to  transport  troops,  were  destroyed.  Some  barracks, 
and  other  public  buildings,  were  burned.  The  troops  re-embarked 
on  the  1st  of  August,  and  on  the  3d  they  were  disembarked  again, 
in  the  Niagara.  The  next  day,  Lieutenant  Elliott,  with  Messrs. 
Smith  and  Conklin,  eight  midshipmen,  and  100  men,  were  landed 
and  sent  up  to  Lake  Erie,  to  report  themselves  to  Captain  Perry. 
This  draft  greatly  deranged  the  crew  of  the  Pike,  her  men  requiring 
to  be  stationed  anew,  after  it  had  been  made. 

At  daylight,  on  the  morning  of  the  7th,  while  at  anchor  off  the 
mouth  of  the  Niagara,  the  enemy's  squadron,  consisting  of  two  ships, 
two  brigs,  and  two  large  schooners,  were  seen  to  the  northwest,  and 
to  windward,  distant  about  six  miles.  The  American  vessels  imme 
diately  weighed,  and  endeavoured  to  obtain  the  weather  gage,  the 


1813.1  NAVAL  HISTORY. 


^c»   *  *ft  H 

construction  of  a  large  portion  of  the  force  rendering  this  advantage 

important  in  a  general  action.  At  this  time,  Commodore  Chauircey 
had  present  the  Pike,  Madison,  Oneida,  Hamilton,  Scourge,  Ontario, 
Fair  American,  Governor  Tompkins,  Conquest,  Julia,  Growler,  Asp, 
and  Pert,  or  thirteen  sail.  Of  this  force,  the  three  vessels  first  named, 
were  all  that  had  been  regularly  constructed  for  the  purpose  of  war. 
The  rest  had  no  quarters,  as  has  been  already  mentioned,  mounting 
one  or  two  guns  on  circles,  and,  in  a  few  instances,  five  or  six  others 
in  broadside.  The  schooners  could  scarcely  have  been  fought  with 
prudence,  within  reach  of  canister,  as  the  men  were  exposed  from 
their  feet  upwards.  On  the  other  hand,  the  six  vessels  of  the  enemy 
had  all  been  constructed  for  war,  had  close  quarters,  and  their 
schooners  had  regular  sea  armaments.  This  difference  in  the  char 
acter  of  the  respective  forces,  rendered  it  difficult  to  bring  on  an 
action,  as  neither  party  would  be  willing  to  engage  under  circum 
stances  that  were  disadvantageous  to  its  particular  species  of  arma 
ment.  The  size  of  the  lake,  which  at  first  view  might  seem  to  render 
it  difficult  to  avoid  a  combat,  was  in  truth  in  favour  of  such  a  design  ; 
the  distances  being  so  small,  that  the  retiring  party,  under  ordinary 
circumstances,  would  have  it  in  his  power  to  gain  a  harbour,  before 
its  enemy  could  close.  Both  commanders,  it  is  now  understood, 
acted  under  very  rigid  instructions,  it  being  known  that  the  fortune 
of  the  northern  war,  in  a  great  measure,  depended  on  the  command 
of  this  lake,  and  neither  party  was  disposed  to  incur  any  undue  risks 
of  losing  the  chance  to  obtain  it. 

On  the  present  occasion,  however,  Commodore  Chauncey  was 
anxious  to  bring  the  enemy  to  battle,  feeling  a  sufficient  confidence 
in  his  officers  and  men  to  believe  they  would  render  his  mixed  and 
greatly  divided  force  sufficiently  available.  The  principal  advantage 
of  the  enemy  was  in  the  identity  of  character  that  belonged  to  his 
squadron,  which  enabled  him  to  keep  it  in  compact  order,  and  to 
give  it  concentrated  and  simultaneous  evolutions,  while  the  move 
ments  of  the  best  of  the  American  vessels,  were  necessarily  controlled 
by  those  of  their  worst.  In  short  the  mano3iivring  of  the  American 
squadron,  throughout  this  entire  summer,  furnishes  an  illustration 
of  that  nautical  principle  to  which  there  has  elsewhere  been  an  allu 
sion,  in  an  attempt  to  point  out  the  vast  importance  of  preserving  an 
equality  in  the  properties  of  ships.  Indeed  the  Pike  and  Madison 
alone  could  compete  with  vessels  of  ordinary  qualities,  the  Oneida 
proving  to  be  so  dull,  that  the  flag-ship  was  frequently  compelled  to 
take  her  in  tow.* 

At  9  A.  M.  the  Pike,  having  got  abreast  of  the  Wolfe,  the  leading 
vessel  of  the  enemy,  hoisted  her  ensign,  and  fired  a  few  guns  to  try 

*  Although  this  brighad  been  regularly  constructed  for  the  navy,  in  the  year  1808,  and 
her  dimensions  made  her  about  240  tons,  carpenter's  measurement,  her  draught  of  water 
was  not  greater  than  that  which  would  properly  belong  to  a  sloop  of  80  tons.  This  was 
owing  to  a  wish  to  enable  her  to  enter  the  rivers  of  the  south  shore,  nearly  all  of  which 
have  bars.  It  may  be  mentioned  here,  that  the  Oneida  was  salted.  Mr.  Woolsey, 
ascertaining  that  the  schooners  employed  in  the  salt  trade,  between  Oswego  and  Niagara, 
which  were  commonly  built  of  half-seasoned  timber,  seldom  decayed  about  the  floors, 
had  this  brig  filled  with  salt  from  her  plank-sheer  down,  and  it  is  understood  that  she  was 
sound  many  years  afterwards.  The  timber  was  cut  in  the  forest,  moulded,  and  placed 
in  the  brig's  frame,  within  the  same  month. 


172  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

the  range  of  her  shot.  Finding  that  the  latter  fell  short,  she  wore 
and  hauled  to  the  wind  on  the  other  tack,  the  sternmost  of  the  small 
schooners  being  then  six  miles  distant.  The  enemy  wore  in  suc 
cession,  also,  and  got  upon  the  same  tack  as  the  American  squadron, 
but  ascertaining  that  the  leading  vessels  of  the  latter  would  weather 
upon  him,  he  soon  tacked,  and  hauled  oflfto  the  northward.  As  soon 
as  the  rear  of  the  American  line  was  far  enough  ahead  to  fetch  his 
wake,  signal  was  made  to  the  squadron  to  tack  once  more,  and  to 
crowd  sail  in  chase.  The  wind  now  gradually  fell,  and  about  sunset 
it  was  calm,  the  schooners  using  their  sweeps  to  close.  As  night 
approached,  the  signal  of  recall  was  made,  in  order  to  collect  the 
squadron,  there  being  an  apprehension  that  some  of  the  small  ves 
sels  might  be  cut  off. 

In  the  night  the  nind  came  from  the  westward,  and  it  blew  in 
squalls.  All  the  vessels  were  at  quarters,  carrying  sail  to  gain  the 
wind  of  the  enemy,  with  a  view  to  engage  him  in  the  morning.  Not 
long  after  midnight,  a  rushing  sound  was  heard  ;  and  several  of  the 
vessels  felt  more  or  less  of  a  squall ;  but  the  strength  of  the  gust  passed 
astern.  Soon  after  it  was  ascertained  that  the  Hamilton,  Lieutenant 
Winter,  and  Scourge,  Mr.  Osgood,  had  disappeared.  The  Pike 
now  spoke  the  Governor  Tompkins,  which  informed  the  commodore 
that  the  missing  schooners  had  capsized  in  the  squall,  and  that  the 
whole  of  their  officers  and  men,  with  the  exception  of  sixteen  of  the 
latter,  had  been  drowned.* 

The  American  squadron  now  hove  to,  and  soon  after  daylight  the 
enemy  set  studding-sails  and  stood  down  upon  it,  apparently  with  an 
intention  to  engage.  When  a  little  more  than  a  league  distant,  how 
ever,  he  brought  by  the  wind,  and  the  signal  was  made  from  the  Pike 
to  ware,  and  to  bring  to  on  the  same  tack.  After  waiting  some  time 
for  the  English  ships  to  come  down,  Commodore  Chauncey  edged 
away  for  the  land,  hoping,  by  getting  the  breeze  which, ,at  that  sea 
son,  usually  came  off  the  southern  shore,  in  the  afternoon,  to  obtain 
the  weather  gage.  It  fell  calm,  however,  and  the  schooners  were 

*  It  has  been  ascertained,  by  means  of  an  intelligent  seaman  on  board  the  Scourge,  of 
the  name  of  Myers,  that  when  the  squall  struck  that  vessel,  her  commander.  Mr.  Osgood, 
was  below,  and  most  of  her  people  asleep  at  their  guns.  Myers,  himself,  had  just  risen 
from  the  deck,  and  -was  in  the  act  of  going  below,  when  the  schooner  first  felt  the  wind. 
As  the  vessel  was  an  English  prize  raised  upon,  she  had  always  been  tender,  and  re 
quired  the  most  careful  watching.  When  she  went  over,  Myers  succeeded  in  passing 
along  her  weather  side,  until  he  reached  the  stern,  where  he  threw  himself  off,  and  swam 
a  few  yards  until  he  reached  a  boat  that  was  towing  astern.  By  means  of  this  boat  he 
not  only  saved  himself,  but  several  more  of  the  crew,  all  of  whom  got  on  board  the  Julia, 
Mr.  Trant,  the  nearest  vessel.  Others  were  picked  up  by  the  same  boat,  which  was  sent 
to  look  for  the  men. 

While  Myers  stood  on  the  quarter  of  the  Scourge,  he  saw  by  a  flash  of  lightning  Mr. 
Osgood  endeavouring  to  force  his  body  through  a  cabin  window,  and  that  officer  was 
probably  drowned  in  that  situation.  The  schooner  went  down,  while  Myers  was 
getting  into  the  boat.  By  what  means  the  painter  of  the  boat  was  cast  oft;  Myers 
never  knew. 

The  account  which  is  given  of  the  loss  of  the  Scourge,  in  a  little  sketch  of  the  life  of  this 
old  salt,  and  nearly  in  the  words  that  came  from  his  own  mouth,  is  one  of  the  most  inter 
esting,  simple  and  thrilling  narratives  in  the  English  language. 

Of  the  manner  in  which  the  Hamilton  was  lost,  no  particulars  have  been  preserved, 
though  four  of  her  crew  also  were  picked  up.  It  is  not  now  known  what  became  of 
these  four  men,  though  three  of  those  saved  from  the  Scourge  are  yet  living,  viz  :  Edward 
Myers,  or  "  Ned  Myers,"  as  he  is  familiarly  called,  as  gallant  old  tar  as  ever  paced  a 
deck,  Lemuel  Bryant,  a  pensioner,  and  Leonard  Lewis. 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  173 


ordered  to  sweep  up  towards  the  enemy,  and  to  bring  him  to  action. 
While  the  latter  were  attempting  to  execute  this  order,  the  wind 
came  out  light  at  the  eastward,  when  the  Pike  took  the  Oneida  in 
tow,  and  stood  down  towards  the  enemy.  The  van  of  the  schooners 
had  got  within  two  miles  of  the  English  squadron,  when  the  breeze 
suddenly  shifted  to  the  westward,  giving  the  latter  the  advantage  of 
the  wind.  Sir  James  Yeo  now  bore  up,  in  the  expectation  of  cutting 
off  the  American  small  vessels,  before  the  ships  could  cover  them ; 
but  the  former,  by  freely  using  their  sweeps,  soon  got  into  their  sta 
tions  again,  when  the  enemy  hauled  by  the  wind  and  hove  to. 

It  now  became  squally,  and  the  people  having  been  at  quarters 
nearly  two  days  and  nights,  and  the  enemy,  who  was  evidently  in 
disposed  to  engage,  unless  on  his  own  terms,  possessing  a  great 
advantage  in  such  weather,  as  the  late  accident  sufficiently  proved, 
Commodore  Chauncey  ran  in,  and  anchored  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Niagara.  It  blew  heavy  in  squalls  throughout  the  night,  but  the 
enemy  being  in  sight  to  the  northward,  at  daylight,  the  squadron 
weighed  and  stood  out  after  him.  Throughout  the  whole  of  this  day, 
and  of  the  succeeding  night,  under  a  succession  of  squalls,  light  airs, 
and  calms,  and  constant  changes  in  the  direction  of  the  winds,  the 
American  vessels  were  endeavouring  to  close  with  the  enemy,  with 
out  success.  At  daylight,  however,  on  the  morning  of  thfi  10th,  Com 
modore  Chauncey,  having  taken  the  precaution  to  get  under  the 
north  shore,  found  himself  to  windward,  with  the  enemy  bearing  S. 
W.  The  Pike  now  took  the  Asp,  and  the  Madison  the  Fair  Ameri 
can,  in  tow,  and  the  whole  squadron  kept  away,  with  every  prospect 
of  forcing  the  English  to  engage.  About  noon,  and  before  the 
squadrons  were  within  gun-shot  of  each  other,  the  wind  shifted  to 
\V.  S.  W.,  giving  the  enemy  the  weather  gage.  Throughout  the 
day,  there  was  a  series  of  unsuccessful  manoeuvres  to  close  and  to 
gain  the  wind,  but  about  5  P.  M.,  the  enemy  was  becalmed  under 
the  south  shore,  and  the  American  squadron  got  a  breeze  from  N.  N. 
W.,  nearing  him  fast.  At  6,  being  then  distant  about  four  miles,  the 
line  of  battle  was  formed,  though  the  wind  had  become  very  light. 
The  vessels  continued  to  close  until  7,  when  a  fresh  breeze  came  out 
at  S.  W.,  placing  the  enemy  once  more  to  windward.  After  some 
manoeuvring,  the  two  squadrons  were  standing  to  the  northward, 
with  their  larboard  tacks  aboard,  under  easy  canvass,  the  enemy 
astern  and  to  windward.  It  being  now  pretty  certain  that  with 
vessels  of  qualities  so  unequal,  he  could  not  get  the  wind  of  the  En 
glish,  while  the  latter  were  disposed  to  avoid  it,  Commodore  Chauncey 
adopted  an  order  of  battle  that  was  singularly  well  adapted  to  draw 
them  down,  and  which  was  admirable  for  its  advantages  and  inge 
nuity.  The  American  squadron  formed  in  two  lines,  one  to  wind 
ward  of  the  other.  The  weather  line  consisted  altogether  of  the 
smallest  of  the  schooners,  having  in  it,  in  the  order  in  which  they  are 
named  from  the  van  to  the  rear,  the  Julia,  Growler,  Pert,  Asp,  On 
tario,  and  Fair  American.  The  line  to  leeward  contained,  in  the 
same  order,  the  Pike,  Oneida,  Madison,  Governor  Tornpkins,  and 
Conquest.  It  was  hoped  that  Sir  James-  Yeo  would  close  with  the 

VOL.  II.  I  I 


174  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

weather  line  in  the  course  of  the  night,  and,  with  a  view  to  bring 
him  down,  the  Julia,  Growler,  Pert,  and  Asp  were  directed,  after  en 
gaging  as  long  as  was  prudent,  to  edge  away,  and  to  pass  through 
the  intervals  left  between  the  leading  vessels  of  the  line  to  leeward, 
forming  again  under  their  protection,  while  the  Ontario  and  Fair 
American,  were  directed  to  run  into  the  leeward  line,  and  form  astern 
of  the  Conquest.  Nothing  could  have  been  simpler,  or  better  devised, 
than  this  order  of  battle;  nor  is  it  possible  to  say  what  might  have 
been  the  consequences  had  circumstances  allowed  the  plan  to  be 
rigidly  observed. 

At  half  past  10  P.  M.  the  enemy  tacked  and  stood  after  the  Ame 
rican  squadron,  keeping  to  windward  of  the  weather  line.  At  11, 
the  Fair  American,  the  sternmost  of  the  schooners  in  this  line,  began 
to  fire;  and  the  enemy  continuing  to  draw  ahead,  in  about  fifteen 
minutes  the  action  became  general  between  him  and  the  weather 
li-ne.  At  half  past  11  all  the  schooners  engaged  bore  up,  according 
to  orders,  with  the  exception  of  the  two  in  the  van,  which  tacked  in 
the  hope  of  gaining  the  wind  ofthe  English  ships,  in-stead  of  waring, 
or  bearing  up.  This  unfortunate  departure  from  the  order  of  battle, 
entirely  changed  the  state  of  things;  Sir  James  Yeo,  instead  of  fol 
lowing  the  schooners  down,  as  had  been  expected,  keeping  his  wind 
with  a  view  to  cut  off  the  two  that  had  separated.  Commodore 
Chauncey  now  filled,  and  kept  away  two  points,  in  the  hope  of  draw 
ing  the  enemy  from  the  vessels  to  windward,  but  the  English  ex 
changed  a  few  shot  with  the  Pike  in  passing,  and  continued  in  pur 
suit  of  the  two  schooners.  The  American  squadron  immediately 
tacked,  and  endeavoured  to  close,  with  the  double  view  of  covering 
their  consorts,  and  of  engaging. 

The  schooners  to  windward  were  the  Growler,  Lieutenant  Deacon, 
and  the  Julia,  Mr.  Trant.*  As  soon  as  they  obtained  a  weatherly 
position,  they  opened  on  the  enemy  with  their  long  guns,  but  were 
soon  obliged  to  make  sail,  endeavouring  to  escape  by  making  short 
tacks.  After  a  time,  it  was  ascertained  that  they  were  in  two  fathoms' 
water,  and  on  the  enemy's  coast.  The  English  squadron  was  dead 
to  leeward,  in  open  order  to  prevent  them  from  getting  off  by  turning 

*  James  Trant  was  a  sailing-master  in  the  navy,  from  the  time  of  its  formation,  until  the 
close  ofthe  war  of  1812.  He  was  an  Irishman  by  birth,  and  is  believed  to  have  come  to 
this  country  in  1781,  with  CaptaJn  Barry,  in  the  Alliance  32,  or  in  the  passage  in  which 
that  ship  captured  the  Trepassy  and  Atalanta.  At  any  rate,  the  journals  of  the  day 
mention  that  a  Mr.  Trent,  (the  manner  in  which  the  name  is  pronounced,)  an  Irish  naval 
volunteer,  had  accompanied  Captain  Barry  on  that  occasion.  Few  persons  have  given 
rise  to  more  traditions  in  the  service,  than  Mr.  Trant.  His  eccentricities  were  as  con 
spicuous  as  his  nautical  peculiarities  and  his  gallantry.  His  whole  life  was  passed  in,  or 
about  ships,  and  his  prejudices  and  habits  were  as  thoroughly  naval  as  those  of  Pipes 
himself.  For  England,  and  Englishmen,  he  entertained  to  "the  last,  the  most  unyielding 
hatred,  which  appeared  to  be  associated,  in  his  mind,  with  wrongs  done  to  Ireland.  He 
was  usually  supposed  to  be  a  man  of  obdurate  feelings,  and  of  a  cruel  disposition,  but  he 
was  not  without  some  of  the  finest  traits  of  human  nature.  A  volume  might  be  written 
of  his  eccentricities  and  opinions.  He  had  been  in  many  actions,  and  was  always  re 
markable  for  decision  and  intrepidity.  His  capture  was  owing  to  the  latter  quality. 
Towards  the  close  of  a  life  that  extended  to  seventy  years,  he  received  the  commission 
of  a  lieutenant,  an  honour  that  appeared  to  console  him  for  all  his  hardships  and  dangers. 
He  died  at  Philadelphia,  a  few  years  after  the  war,  and  is  said  to  have  been  found  with 
pistols  under  his  pillow  to  keep  off  the  doctors.  It  is  also  said,  we  know  not  with  what 
truth,  that  he  ordered  his  body  to  be  earned  into  blue  water,  and  to  be  buried  in  the  ocean. 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  175 

their  wings.  An  opening  existing  in  the  centre,  with  those  of  three 
of  the  enemy  on  each  side,  it  was  gallantly  attempted  to  pass  through 
it,  by  keeping  dead  away.  This  was  effectually  runningthe  gauntlet; 
as  might  have  been  expected,  the  experiment  failed.  The  Julia  led, 
and  was  cut  up  and  became  unmanageable,  being  actually  run  aboard 
and  carried  in  that  way;  her  commander  obstinately  refusing  to  haul 
his  colours  down.  The  Growler  met  with  a  heavier  loss  than  the 
Julia,  and  being  crippled,  struck. 

It  was  the  opinion  of  Commodore  Chauncey,  that  these  schooners 
were  lost  through  excess  of  zeal  in  their  commanders,  who  thought 
that  a  general  action  was  about  to  take  place,  and  that  by  gaining 
the  wind,  they  might  be  of  more  service,  than  if  stationed  to  leeward. 
The  result  showed  the  necessity  of  complete  concert  in  naval  evolu 
tions,  and  the  virtue  of  implicit  obedience. 

Each  of  the  vessels  taken  by  the  enemy,  carried  two  guns,  and  had 
a  crew  of  about  40  souls.  Some  damage  was  done  to  the  sails  and 
rigging  of  the  enemy,  by  the  fire  of  the  schooners,  but  the  American 
squadron,  the  Julia  and  Growler  excepted,  received  no  injury  worth 
mentioning. 

The  Pike,  after  carrying  sail  hard  for  some  time,  finding  that  she 
was  separating  from  the  rest  of  the  squadron,  and  that  there  was  no 
hope  of  saving  the  two  schooners,  rejoined  the  other  vessels,  and 
formed  the  line  again.  At  daylight,  the  enemy  was  seen  a  long  way 
to  windward,  it  blowing  fresh.  The  small  vessels  beginning  to  la 
bour  excessively,  it  became  necessary  to  send  two  of  the  dullest  of 
them  into  Niagara  for  security. 

The  gale  continuing,  the  commodore  now  determined  to  run  for  the 
Genesee,  with  the  rest  of  the  vessels,  but  the  wind  increasing,  and 
the  Madison  and  Oneida  not  having  a  day's  provisions  on  board,  he 
stood  for  the  harbour,  where  he  did  not  arrive  until  the  13th,  the  wind 
failing  before  he  got  in. 

It  was  very  evident  from  the  operations  of  this  arduous  week,  the 
enemy  intended  to  avoid  an  action,  unless  it  could  be  brought  on 
under  circumstances  altogether  favourable  to  himself.  Although  the 
Pike  most  probably  outsailed  any  thing  on  the  lake,  and  the  Madison 
was  nearly,  if  not  quite  on  an  equality  with  the  enemy's  best  vessels, 
these  two  ships  were  unequal  to  engaging  the  British  squadron  alone, 
and  the  remainder  of  the  American  vessels  did  not  deserve  to  be  in 
cluded  in  the  class  of  cruisers  at  all.  As  a  squadron,  the  English 
force  was  much  faster  than  the  American  force,  furnishing  a  com 
plete  example  of  the  manner  in  which  the  best  ships  of  a  fleet  are 
necessarily  reduced,  in  a  trial  of  qualities,  to  the  level  of  the  worst. 
The  English  were  so  much  aware  of  the  truth  of  this  principle,  that 
they  declined  putting  the  prizes  into  their  squadron,  but  after  disarm 
ing  them  they  converted  them  into  transports. 

It  is  now  understood  that  the  species  of  warfare  that  Sir  James 
Yeo  adopted,  was  cautiously  enjoined  by  his  instructions,  it  being 
very  evident  that  even  a  protracted  struggle  was  better  than  positive 
defeat,  in  the  peculiar  situation  of  the  Canadas. 


176  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Meeting  and  fruitless  manoeuvring  of  the  hostile  squadrons — Launch  of  the  Sylph  at 
Sackett's  Harbour — Changes  and  promotions — Unavailing  cruise  of  six  days — Escape 
of  the  enemy  in  a  running  fight — Action  on  the  Lake — Chase — The  American  squad 
ron  haul  off  for  the  Niagara — Capture  of  six  British  transports — Review  of  the  ope 
rations. 

THE  enemy  was  still  building,  though  his  extreme  vigilance,  and 
a  practice  of  changing  the  names  of  his  vessels,  rendered  it  exceed 
ingly  difficult  to  obtain  accurate  information  of  the  state  of  his  fleet. 
A  fine  large  schooner,  superior  in  size  and  model  to  the  Oneida,  had 
also  been  laid  down  at  the  Harbour,  sometime  previously,  and  was 
now  nearly  ready  for  launching. 

The  sickness  among  the  people  of  the  American  squadron  con 
tinued,  the  Madison  in  particular,  having  more  than  a  third  of  her 
crew  on  the  doctor's  list,  when  she  sailed  on  her  next  cruise.  As 
more  than  150  men  had  been  taken  from  the  squadron,  by  the  loss 
of  the  four  schooners,  and  so  many  were  unable  to  do  duty,  Commo 
dore  Chauncey  on  his  return  to  the  Harbour,  having  fallen  in  with 
the  Lady  of  the  Lake,  carrying  a  party  of  50  marines  up  to  Niagara, 
who  were  to  join  Captain  Perry  on  the  upper  lakes,  had  taken  them 
out  for  his  own  vessels,  a  measure  that  compelled  the  latter  officer  to 
obtain  volunteers  from  the  army. 

Without  waiting  for  the  new  vessel,  however,  Commodore  Chaun 
cey  took  in  provisions  for  five  weeks,  and  sailed  on  another  cruise 
the  very  day  of  his  arrival.  On  the  16th,  the  squadron  was  off  the 
Niagara,  and  the  same  day  the  enemy  was  made,  being  eight  sail  in 
all.  Some  manoeuvring  to  obtain  the  wind  followed,  but  it  coming 
on  to  blow,  the  vessels  ran  into  the  mouth  of  the  Genesee,  and  an 
chored.  This  was  another  of  the  evil  consequences  of  having  vessels 
like  the  small  schooners  in  the  squadron,  a  sea  little  heavier  than 
common  causing  them  to  labour  to  a  degree  that  rendered  it  unsafe 
to  keep  the  lake.  The  wind,  however,  freshened  so  much  as  to 
compel  the  whole  squadron  to  weigh  and  bear  up,  forcing  them 
down  the  lake  under  easy  canvass.  The  enemy,  it  would  seem,  was 
also  driven  to  leeward,  for  he  was  seen  at  anchor  under  the  False 
Ducks,  as  those  islands  came  in  sight.  The  Fair  American  and 
Asp  having  been  sent  into  the  Niagara  on  duty,  the  vessels  present 
in  the  American  squadron,  on  this  occasion,  were  the  Pike,  Madison, 
Oneida,  Tompkins,  Conquest,  Ontario,  Pert,  and  Lady  of  the  Lake; 
the  latter  having  no  armament  fit  for  a  general  engagement.  It  was 
now  expected  that  the  enemy  would  be  willing  to  engage,  and  the 
vessels  wrere  cleared  for  action.  The  wind  again  shifted,  however, 
bringing  the  English  squadron  to  windward  ;  but  by  carrying  sail 
hard,  the  American  vessels  were  weathering  on  the  enemy  when  the 
latter  ran  behind  the  islands,  and  was  believed  to  have  stood  into 
Kingston.  The  gale  increasing,  and  the  schooners  being  actually  in 


1813.J  NAVAL  HISTORY.  177 

danger  of  foundering,  Commodore  Chauncey  bore  up  for  the  Har 
bour,  where  he  arrived  on  the  19th  of  the  month. 

The  new  vessel  had  been  launched  on  the  18th,  and  she  was  im 
mediately  rigged  and  named  the  Sylph,  Her  armament  was  peculiar, 
for,  in  that  comparative  wilderness,  the  materials  that  could  be  had 
were  frequently  taken,  in  the  place  of  those  that  were  desired.  Four 
long  thirty-twos  were  mounted  on  circles  between  lier  masts,  and  six 
sixes  were  placed  in  broadside.  As  this  vessel  was  expected  to  be 
weatherly,  it  was  hoped  these  heavy  guns  might  cut  away  some  of 
the  enemy's  spars,  arid  bring  on  a  general  action.  It  is  due  to  the 
extraordinary  capacity  of  the  builder,  to  say  that  this  schooner  was 
put  into  the  water  in  twenty-one  working  days  after  her  keel  had 
been  laid. 

The  commissions  of  the  officers  promoted  a  short  time  previously, 
were  now  found  at  the  Harbour,  and  Lieutenant  Commandant 
Woolsey  was  transferred  to  the  Sylph,  with  his  new  rank  ;  Lieuten 
ant  Thomas  Brown,  the  officer  who  had  so  much  distinguished 
himself  at  the  landing  before  Fort  George,  succeeded  him  in  the 
Oneida.  The  commission  of  master  and  commander  was  also  sent 
after  Mr.  Elliott,  to  Lake  Erie,  that  gentleman  having  been  promoted 
over  many  other  lieutenants,  as  a  reward  for  the  capture  of  the  two 
brigs,  the  previous  autumn.  Captain  Trenchard  left  the  station  on 
account  of  ill  health.  About  this  time,  too,  Captain  Perry  made  an 
application  to  be  relieved  from  his  command  on  the  upper  lakes, 
complaining  of  the  quality  of  the  crews  of  the  vessels  he  commanded. 
It  ought,  indeed  to  be  mentioned  that  there  was  a  general  want  of 
men  on  all  the  lakes,  on  account  of  the  dislike  of  the  Atlantic  sailors 
to  the  service,  and  the  fact  that  nearly  all  who  came  upon  those 
waters  from  the  sea-board,  had  to  undergo  a  seasoning  through 
disease.  It  appears  by  the  official  reports  made  about  this  time,  that 
nearly  one  man  in  six,  were  left  on  shore,  in  consequence  of  illness. 
At  one  time,  this  season,  the  Madison  had  80  men,  in  a  complement 
of  about  200,  on  the  sick  list,  or  nearly  half  her  people. 

On  the  28th  of  August,  Commodore  Chauncey  sailed  again,  with 
the  Pike,  Madison,  Sylph,  Oneida,  Tompkins,  Conquest,  Ontario, 
Pert,  and  Lady  of  the  Lake  ;  nine  sail  in  all,  of  which  four  had  been 
built  for  cruisers,  though  the  Sylph  was  unsuited  to  close  action  ; 
four  were  the  merchant  schooners  so  often  mentioned,  and  the  last 
a  look-out  vessel. 

The  enemy  was  not  seen  until  the  7th  of  September,  when  the 
squadron  lying  at  anchor  in,  and  off,  the  Niagara,  his  ships  were 
made  out  at  daylight,  close  in  and  to  leeward.  The  signal  to  weigh 
was  instantly  shown,  and  the  Pike,  Madison,  and  Sylph,  each  taking 
a  schooner  in  tow,  sail  was  made  in  chase.  The  enemy  bore  up  to 
the  northward,  and  for  six  days  the  American  squadron  followed  the 
English,  endeavouring  to  bring  it  to  action,  without  success.  On 
the  11  th  of  September,  the  enemy  was  becalmed  off  the  Genesee, 
when  the  American  vessels  got  a  breeze  and  ran  within  gun-shot, 
before  the  English  squadron  took  the  wind.  A  running  fight,  that 
lasted  more  than  three  hours,  was  the  result;  but  the  enemy  escaped 


178  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813 

in  consequence  of  his  better  sailing,  it  being  out  of  the  power  of  the 
American  commander  to  close  with  more  than  two  of  his  vessels, 
the  Sylph  being  totally  unfitted  for  that  species  of  combat.  As  the 
Pike  succeeded  in  getting  several  broadsides  at  the  enemy,  lie  did 
not  escape  without  being  a  good  deal  cut  up,  having,  according  to 
his  own  report,  an  officer  and  ten  men  killed  and  wounded.  The 
Pike  was  hulled  a  few  times,  and  other  trifling  injuries  were  received, 
though  no  person  was  hurt.  Previously  to  this  affair,  Commodore 
Chauncey  had  been  joined  by  the  Fair  American  and  Asp.  On  the 
12th,  Sir  James  Yeo  ran  into  Amherst  Bay,  where  the  Americans 
were  unable  to  follow  him,  on  account  of  their  ignorance  of  the 
shoals.  It  was  supposed  that  the  English  commodore  declined  en 
gaging  on  this  occasion,  in  consequence  of  the  smoothness  of  the 
water,  it  being  his  policy  to  bring  his  enemy  to  action  in  blowing 
weather,  when  the  American  schooners  would  be  nearly  useless. 

Commodore  Chauncey  remained  off"  the  Ducks  until  the  17th, 
when  the  English  squadron  succeeded  in  getting  into  Kingston, 
after  which  he  went  into  port  for  despatches  and  supplies.  The  next 
day,  however,  he  came  out  again,  and  on  the  19th,  the  enemy  was 
seen  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Ducks.  No  notice  was  now  taken  of  him, 
but  the  squadron  stood  up  the  lake,  in  the  hope  that  the  English 
would  follow,  and  also  with  a  view  of  bringing  down  a  brigade  of 
troops,  a  division  of  the  army  being  about  to  concentrate  at  Sackett's 
Harbour,  preparatory  to  descending  the  St.  Lawrence  with  a  view 
to  attack  Kingston  or  Montreal. 

In  a  day  or  two,  the  squadron  got  off  the  Niagara,  and  anchored. 
Here  a  rumour  reached  it,  that  there  had  been  a  general  and  decisive 
action,  between  the  English  and  American  forces  on  the  upper  lakes. 
On  the  26th  of  September,  information  was  received  that  Sir  James 
Yeo  was  at  York,  with  all  his  squadron.  The  Lady  of  the  Lake 
was  sent  across  to  ascertain  the  fact,  on  the  morning  of  the  27th,  and 
returning  the  same  evening  with  a  confirmation  of  the  report,  the 
squadron  instantly  got  under  way.  Owing  to  the  wind,  the  darkness 
of  the  night,  and  the  bad  sailing  of  so  many  of  the  vessels,  the  squad 
ron  was  not  got  into  line,  until  8  A.  M.,  on  the  morning  of  the  2Sth, 
when  the  Pike,  Madison,  and  Sylph,  each  took  a  schooner  in  tow, 
as  usual,  and  sail  was  made  for  the  north  shore. 

The  English  squadron  was  soon  discovered  under  canvass,  in 
York  Bay,  and  the  American  vessels  immediately  edged  away  for  it. 
Fortunately,  the  Americans  had  the  weather  gage,  the  wind  being 
at  the  eastward,  blowing  a  good  breeze.  As  soon  as  the  enemy 
perceived  the  American  ships  approaching,  he  tacked  arid  stretched 
out  into  the  lake,  in  order  to  get  room  to  manrcuvre  ;  Commodore 
Chauncey  forming  his  line,  and  steering  directly  for  his  centre. 
When  the  American  squadron  was  about  a  league  distant,  the  Eng 
lish  ships  made  all  sail,  on  a  wind,  to  the  southward.  The  former 
now  wore  in  succession,  to  get  on  the  same  tack  with  the  enemy  ; 
and  as  soon  as  this  object  was  effected,  it  began  to  edge  away  again 
in  order  to  close. 

The  enemy  now  had  no  alternative  between  putting  up  his  helm, 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  179 

and  running  off  before  the  wind,  thus  satisfactorily  demonstrating 
which  party  sought,  and  which  avoided  a  general  action,  or  in  allow 
ing  the  Americans  to  commence  the  engagement.  Notwithstanding 
the  wanness  with  which  Sir  James  Yeo  had  hitherto  manreuvred  to 
prevent  a  decisive  combat,  he  had  always  maintained  the  pretension 
of  seeking  a  conflict,  probably  with  a  view  to  encourage  the  colonies, 
and  a  retreat,  at  this  moment,  would  have  been  too  unequivocally  a 
flight  to  admit  of  palliation.  The  American  squadron  was  a  good 
deal  extended,  in  consequence  of  the  great  difference  in  the  sailing  of 
its  vessels,  the  Pike  being  considerably  ahead  of  most  of  her  con 
sorts.  As  the  signal  was  flying  for  close  action,  the  Governor 
Tornpkins  had  passed  several  of  the  larger  vessels,  and  was  next 
astern  of  the  commodore,  while  the  Madison,  which  had  one  of  the 
heaviest  of  the  schooners  in  tow,  was  prevented  from  getting  as  near 
as  was  desirable.  The  Oneida,  too,  now  showed  her  worst  qualities, 
no  exertions  of  her  gallant  commander,  Lieutenant  Commandant 
Brown,  being  able  to  urge  her  into  the  conflict.  In  this  state  of  things, 
Sir  James  Yeo,  perceiving  that  his  two  sternmost  vessels  were  in 
danger,  and  that  there  was  some  little  chance  of  cutting  off  the  rear 
of  the  American  line,  which  was  a  good  deal  extended,  determined 
to  tack,  and  to  hazard  an  engagement. 

At  ten  minutes  past  meridian,  accordingly,  the  English  ships  be 
gan  to  tack  in  succession,  while  the  Pike  made  a  yaw  to  leeward, 
edging  away  rapidly,  to  get  nearer  to  the  enemy's  centre.  As  soon 
as  the  two  or  three  leading  vessels  of  the  enemy,  among  which  were 
the  Wolfe  and  Royal  George,  got  round,  they  opened  on  the  Pike, 
which  ship  received  their  fire  for  several  minutes  without  returning 
it.  When  near  enough,  she  opened  in  her  turn.  The  Pike  on  this 
occasion,  was  not  only  beautifully  handled,  but  her  fire  was  probably 
as  severe  as  ever  came  out  of  a  broadside  of  a  ship  of  her  force.  For 
twenty  minutes  she  lay  opposed  to  all  the  heaviest  vessels  of  the 
enemy,  receiving  little  or  no  support  from  any  of  her  own  squadron, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Asp,  the  schooner  she  had  in  vow,  and  the 
Governor  Tompkins.  The  latter  vessel,  commanded  for  the  occa 
sion  by  Lieutenant  W.  C.  B.  Finch,*  of  the  Madison,  was  handled 
with  a  gallantry  that  reflected  high  credit  on  that  young  officer, 
steadily  keeping  the  station  into  which  she  had  been  so  spiritedly 
carried,  and  maintaining  a  warm  fire  until  crippled  by  the  enemy, 
and  unavoidably  left  astern.  When  the  smoke  blew  away,  during  a 
pause  in  this  sharp  combat,  it  was  found  that  the  Wolfe  had  lost  her 
main  and  mizen  topmast  and  her  main-yard,  besides  receiving  other 
injuries.  Cut  up  so  seriously,  she  put  away  dead  before  the  wind, 
crowding  all  the  canvass  she  could  carry  on  her  forward  spars.  At 
this  moment,  the  Royal  George  luffed  up  in  noble  style,  across  her 
stern,  to  cover  the  English  commodore,  who  ran  off  to  leeward, 
passing  through  his  own  line,  in  order  to  effect  his  retreat.  There 
is  no  question  that  this  timely  and  judicious  movement  of  Sir  James 
Yeo  saved  his  squadron,  for  had  he  remained  long  enough  to  permit 

*Since  Captain  W.  C.  Bolton 


180  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

the  Madison  and  Oneida  to  use  their  carronades,  his  whole  force 
would  have  been  sacrificed. 

The  enemy  bore  up  a  few  minutes  before  1  P.  M.,  and  the  Pike 
immediately  made  a  signal  for  a  general  chase.  As  the  enemy  went 
off  to  leeward,  the  Royal  George  kept  yawing  athwart,  the  English 
commodore's  stern  and  delivering  her  broadsides  in  a  manner  to 
extort  exclamations  of  delight  from  the  American  fleet.  She  was 
commanded  by  Captain  Mulcaster,  an  officer  who  won  the  perfect 
esteem  of  his  enemies,  by  his  gallantry  and  good  conduct  on  this 
occasion. 

When  the  English  squadron  bore  up,  the  American  vessels  follow 
ed,  maintaining  a  heavy  fire  with  as  many  of  their  circle  and  chase 
guns  as  could  reach  the  enemy.  It  was  now  found  that  the  arma 
ment  of  the  Sylph  was  not  suited  to  service,  the  guns  between  her 
masts  being  so  crowded  as  not  to  allow  of  their  being  used  with 
freedom,  or  rapidity,  more  especially  when  in  chase.  This  circum 
stance,  notwithstanding  her  size  and  sailing,  rendered  her  scarcely 
of  more  use  than  one  of  the  smaller  schooners. 

After  pursuing  the  enemy  about  two  hours,  during  which  time  the 
squadron  had  run  nearly  up  to  the  head  of  the  lake,  where  the  former 
had  a  post  at  Burlington  Bay,  and  finding  that  the  English  ships 
outsailed  most  of  his  vessels,  Commodore  Chauncey  made  the  signal 
to  haul  off'  with  a  view  to  stand  in  ibr  the  Niagara.  As  the  enemy 
was  effectually  beaten,  and  there  is  scarcely  a  doubt,  would  have 
been  destroyed,  had  he  been  pressed,  this  order  has  been  much  criti 
cised,  as  uncalled  for,  and  unfortunate.  The  motives  which  influ 
enced  the  American  commander,  however,  were  marked  by  that 
discretion  and  thoughtfulness,  which  are  among  the  highest  attributes 
of  an  officer,  and  which  distinguished  his  whole  career,  while  entrust 
ed  with  the  arduous  and  responsible  service  over  which  he  presided 
during  the  war. 

The  wind  was  increasing,  and  it  shortly  after  came  on  to  blow  an  east 
erly  gale,  and  an  action,  under  such  circumstances,  would  probably 
have  caused  both  squadrons  to  have  been  thrown  ashore,  there  being 
nothing  but  a  roadsted,  under  Burlington  heights,  which  the  wind 
that  then  blew  swept.  As  the  enemy  was  known  to  have  a  consider 
able  land  force  at  this  point,  all  who  were  driven  ashore,  would 
necessarily  have  fallen  into  his  hands  ;  and  had  he  succeeded  in 
getting  off  one  or  two  of  the  smaller  vessels,  he  would  effectually  have 
obtained  the  command  of  the  lake.  By  going  in  to  the  Niagara,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  American  squadron  was  in  a  position  to  intercept 
the  retreat  of  the  enemy,  who  was  in  a  cul  de  s«c,  and  after  waiting 
for  more  moderate  weather,  he  might  be  attacked  even  at  anchor, 
should  it  be  deemed  expedient,  under  much  more  favourable  circum 
stances.  In  addition  to  these  reasons,  which  were  weighty,  and 
worthy  of  a  commander  of  reflection  and  judgment,  the  Pike  had 
received  a  shot  or  two  beneath  her  water  line,  which  required  that 
her  pumps  should  be  kept  going,  a  toil,  that  united  to  the  labour  of 
an  action,  would  have  finally  exhausted  the  strength  of  the  ship's 
company.  The  enemy  had  batteries  to  command  the  anchorage, 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  181 

too,  and  no  doubt  he  would  have  established  more,  had  the  Ameri 
cans  gone  in. 

The  gale  continued  until  the  evening  of  the  31st,  the  wind  stand 
ing  to  the  eastward  even  several  days  longer.  During  this  time, 
Commodore  Chauncey  communicated  with  the  commanding  general 
at  Niagara,  who  deemed  it  more  important  that  he  should  watch  Sir 
James  Yeo,  than  that  he  should  accompany  the  transports  down  the 
lake.  As  this  opinion  coincided  with  that  of  the  commanding  naval 
officer  himself,  the  troops  were  embarked  and  sent  off  as  fast  as  the 
transports  could  be  got  ready,  while  the  squadron  held  itself  in 
reserve,  to  intercept  the  enemy,  as  soon  as  he  should  attempt  to  come 
to  the  westward. 

In  the  action  of  the  28th  of  September,  the  Pike  suffered  a  good 
deal,  both  in  her  hull  and  aloft,  bearing  the  weight  of  the  enemy's  fire 
for  most  of  the  time.  Her  main-topgallant  mast  was  shot  away 
early  in  the  engagement,  and  her  bowsprit,  foremast,  and  mainmast 
were  all  wounded.  Her  rigging  and  sails  were  much  cut  up,  and  she 
had  been  repeatedly  hulled  ;  two  or  three  times  below  the  water  line, 
as  already  stated.  Five  of  her  men,  only,  were  killed  and  wounded 
by  shot.  While  bearing  up  in  chase,  however,  the  starboard  bow 
gun  bursted,  by  which  accident  twenty-two  men  were  either  slain,  or 
seriously  injured.  The  topgallant  forecastle  was  torn  up  by  this 
explosion,  rendering  its  circle  gun  useless  during  the  remainder  of 
the  day.  Four  of  the  other  guns  also  cracked  in  the  muzzles,  pro 
ducing  great  distrust  about  using  them.  The  Madison  received  some 
slight  injuries,  and  the  Oneida  had  her  main-topmast  badly  wounded. 
But  no  person  was  hurt  in  either  of  these  vessels.  The  Governor 
Tompkins  lost  her  foremast.  On  the  part  of  the  enemy,  the  Wolfe 
and  Royal  George  suffered  most;  and  it  is  believed  that  the  former 
vessel  sustained  a  very  heavy  loss  in  men.  It  is  also  understood, 
that  one,  if  not  two,  of  the  enemy's  smallest  vessels  struck,  but  the 
Pike  declining  to  take  possession,  in  the  eagerness  to  close  with  the 
Wolfe,  they  eventually  escaped. 

On  the  2d,  the  wind  coming  round  light  to  the  westward,  and  the 
last  transport  having  been  sent  down  the  lake  with  troops,  the  squad 
ron  weighed,  and  stretched  out  to  look  for  the  enemy.  At  10  A.  M. 
he  was  seen  standing  down,  under  studding  sails.  The  instant  the 
American  vessels  were  made,  however,  the  enemy  came  by  the  wind 
and  carried  sail  to  keep  off.  During  the  remainder  of  this  day,  the 
English  ships  gained  on  the  American,  and  at  daylight  on  the  3d 
they  were  seen  at  anchor,  close  in  under  an  island  between  Twelve 
and  Twenty  Mile  Creeks.  It  blew  quite  heavily  in  gusts  throughout 
the  day,  both  squadrons  turning  to  windward,  the  enemy  being 
nearly  up  with  the  head  of  the  lake  at  sunset.  The  night  proved 
dark  and  squally,  with  a  good  deal  of  rain,  and  every  precaution 
was  taken  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  getting  past,  as  he  was  now 
caught,  as  it  might  be,  in  a  net. 

The  next  morning  the  weather  was  thick,  and  nothing  could  be 
seen  of  the  English  squadron.  It  falling  calm  at  noon,  the  Lady  of 
the  Lake  was  ordered  to  the  westward,  to  sweep  up  to  ascertain  its 


182  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

position,  or  whether  it  had  not  anchored  again  in  Burlington  Bay. 
At  9  P.  M.  that  schooner  returned,  and  reported  that  the  English 
squadron  was  not  to  be  seen,  only  two  gun-boats  being  visible.  As 
a  discreet  and  experienced  officer  had  been  sent  on  this  service,  Com 
modore  Chauncey  immediately  inferred  that  the  enemy  had  got  past 
him,  during  the  darkness  of  the  preceding  night,  and  that  he  had 
gone  down  the  lake,  either  to  cut  off  the  American  transports,  or  to 
get  into  Kingston.  Sail  was  immediately  made  to  run  off  the  Ducks, 
with  a  view  to  intercept  Sir  James  Yeo,  or  any  prizes  he  might  have 
taken.  It  is  now  known  that  the  officers  of  the  Lady  of  the  Lake 
were  deceived,  the  British  fleet  actually  lying  at  anchor  so  close  un 
der  the  heights  that  their  hulls  and  spars  were  confounded  with 
objects  on  the  shore;  the  gentleman  sent  to  ascertain  the  fact  being 
too  eager  to  report  the  supposed  escape  of  the  enemy,  to  go  near 
enough  in  to  make  certain  of  the  truth.  There  is  little  question  that 
this  unfortunate  mistake  alone  saved  the  British  squadron  from  a 
signal  defeat;  the  result  of  the  action  of  the  28th,  and  a  knowledge 
of  recent  events  on  Lake  Erie,  having  raised  such  a  feeling  among 
the  American  vessels,  as  would  almost  insure  a  victory,  and  the  end 
of  the  lake  being  now  a  weather  shore,  an  attack  at  anchor  would 
have  been  perfectly  safe. 

That  night  and  the  succeeding  day  the  American  squadron  made 
a  great  run,  the  wind  blowing  heavily  from  the  N.  W.  At  3  P.M., 
on  the  5th,  seven  sail  were  seen  ahead,  near  the  False  Ducks,  and  no 
doubts  were  entertained  that  they  were  the  British  squadron.  All 
sail  was  carried  to  close,  but  at  4  the  chases  were  made  out  to  be 
schooners  and  sloops.  Signals  were  now  shown  for  the  Sylph  and 
Lady  of  the  Lake  to  cast  off  their  tows,  and  to  chase  to  the  N.  E. 
This  induced  the  strangers  to  separate,  when  the  Pike  cast  off  the 
Governor  Tompkins,  and  passed  ahead  also.  The  strangers  now  set 
fire  to  one  of  their  vessels,  the  other  six  crowding  sail  to  escape.  At 
sunset,  when  opposite  the  Real  Ducks,  the  British  vessels  the  Con- 
fiance,  Hamilton,  and  Mary,  struck  to  the  Pike  The  Sylph  soon 
after  joined,  bringing  down  with  her  another  prize,  the  Drummond 
cutter,  and  early  next  morning  the  same  schooner  brought  out  of  the 
Ducks  the  Lady  Gore.  The  Enterprise,  the  seventh  vessel,  escaped. 

The  prizes  were  gun-vessels,  carrying  from  one  to  three  guns 
each,  and  were  employed  as  transports  ;  a  part  of  one  of  the  foreign 
regiments  in  the  British  service  being  on  board  at  the  time.  The 
whole  number  of  prisoners  made  amounted  to  264,  including  officers. 
Among  the  latter  were  a  lieutenant  and  two  master's  mates  of  the 
British  Royal  Navy,  and  four  masters  of  the  provincial  marine. 
Ten  officers  of  the  army  were  also  taken.  The  Confiance  and 
Hamilton,  two  ofthe  prizes,  were  the  schooners  Growler  arid  Julia, 
taken  on  the  night  of  the  8th  of  August,  which,  the  enemy  had 
rightly  judged,  would  prove  an  incumbrance  rather  than  an  acces 
sion  to  their  squadron,  and  had  declined  receiving  them  in  it.  This 
circumstance,  of  itself,  sufficiently  proves  the  equivocal  advantage 
enjoyed  by  the  possession  of  these  craft,  which  formed  so  conspicu 
ous  a  part  of  Commodore  Chauncey's  force  on  paper,  the  enemy 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  183 

being  unwilling  to  injure  the  manoeuvring  of  his  vessels  by  using 
them. 

This  success  virtually  terminated  the  naval  struggle  for  the  com 
mand  of  Lake  Ontario,  during  the  season  of  1813,  Sir  James  Yeo, 
probably  influenced  by  the  nature  of  the  combat  on  the  28th  of  Sep 
tember,  appearing  disposed  to  wait  for  a  reinforcement  before  he 
risked  another  action.  For  the  remainder  of  the  season,  Commo 
dore  Chauncey  was  employed  in  watching  the  enemy  in  Kingston, 
and  in  aiding  the  army  in  its  descent  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  It  was 
the  wish  of  the  naval  commander  to  attack  Kingston,  and  he  had 
even  been  flattered  with  the  promise  that  his  favourite  project  should 
be  adopted,  but  about  the  middle  of  October  the  scheme  appears  to 
have  been  entirely  abandoned,  in  order  to  make  a  descent  on  Mon 
treal.  Had  the  first  plan  been  adhered  to,  it  is  almost  certain  success 
would  have  attended  it,  and  the  whole  character  of  the  war  might 
have  been  changed. 

Early  in  November  Commodore  Chauncey  was  laying  at  the  outlet 
of  the  St.  Lawrence,  below  the  east  end  of  Long  Island,  when  Sir 
James  Yeo  came  out  with  his  ships,  and  anchored  within  two  leagues 
of  him,  the  squadrons  being  separated  by  a  chain  of  small  islands. 
There  was  but  one  passage  by  which  this  chain  could  be  passed,  and 
the  Americans  sent  boats  to  sound  it,  intending  to  lighten  and  go 
through,  when  the  enemy  lifted  his  anchors  and  returned  to  port. 
On  the  llth,  the  army  having  gone  down  the  river,  the  American 
squadron  went  into  the  Harbour. 

Two  days  later  Commodore  Chauncey,  who  had  now  almost  an 
undisturbed  possession  of  the  lake,  went  to  the  Genesee,  where,  on 
the  16th  of  the  month,  he  took  on  board  1100  men,  belonging  to  the 
army  of  General  Harrison.  A  severe  gale  came  on,  by  which  the 
vessels  were  separated,  some  being  driven  as  far  west  as  the  head  of 
the  hike.  The  transports,  into  which  most  of  the  small  schooners 
were  now  converted,  having  been  finally  despatched,  the  commodore 
went  off  Kingston  again,  to  occupy  the  enemy,  and  to  cover  the 
passage  of  the  troops.  All  the  transports  had  arrived  on  the  21st 
but  the  Julia,  which  did  not  get  in  until  a  few  days  later.  The  Fair 
American  had  gone  ashore  near  the  Niagara,  during  the  gale,  but 
was  got  off,  and  reached  the  Harbour  on  the  27th.  By  this  time, 
the  navigation  of  the  lake  was  virtually  closed,  and  it  being  too  late 
to  attempt  any  naval  operations,  while  the  duty  of  transporting  the 
troops  and  stores  had  been  successfully  performed,  preparations  were 
made  to  lay  the  vessels  up  for  the  winter. 

Thus  terminated  the  naval  operations  on  Lake  Ontario,  during  the 
season  of  1813.  The  peculiar  nature  of  the  service  rendered  the 
duties  of  both  commanders  extremely  arduous,  and  each  appears  to 
have  acquitted  himself  well  in  his  peculiar  station.  It  was  the  policy, 
and  it  is  understood  it  had  been  made  the  enjoined  duty  of  Sir  James 
Yeo,  by  means  of  especial  orders,  to  avoid  a  general  action,  unless 
under  decidedly  favourable  circumstances,  and  the  identified  char 
acter  of  his  vessels  enabled  him  to  pursue  the  course  prescribed  with 
tolerable  success,  though  the  perseverance  and  personal  intrepidity 


184  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813 

of  his  antagonist,  had  forced  him  to  the  very  verge  of  a  total  defeat 
in  the  affair  of  the  28th  of  September.  In  executing  his  orders,  the 
English  commodore,  who  was  an  officer  of  rare  merit,  manifested 
great  steadiness,  self-denial  and  address,  and  the  skill  and  boldness 
with  which  he  manoeuvred,  received  the  applause  of  his  enemies. 
That  he  was  kept  principally  on  the  defensive,  and  was  prevented 
from  effecting  any  thing  of  importance,  was  owing  to  the  vigilance 
and  activity  of  his  opponent,  who  so  often  anticipated  his  measures, 
and  so  closely  pressed  him,  whenever  there  was  an  opportunity  to 
engage. 

But  the  success  of  the  naval  efforts  of  this  season,  was  decidedly 
with  the  Americans.  By  covering  the  descent  at  York,  and  pro 
ducing  the  fall  of  that  place,  where  a  very  large  amount  of  stores  was 
captured,  one  new  cruiser  of  some  force  destroyed,  and  a  second 
brought  off,  Commodore  Chauncey  deprived  his  enemy  of  the  means 
of  effectually  securing  a  decided  superiority  on  the  lake,  as  the  first 
blow  of  the  season.  The  fall  of  Fort  George,  which  altogether  de 
pended  on  the  co-operation  of  the  navy,  led  the  way  to  the  success  on 
the  upper  lake,  to  the  recapture  of  Michigan,  and  to  the  virtual  sub 
mission,  for  the  remainder  of  the  campaign,  of  all  the  higher  counties 
of  Upper  Canada.  An  army  was  transported  from  the  foot  of  the 
lake  to  its  head,  in  the  spring,  and  from  near  the  head  to  the  foot  in 
the  autumn  ;  nor  is  it  known  that  a  single  man,  gun,  or  any  amount 
of  stores  that  was  confided  to  the  navy,  in  the  course  of  this  service, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  All  the  duty  required  for  the  army 
was  effectually  accomplished,  and  without  molestation  from  the  En 
glish,  while  the  latter,  with  the  exception  of  a  very  short  period, 
during  which  the  Pike  was  waiting  for  her  guns,  was  obliged  to  per 
form  the  similar  service  for  his  own  army,  clandestinely,  and  with 
the  utmost  caution.  It  has  been  seen  that  one  of  his  transports  was 
burned,  and  that  five  were  captured.  The  only  reverse  sustained  by 
the  American  squadron,  was  the  loss  of  the  Growler  and  Julia,  as 
mentioned,  and  this  resulted  from  no  fault  of  the  commanding  offi 
cer,  whose  dispositions  were  officer-like  and  simple. 

In  the  course  of  the  summer  the  hostile  squadrons  were  three  times 
engaged.  On  two  of  these  occasions  the  enemy  had  the  wind,  or 
obtained  it  before  the  ships  could  close,  and  it  rested  with  him,  of 
course,  to  bring  on  a  general  action,  or  to  avoid  it.  On  the  third, 
the  Americans  attacked  with  so  much  vigour,  with  only  a  part  of 
their  force,  as  to  leave  no  doubt  what  would  have  been  the  result,  had 
not  the  English  vessels  put  before  the  wind.  Among  American  sea 
men,  the  manner  in  which  Commodore  Chauncey  bore  down  on  the 
hostile  line  of  the  enemy,  on  the  28th  of  September,  supported  by 
Mr.  Finch,  in  the  Governor  Tompkins,  and  a  schooner  in  tow,  has 
ever  been  considered  as  an  instance  of  high  professional  feeling  and 
spirit;  cases  of  so  much  self-devotion,  coolness,  and  intrepidity,  in 
which  British  squadrons  have  been  the  party  attacked,  being  ex 
tremely  rare  in  modern  times.  It  is  not  certain  that  a  parallel  to  it 
can  be  found  within  a  century,  if  we  except  a  very  striking  instance 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  185 

afforded  by  the  conduct  of  Captain  Perry,  of  which  there  will  be  oc 
casion  to  speak,  in  the  succeeding  chapter. 

Notwithstanding  the  services  of  the  naval  commander  on  the  great 
lakes,  public  expectation,  at  the  time,  was  disappointed.  Bodies  of 
men,  who  are  seldom  competent  to  judge  of  the  nicer  circumstances 
that  qualify  merit,  and  particularly  that  which  is  so  exclusively  of  a 
professional  character  as  the  conduct  of  a  naval  commander,  are  apt 
to  assume  that  success  is  the  only  admissible  standard,  and  while  the 
success  of  the  season  was  clearly  with  the  Americans,  it  was  riot 
success  of  the  brilliant  and  attractive  nature,  that  is  the  most  apt  to 
extort  popular  admiration.  Few  were  qualified  to  understand  that 
the  size  of  the  lake  favoured  the  policy  of  Sir  James  Yeo,  by  enabling 
him  to  run  under  the  guns  of  his  own  batteries,  when  hardest  pressed, 
but  the  majority  considered  that  the  smaller  the  sheet  of  water  on 
which  the  operations  occurred,  the  easier  it  would  be  to  bring  on  an 
action.  On  the  several  occasions  in  which  the  American  squadron 
chased  the  enemy  into  Burlington,  Amherst,  and  Kingston  Bays, 
the  public  was  more  disposed  to  regard  the  force  in  the  pre 
sence  of  which  the  different  escapes  were  made,  than  the  facilities 
that  existed  to  effect  it.  It  called  for  victory,  without  recollecting 
that  the  consent  of  both  belligerents  would  be  necessary  to  obtain 
even  a  battle;  and  of  all  those  who  were  most  disposed  to  compare 
the  absence  of  a  victory  on  Lake  Ontario,  with  the  brilliant  successes 
elsewhere  obtained,  few  probably  remembered  that  no  instance  oc 
curred  in  the  whole  war,  the  peculiar  case  of  the  Essex  and  Presi 
dent  excepted,  in  which  either  an  English  or  an  American  public 
vessel  was  captured,  after  a  battle,  and  in  which  the  defeated  party 
avoided  the  combat.  Owing  to  the  chances  of  war,  in  no  instance 
whatever,  was  an  English  ship  taken  under  such  circumstances. 

But  time  has  gradually  weakened  this  feeling,  and  the  country 
already  views  the  noble  and  masterly  efforts  of  Commodore  Chaun- 
cey  in  their  true  light.  The  rapidity  and  decision  with  which  he 
created  a  force,  as  it  might  be,  in  a  wilderness,  the  professional  re 
sources  that  he  discovered  in  attaining  this  great  end,  and  the  com 
bined  gallantry  and  prudence  with  which  he  manoeuvred  before  the 
enemy,  are  beginning  to  be  fully  appreciated,  while  the  intrepidity 
with  which  he  carried  his  own  ship  into  action  off  York,  has  always 
been  a  subject  of  honest  exultation  in  the  service  to  which  he  belongs. 
If  the  American  commander  committed  a  fault  in  the  course  of  the 
arduous  duties  of  the  months  of  August,  September,  October,  and 
November,  it  was  in  not  making  a  signal  to  his  squadron  to  cast  off 
their  tows,  after  the  enemy  bore  up  on  the  28th  of  September;  but 
though  it  may  now  be  easy  to  detect  the  error,  he  chose  the  .side  of  a 
discreet  caution,  there  being  every  probability  of  his  getting  alongside 
of  the  enemy  on  his  own  terms,  as  soon  as  the  gale  should  abate. 
That  he  did  not,  was  purely  the  result  of  accident,  or  rather  of  the 
mistake  of  an  experienced  and  prudent  officer,  on  whose  report  he 
had  every  motive  to  rely.  Had  Commodore  Chauncey  followed  Sir 
James  Yeo  into  Burlington  Bay,  on  that  occasion,  he  would  probably 
have  obtained  one  of  the  highest  reputations  of  the  American  navy, 
without  as  much  deserving  it  as  at  present. 


186  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

Operations  on  Lake  Erie — Force  of  the  enemy — The  Lawrence  and  Niagara  got  over 
the  bar  at  Presque  Isle — Force  of  the  squadron  under  Capt.  Perry — General  action, 
and  capture  of  the  whole  British  fleet — Captains  Perry  and  Elliott  receive  gold  medals — 
Result  of  this  victory — Capt.  Perry  resigns  the  command  to  Capt.  Elliott — Promotion 
of  Capt.  Perry,  and  appointment  to  the  command  of  the  Java. 

THE  manner  in  which  the  service  commenced  on  the  upper  lakes, 
has  been  already  mentioned,  but  it  will  connect  the  narrative  to  make 
a  short  recapitulation.  The  first  organisation  of  any  naval  force  on 
this  lake  was  commenced  by  a  seaman  of  those  waters,  who  received 
the  appointment  of  a  sailing-master,  shortly  after  the  commencement 
of  the  war.  This  gentleman,  Mr.  Dobbins,  was  actively  employed 
in  subordinate  stations  until  the  close  of  the  war.  Under  his  super 
vision,  much  of  the  earlier  preparations  for  creating  a  maritime  force 
were  commenced.  It  will  be  remembered  that  late  in  the  autumn 
of  1812,  Lieutenant  Elliott  had  been  sent  to  the  foot  of  Erie  TO  con 
tract  for  some  schooners.  He  was  soon  after  recalled  to  Ontario, 
and  succeeded  in  command  by  Lieutenant  Angus.  Not  long  after 
the  landing  at  Erie,  Mr.  Angus  returned  to  the  sea-board,  and  Lieu 
tenant  Pettigrew,  for  a  short  time,  was  in  command.  In  the  course 
of  the  winter,  Captain  O.  H.  Perry,  then  a  young  master  and  com 
mander  at  the  head  of  the  flotilla  of  gun-boats,  at  Newport,  Rhode 
Island,  finding  no  immediate  prospect  of  getting  to  sea  in  a  sloop-of- 
war,  volunteered  for  the  lake  service.  Captain  Perry  brought  on 
with  him  a  number  of  officers,  and  a  few  men,  and  Commodore 
Chauncey  gladly  availed  himself  of  the  presence  of  an  officer  of  his 
rank,  known  spirit,  and  zeal,  to  send  him  on  the  upper  lakes,  in  com 
mand,  where  he  arrived  in  the  course  of  the  winter,  superseding  Mr. 
Dobbins,  who  then  was  in  charge.  From  this  time,  until  the  navi 
gation  opened,  Captain  Perry  was  actively  employed,  under  all  the 
embarrassments  of  his  frontier  position,  in  organising  and  creating  a. 
force,  with  which  he  might  contend  with  the  enemy  for  the  mastery 
of  those  important  waters.  Two  large  brigs,  to  mount  20 guns  each, 
were  laid  down  at  Presque  Isle,  and  a  few  gun-vessels,  or  schooners, 
were  also  completed.  The  spring  passed  in  procuring  guns,  shot, 
and  other  supplies,  and,  as  circumstances  allowed,  a  draft  of  men 
would  arrive  from  below,  to  aid  in  equipping  the  different  vessels. 
As  soon  as  the  squadron  of  Commodore  Chauncey  appeared  off  the 
mouth  of  Niagara,  Captain  Perry,  with  some  of  his  officers,  went  to 
join  it,  and  the  former  was  efficiently  employed  in  superintending  the 
disembarkation  of  the  troops,  as  has  been  already  related.  The 
fall  of  Fort  George  produced  that  of  Fort  Erie,  when  the  whole  of  the 
Niagara  frontier  came  under  the  control  of  the  American  army. 

Captain  Perry  now  repaired  to  his  own  command,  and  with  infinite 
labour,  he  succeeded  in  getting  the  vessels  that  had  so  long  been  de 
tained  in  the  Niagara,  passing  the  enemy's  batteries,  out  of  the  river. 
This  important  service  was  effected  by  the  12th  of  June,  and  prepara 
tions  were  immediately  commenced  for  appearing  on  the  lake.  These 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  187 

vessels  consisted  of  the  brig  Caledonia,  (a  prize,)  and  the  schooners 
Catherine,  Ohio,  and  Amelia;  with  the  sloop  Contractor.  The 
Catherine  was  named  the  Somers,  the  Amelia  the  Tigress,  and  the 
Contractor  the  Trippe.  At  this  time,  the  enemy  had  a  cruising  force 
under  the  orders  of  Captain  Finnis,  which  consisted  of  the  Queen 
Charlotte,  a  ship  of  between  two  and  three  hundred  tons,  and  mount 
ing  17  guns  ;  the  Lady  Prevost,  a  fine  warlike  schooner,  of  less  than 
two  hundred  tons,  that  mounted  13  guns;  the  brig  Hunter,  a  vessel 
somewhat  smaller,  of  10  guns,  and  three  or  four  lighter  cruisers.  He 
was  also  building,  at  Maiden,  a  ship  of  about  the  tonnage  of  the 
Charlotte,  that  was  to  mount  19  guns,  and  which  was  subsequently 
called  the  Detroit. 

It  was  near  the  middle  of  June  before  Capt.  Perry  was  ready  to 
sail  from  the  outlet  of  Lake  Erie,  for  Presque  Isle.  There  being  no 
intention  to  engage  the  enemy,  and  little  dread  of  meeting  him  in  so 
short  a  run,  as  she  came  in  sight  of  her  port  each  vessel  made  the 
best  of  her  way.  The  enemy  had  chosen  this  moment  to  look  into 
Presque  Isle,  and  both  squadrons  were  in  view  from  the  shore,  at 
the  same  time,  though,  fortunately  for  the  Americans,  the  English 
did  not  get  a  sight  of  them,  until  they  were  too  near  the  land  to  be 
intercepted.  As  the  last  vessel  got  in,  the  enemy  hove  in  sight,  in 
the  offing. 

The  two  brigs  laid  down  in  the  winter,  under  the  directions  of 
Commodore  Chauncey,  had  been  launched  towards  the  close  of  May, 
and  were  now  in  a  state  of  forwardness.  They  were  called  the 
Lawrence  and  the  Niagara.  The  schooners  had  been  some  time  in 
the  water,  and  Captain  Perry,  having  all  his  vessels  in  one  port,  em 
ployed  himself  in  getting  them  ready  for  service,  as  fast  as  possible. 
Still  various  stores  were  wanting.  There  was  a  great  deficiency  of 
men,  particularly  of  seamen,  and  Captain  Perry,  and  Mr.  D.  Turner, 
were,  as  yet,  the  only  commissioned  sea-officers  on  the  lake.  The 
latter,  moreover,  was  quite  young  in  years,  as  well  as  in  rank. 

Presque  Isle,  or,  as  the  place  is  now  called,  Erie,  was  a  good  and 
spacious  harbour;  but  it  had  a  baron  which  there  was  less  than  seven 
feet  of  water.  This  bar,  which  had  hitherto  answered  the  purpose 
of  a  fortification,  now  offered  a  serious  obstruction  to  getting  the  brigs 
on  the  lake.  It  lay  about  half  a  mile  outside,  and  offered  great  ad 
vantages  to  the  enemy,  did  he  choose  to  profit  by  them,  for  attacking 
the  Americans  while  employed  in  passing  it.  So  sensible  was  Cap 
tain  Perry  of  this  advantage,  that  he  adopted  the  utmost  secrecy  in 
order  to  conceal  his  intentions,  for  it  was  known  that  the  enemy  had 
spies  closely  watching  his  movements. 

Captain  Barclay  had  lately  superseded  Captain  Finnis  in  the  com 
mand  of  the  English  force,  and  for  near  a  week  he  had  been  blocka 
ding  the  American  vessels,  evidently  with  an  intention  to  prevent 
their  getting  out,  it  being  known  that  this  bar  could  be  crossed  only 
in  smooth  water.  On  Friday,  the  2d  of  August,  he  suddenly  dis 
appeared  in  the  northern  board.* 

*  It  is  said  that  Captain  Barclay  lost  the  command  of  Lake  Erie,  by  accepting  an  invi 
tation  to  a  dinner  given  him  by  the  inhabitants  of .  "While  his  vessels  \vere  under 

the  Canadian  shore,  the  lake  became  smooth,  and  the  bar  passable.     Captain  Perry  seized 
the  precious  moment,  and  effected  his  purpose. 


188  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

The  next  day  but  one  was  Sunday,  and  the  officers  were  ashore 
seeking  the  customary  relaxation.  Without  any  appearances  of 
unusual  preparation,  Captain  Perry  privately  gave  the  order  to  repair 
on  board  the  respective  vessels  arid  to  drop  down  to  the  bar.  This 
command  was  immediately  obeyed;  and  at  about  2  P.  M.,the  Law 
rence  had  been  towed  to  the  point  where  the  deepest  water  was  to  be 
found.  Her  guns  were  whipped  out,  and  landed  on  the  beach ;  two 
large  scows,  prepared  for  the  purpose,  were  hauled  alongside,  and 
the  work  of  lifting  the  brig  proceeded  as  fast  as  possible.  Pieces  of 
massive  timber  had  been  run  through  the  forward  and  after  ports, 
and  when  the  scows  were  sunk  to  the  water's  edge,  the  ends  of  the 
timbers  were  blocked  up,  supported  by  these  floating  foundations. 
The  plugs  were  now  put  in  the  scows,  and  the  water  was  pumped 
out  of  them.  By  this  process,  the  brig  was  lifted  quite  two  feet, 
though,  when  she  was  got  on  the  bar,  it  was  found  that  she  still  drew 
too  much  water.  It  became  necessary,  in  consequence,  to  come-up 
every  thing,  to  sink  the  scows  anew,  and  to  block  up  the  timbers 
afresh.  This  duty  occupied  the  night. 

The  schooners  had  crossed  the  bar,  and  were  moored  outside,  and 
preparations  were  hurriedly  made  to  receive  an  attack.  About  8  A. 
M.  the  enemy  re-appeared.  At  this  time,  the  Lawrence  was  just 
passing  the  bar.  A  distant,  short,  and  harmless  cannonade  ensued, 
though  it  had  the  effect  to  keep  the  enemy  from  running  in.  As  soon 
as  the  Lawrence  was  in  deep  water,  her  guns  were  hoisted  in,  man 
ned  as  fast  as  mounted,  and  the  brig's  broadside  was  sprung  to  bear 
on  the  English  squadron.  Fortunately,  the  Niagara  crossed  on  the 
first  trial ;  and  before  night,  all  the  vessels  were  as  ready  for  service, 
as  circumstances  would  then  allow.  The  enemy  remained  with  his 
topsails  to  the  mast  half  an  hour,  sullenly  reconnoitering;  he  then 
filled,  and  went  up  the  lake  under  a  press  of  canvass. 

This  occurred  on  the  4th  of  August,  and  on  the  5th,  Captain 
Perry  sailed  in  quest  of  the  enemy,  having  received  on  board  a  num 
ber  of  soldiers  and  volunteers.  He  ranoffLong  Point,  and  sweeping 
the  Canada  shore  for  some  distance,  returned  to  Erie  on  the  8th. 
Taking  in  some  supplies,  he  was  about  to  proceed  up  the  lake  again, 
when  intelligence  arrived  that  the  party  sent  from  below,  under  Lieu 
tenant  Elliott,  was  at  Cattaraugus,  on  its  way  to  join  the  squadron. 
A  vessel  was  immediately  sent  for  this  acceptable  reinforcement. 
Shortly  after  its  arrival,  the  commissions  that  had  been  made  out 
some  time  previously,  were  received  from  below.  By  these  changes, 
Mr.  Elliott  became  a  master  arid  commander,  and  Messrs.  Holdup, 
Packett,  Yarnell,  Edwards,  and  Conklin,  were  raised  to  the  rank  of 
lieutenants.  Most  of  these  gentlemen,  however,  had  been  acting  for 
some  months. 

The  American  squadron  now  consisted  of  the  Lawrence  20,  Cap 
tain  Perry;  Niagara  20,  Captain  Elliott;  Caledonia  3,Mr.M'Grath, 
a  purser ;  Ariel  4,  Lieutenant  Packett;  Trippe  1,  Lieutenant  Smith; 
Tigress  1,  Lieutenant  Conklin;  Somers  2,  Mr.  Almy;  Scorpion  2, 
Mr.  Champlin;  Ohio  1,  Mr.  Dobbins;  and  Porcupine  l,Mr.  Senatt. 
On  the  18th  of  August  it  sailed  from  Erie,  and  off  Sandusky,  a  few 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  189 

days  later,  it  chased,  and  was  near  capturing  one  of  the  enemy's 
schooners. 

The  squadron  cruised  for  several  days,  near  the  entrance  of  the 
strait,  when  Captain  Perry  was  taken  ill  with  the  fever  peculiar  to 
these  waters,  and  shortly  after  the  vessels  went  into  a  harbour, 
among  some  islands  that  lay  at  no  great  distance,  which  is  called 
Put-in  Bay. 

Here  a  few  changes  occurred,  Mr.  Smith  going  to  the  Niagara, 
and  Mr.  Holdup  to  the  Trippe;  Mr.  M'Grath  went  also  to  the 
Niagara,  and  Mr.  Turner  took  command  of  the  Caledonia.  The 
Ohio  was  sent  down  the  lake  on  duty. 

While  in  port,  on  this  occasion,  Captain  Perry  contemplated  an 
attack  on  the  enemy's  vessels,  by  means  of  boats,  and  orders  were 
issued,  accordingly,  to  drill  the  people  with  muffled  oars. 

The  squadron  was  still  lying  at  Put-in  Bay  on  the  morning  of  the 
JOth  of  September,  when,  at  daylight,  the  enemy's  ships  were  discov 
ered  at  the  N.  W.  from  the  mast-head  of  the  Lawrence.  A  signal  was 
immediately  made  for  all  the  vessels  to  get  under  way.  The  wind 
was  light  at  S.  W.,  and  there  was  no  mode  of  obtaining  the  weather 
gage  of  the  enemy,  a  very  important  measure  with  the  peculiar  arm 
ament  of  the  largest  of  the  American  vessels,  but  by  beating  round 
some  small  islands  that  lay  in  the  way.  It  being  thought  there  was 
not  sufficient  time  for  this,  though  the  boats  were  got  ahead  to  tow, 
a  signal  was  about  to  be  made  for  the  vessels  to  ware,  and  to  pass  to 
leeward  of  the  islands,  with  an  intention  of  giving  the  enemy  this 
great  advantage,  when  the  wind  shifted  to  S.  E.  By  this  change 
the  American  squadron  was  enabled  to  pass  in  the  desired  direction, 
and  to  gain  the  wind.  When  he  perceived  the  American  vessels 
clearing  the  land,  or  about  10  A.  M.,  the  enemy  hove-to,  in  aline, 
with  his  ships'  heads  to  the  southward  and  westward.  At  this  time 
the  two  squadrons  were  about  three  leagues  asunder,  the  breeze  being 
still  at  S.  E.,  and  sufficient  to  work  with.  After  standing  down, 
until  about  a  league  from  the  English,  where  a  better  view  was  got 
of  the  manner  in  which  the  enemy  had  formed  his  line,  the  leading 
vessels  of  his  own  squadron  being  within  hail,  Captain  Perry  com 
municated  a  new  order  of  attack.  It  had  been  expected  that  the 
Queen  Charlotte,  the  second  of  the  English  vessels,  in  regard  to  force, 
would  be  at  the  head  of  their  line,  and  the  Niagara  had  been  destined 
to  lead  in,  and  to  lie  against  her,  Captain  Perry  having  reserved  for 
himself  a  commander's  privilege  of  engaging  the  principal  vessel  of 
the  opposing  squadron  ;  but,  it  now  appearing  that  the  anticipated 
arrangement  had  not  been  made,  the  plan  was  altered.  Captain 
Barclay  had  formed  his  line  with  the  Chippeway,  Mr.  Campbell, 
armed  with  one  gun  on  a  pivot,  in  the  van  ;  the  Detroit,  his  own 
vessel,  next ;  and  the  Hunter,  Lieutenant  Bignall ;  Queen  Charlotte, 
Captain  Finnis;  Lady  Prevost,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Buchan  ; 
and  Little  Belt  astern,  in  the  order  named.  To  oppose  this  line,  the 
Ariel,  of  four  long  twelves,  was  stationed  in  the  van,  and  the  Scor 
pion,  of  one  fon«r  and  one  short  gun  on  circles,  next  her.  The  Law 
rence,  Captain  Perry,  came  next ;  the  two  schooners  just  mentioned 

VOL.  IT.  12 


190  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

keeping  on  her  weather  bow,  having  no  quarters.  The  Caledonia, 
Lieutenant  Turner,  was  the  next  astern,  and  the  Niagara,  Captain 
Elliott,  was  placed  next  to  the  Caledonia.  These  vessels  were  all 
up  at  the  time,  but  the  other  light  craft  were  more  or  less  distant, 
each  endeavouring  to  get  into  her  berth.  The  order  of  battle  for 
the  remaining  vessels,  directed  the  Tigress  to  fall  in  astern  of  the 
Niagara,  the  Somers  next,  and  the  Porcupine  and  Trippe,  in  the 
order  named.* 

By  this  time  the  wind  had  got  to  be  very  light,  but  the  leading  ves 
sels  were  all  in  their  stations,  and  the  remainder  were  endeavouring 
to  get  in  as  fast  as  possible.  The  English  vessels  presented  a  very 
gallant  array,  and  their  appearance  was  beautiful  and  imposing. 
Their  line  was  compact,  with  the  heads  of  the  vessels  still  to  the 
southward  and  westward  ;  their  ensigns  were  just  opening  to  the  air  ; 
their  vessels  were  freshly  painted,  and  their  canvass  was  new  and 
perfect.  The  American  line  was  more  straggling.  The  order  of 
battle  required  them  to  form  within  half  a  cable's  length  of  each 
other,  but  the  schooners  astern  could  not  close  with  the  vessels  ahead, 
which  sailed  faster,  and  had  more  light  canvass,  until  some  consid 
erable  time  had  elapsed. 

A  few  minutes  before  twelve,  the  Detroit  threw  a  twenty-four- 
pound  shot  at  the  Lawrence,  then  on  her  weather  quarter,  distant 
between  one  and  two  miles.  Captain  Perry  now  passed  an  order  by 
trumpet,  through  the  vessels  astern,  for  the  line  to  close  to  the  pre 
scribed  order,  and  soon  after,  the  Scorpion  was  hailed,  and  directed 
to  begin  with  her  long  gun.  Atthis  moment,  the  American  vessels  in 
line  were  edging  down  upon  the  English,  those  in  front  being  neces 
sarily  nearer  to  the  enemy  than  those  more  astern,  with  the  excep 
tion  of  the  Ariel  and  Scorpion,  which  two  schooners  were  to  wind 
ward  of  the  Lawrence.  As  the  Detroit  had  an  armament  of  long 
guns,  Captain  Barclay  manifested  his  judgment  in  commencing  the 
action  in  this  manner,  and  in  a  short  time,  the  firing  between  that 
ship,  the  Lawrence,  and  the  two  schooners  at  the  head  of  the  Ameri 
can  line,  got  to  be  very  animated.  The  Lawrence  now  showed  a 
signal  for  the  squadron  to  close,  each  vessel  in  her  station,  as  previ 
ously  designated.  A  few  minutes  later  the  vessels  astern  began  to 
fire,  and  the  action  became  general  but  distant.  The  Lawrence, 
however,  appeared  to  be  the  principal  aim  of  the  enemy,  and  before 
the  firing  had  lasted  any  material  time,  the  Detroit,  Hunter,  and 
Queen  Charlotte,  were  directing  most  of  their  efforts  against  her. 
The  American  brig  endeavoured  to  close,  and  did  succeed  in  getting 
within  reach  of  canister,  though  not  without  suffering  materially,  as 
she  fanned  down  upon  the  enemy.  At  this  time,  the  support  of  the 
two  schooners  ahead,  which  were  well  commanded  and  fought,  was 

*In  consequence  of  neither  of  the  commanding  officers  having  given  his  order  of  battle 
in  his  published  official  letter,  it  is  difficult  to  obtain  the  stations  of  some  of  the  smaller 
vessels.  By  some  accounts,  the  Lady  Prevost  is  said  to  have  been  between  the 
Detroit  and  the  Queen  Charlotte,  by  others,  the  Hunter.  The  latter  is  believed  to  be 
the  true  statement.  On  the  other  hand,  some  accounts  place  the  Somers,  and  others  the 
Tigress,  next  astern  of  the  Niagara.  The  fact  is  immaterial,  but  the  account  which 
seems  to  be  best  authenticated,  has  been  chosen. 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  191 

of  the  greatest  moment  to  her,  for  the  vessels  astern,  though  in  the 
line,  could  be  of  little  use  in  diverting  the  fire,  on  account  of  their 
positions  and  the  distance.  After  the  firing  had  lasted  some  time, 
the  Niagara  hailed  the  Caledonia,  and  directed  the  latter  to  make 
room  for  the  former  to  pass  ahead.  Mr.  Turner  put  his  helm  up, 
and  continued  to  near  the  enemy,  until  he  was  closer  to  his  line,  per 
haps,  than  the  commanding  vessel ;  keeping  up  as  warm  a  fire  as 
his  small  armament  would  allow.  The  Niagara  now  became  the 
vessel  next  astern  of  the  Lawrence. 

The  cannonade  had  the  usual  effect  of  deadening  the  wind,  and 
for  two  hours  there  was  very  little  air.  During  all  this  time,  the 
weight  of  the  enemy's  fire  was  directed  against  the  Lawrence  ;  the 
Queen  Charlotte  having  filled,  passed  the  Hunter,  and  closed  with 
the  Detroit,  where  she  kept  up  a  destructive  cannonading  on  this 
devoted  vessel.  These  united  attacks  nearly  dismantled  the  Amer 
ican  brig,  besides  producing  great  slaughter  on  board  her.  At  the 
end  of  two  hours  and  a  half,  agreeably  to  the  report  of  Captain  Perry, 
the  enemy  having  filled,  and  the  wind  increasing,  the  two  squadrons 
drew  slowly  ahead,  the  Lawrence  necessarily  falling  astern  and  par 
tially  out  of  the  combat.  At  this  moment  the  Niagara  passed  to  the 
southward  and  westward,  a  short  distance  to  windward  of  the  Law 
rence,  steering  for  the  head  of  the  enemy's  line,  and  the  Caledonia 
followed  to  leeward. 

The  vessels  astern  had  not  been  idle,  but,  by  dint  of  sweeping  and 
sailing,  they  had  all  got  within  reach  of  their  guns,  and  had  been 
gradually  closing,  though  not  in  the  prescribed  order.  The  rear  of 
the  line  would  seem  to  have  inclined  down  towards  the  enemy, 
bringing  the  Trippe,  Lieutenant  Holdup,  so  near  the  Caledonia,  that 
the  latter  sent  a  boat  to  her  for  a  supply  of  cartridges. 

Captain  Perry,  finding  himself  in  a  vessel  that  had  been  rendered 
nearly  useless  by  the  injuries  she  had  received,  and  which  was 
dropping  out  of  the  combat,  got  into  his  boat,  and  pulled  after  the 
Niagara,  on  board  of  which  vessel  he  arrived  at  about  half  past  2. 
Soon  after,  the  colours  of  the  Lawrence  were  hauled  down,  that  ves 
sel  being  literally  a  wreck. 

After  a  short  consultation  between  Captains  Perry  and  Elliott,  the 
latter  volunteered  to  take  the  boat  of  the  former,  and  to  proceed  and 
bring  the  small  vessels  astern,  which  were^already  briskly  engaged, 
into  still  closer  action.  This  proposal  being  accepted,  Captain 
Elliott  pulled  down  the  line,  passing  within  hail  of  all  the  small 
vessels  astern,  directing  them  to  close  within  half  pistol-shot  of  the 
enemy,  and  to  throw  in  grape  and  canister,  as  soon  as  they  could  get 
the  desired  positions.  He  then  repaired  on  board  the  Somers,  and 
took  charge  of  that  schooner  in  person. 

When  the  enemy  saw  the  colours  of  the  Lawrence  come  down,  he 
confidently  believed  that  he  had  gained  the  day.  His  men  appeared 
over  the  bulwarks  of  the  different  vessels  and  gave  three  cheers. 
For  a  fe\\  minutes,  indeed,  there  appears  to  have  been,  us  if  by  com 
mon  consent,  a  general  cessation  in  the  firing,  during  which  both 
parties  were  preparing  for  a  desperate  and  final  effort.  The  wind 


192  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

had  freshened,  and  the  position  of  the  Niagara,  which  brig  was  now 
abeam  of  the  leading  English  vessel,  was  commanding,  while  the 
gun-vessels  astern,  in  consequence  of  the  increasing  breeze,  were 
enabled  to  close  very  fast. 

At  45  minutes  past  2,  or  when  time  had  been  given  to  the  gun-ves 
sels  to  receive  the  order  mentioned,  Captain  Perry  showed  the  signal 
from  the  Niagara,  for  close  action,  and  immediately  bore  up,  under 
his  foresail,  topsails,  and  topgallant-sail.  As  the  American  vessels 
hoisted  their  answering  flags,  this  order  was  received  with  three 
cheers,  and  it  was  obeyed  with  alacrity  and  spirit.  The  enemy  now 
attempted  to  ware  round,  to  get  fresh  broadsides  to  bear,  in  doing 
which  his  line  got  into  confusion,  and  the  two  ships  for  a  short  time, 
were  foul  of  each  other,  while  the  Lady  Prevost  had  so  far  shifted 
her  berth,  as  to  be  both  to  the  westward  and  to  the  leeward  of  the  De 
troit.  At  this  critical  moment,  the  Niagara  came  steadily  down, 
within  half  pistol-shot  of  the  enemy,  standing  between  the  Cbippe- 
way  and  Lady  Prevost,  on  one  side,  and  the  Detroit,  Queen  Char 
lotte,  and  Hunter,  on  the  other.  In  passing,  she  poured  in  her 
broadsides,  starboard  and  larboard,  ranged  ahead  of  the  ships,  luffed 
athwart  their  bows,  and  continued  delivering  a  close  and  deadly  fire. 
The  shrieks  from  the  Detroit,  proclaimed  that  the  tide  of  battle  had 
turned.  At  the  same  moment,  the  gun-vessels  and  Caledonia  were 
throwing  in  close  discharges  of  grape  and  canister  astern.  A  con 
flict  so  fearfully  close,  and  so  deadly,  was  necessarily  short.  In 
fifteen  or  twenty  minutes  after  the  Niagara  bore  up,  a  hail  was  passed 
among  the  small  vessels,  to  say  that  the  enemy  had  struck,  and  an 
officer  of  the  Queen  Charlotte  appeared  on  the  taffrail  of  that  ship, 
waving  a  white  handkerchief,  bent  to  a  boarding-pike. 

As  soon  as  the  smoke  cleared  away,  the  two  squadrons  were  found 
partly  intermingled.  The  Niagara  lay  to  leeward  of  the  Detroit, 
Queen  Charlotte,  and  Hunter,  and  the  Caledonia,  with  one  or  two 
of  the  gun-vessels,  was  between  the  latter  and  the  Lady  Prevost. 
On  board  the  Niagara,  the  signal  for  close  action  was  still  abroad, 
while  the  small  vessels  were  sternly  wearing  their  answering  flags. 
The  Little  Belt  and  Chippeway  were  endeavouring  to  escape  to 
leeward,  but  they  were  shortly  after  brought  to  by  the  Scorpion  and 
Trippe  ;  while  the  Lawrence  was  lying  astern  and  to  windward, 
with  the  American  colours  again  flying.  The  battle  had  commenced 
about  noon,  and  it  terminated  at  3,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  shots 
fired  at  the  two  vessels  that  attempted  to  escape,  which  were  not 
overtaken  until  an  hour  later. 

In  this  decisive  action,  so  far  as  their  people  were  concerned,  the 
two  squadrons  suffered  in  nearly  an  equal  degree,  the  manner  in 
which  the  Lawrence  was  cut  up,  being  almost  without  an  example 
in  naval  warfare.  It  is  understood  that  when  Captain  Perry  left  her, 
she  had  but  one  gun  on  her  starboard  side,  or  that  on  which  she  was 
engaged,  which  could  be  used,  and  that  gallant  officer  is  said  to  have 
aided  in  firing  it  in  person,  the  last  time  it  was  discharged.  Of  her 
crew  22  were  killed,  and  61  were  wounded,  most  of  the  latter  severely. 
When  Captain  Perry  left  with  his  brother  and  six  of  his  people,  there 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  193 

remained  on  board  but  a  very  few  sound  men.  The  Niagara  had  2 
killed,  and  25  wounded,  or  about  one-fourth  of  all  at  quarters.* 
The  other  vessels  suffered  relatively  less.  The  Caledonia,  Lieuten 
ant  Turner,  though  carried  into  the  hottestof  the  action,  and  entirely 
without  quarters,  had  3  men  wounded ;  the  Trippe.  Lieutenant 
Holdup,f  which,  for  some  time,  was  quite  as  closely  engaged,  and 
was  equally  without  quarters,  had  2  men  wounded ;  the  Somers, 
Mr.  Almy,  the  same;  the  Ariel,  Lieutenant  Packett,  had  1  man 
killed  and  3  wounded  ;  the  Scorpion,  Mr.  Champlin,  had  2  killed, 
one  of  whom  was  a  midshipman  ;  the  Tigress,  Lieutenant  Conklin, 
and  Porcupine,  Mr.  Senatt,  had  no  one  hurt.  The  total  loss  of  the 
squadron  was  27  killed,  and  96  wounded,  or  altogether,  123  men  ; 
of  whom  12  were  quarter-deck  officers.  More  than  a  hundred 
men  were  unfit  for  duty,  among  the  different,  vessels,  previously  to 
the  action,  cholera  morbus  and  dysentery  prevailing  in  the  squadron. 
Captain  Perry  himself,  was  labouring  under  debility,  from  a  recent 
attack  of  the  lake  fever,  and  could  hardly  be  said  to  be  in  a  proper 
condition  for  service,  when  he  met  the  enemy,  a  circumstance  that 
greatly  enhances  the  estimate  of  his  personal  exertions,  on  this 
memorable  occasion.  Among  the  Americans  slain  were  Lieutenant 
Brooks,  the  commanding  marine  officer,  and  Messrs.  Laub  and 
Clark,  midshipmen  ;  and  among  the  wounded,  Messrs.  Yarnall  and 
Forrest,  the  first  and  second  lieutenants  of  the  Lawrence,  Mr.  Taylor, 
master,  Mr.  Hambleton,  purser,  and  Messrs.  Swartwout  and  Clax- 
ton,  midshipmen.  Mr.  Edwards,  2d  lieut.  of  the  Niagara,  and  Mr. 
Cummings,  a  midshipman,  were  also  wounded. 

For  two  hours,  the  weight  of  the  enemy's  fire  had  been  thrown 
into  the  Lawrence;  and  the  water  being  perfectly  smooth,  his  long 
guns  had  committed  great  havoc,  before  the  carronades  of  the  Amer 
ican  vessels  could  be  made  available.  For  much  of  this  period,  it  is 
believed  that  the  efforts  of  the  enemy  were  little  diverted,  except  by 
the  fire  of  the  two  leading  schooners,  a  gun  of  one  of  which  (the 
Ariel)  had  early  bursted,  the  two  long  guns  of  the  brigs,  and  the  two 
long  guns  of  the  Caledonia.  Although  the  enemy  undoubtedly 
suffered  by  this  fire,  it  was  not  directed  at  a  single  object,  as  was  the 
case  with  that  of  the  English,  who  appeared  to  think,  that  by  des 
troying  the  American  commanding  vessel,  they  would  conquer.  It 
is  true  that  carronades  were  used  on  both  sides,  at  an  earlier  stage 
of  the  action  than  that  mentioned,  but  there  is  good  reason  for  think 
ing  that  they  did  but  little  execution  for  the  first  hour.  When  they 
did  tell,  the  Lawrence,  the  vessel  nearest  to  the  enemy,  if  the  Cale 
donia  be  excepted,  necessarily  became  their  object,  and,  by  this  time, 

*This  was  the  official  account,  made  up  on  the  reports  of  subordinates.  Her  own  sur 
geon,  however,  has  since  stated  under  oath,  that  5  -were  killed  and  near  30  wounded, 
including  the  flight  hurts.  The  pretence  that  the  erroneous  report  was  sent  to  Captain 
Perry  by  Captain  Elliott  is  entitled  to  no  respect.  All  reports  of  this  nature  pass  through. 
the  captain  of  a  vessel  of  war,  trom  the  pursers  and  medical  officers.  Neither  Captain 
Perry  nor  Captain  Elliott  was  probably  in  the  least  censurable  for  the  error,  which 
originated  with  some  medical  officer  or  other,  though  not  the  surgeon  of  the  brig,  who  was 
too  ill  to  make  any  such  report,  when  the  letter  was  sent.  The  scattered  state  of  the 
crew  might  account  for  the  mistake. 

tThe  late  Captain  Holdup-Stevens. 


194  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813, 


the  efficiency  of  her  own  battery  was  much  lessened.  As  a  conse 
quence  of  these  peculiar  circumstances,  her  starboard  bulwarks  were 
nearly  beaten  in  ;  and  even  her  larboard  were  greatly  injured,  many 
of  the  enemy's  heavy  shot  passing  through  both  sides;  while  every 
gun  was  finally  disabled  in  the  batteries  fought.  Although  much 
has  been  justly  said  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Bon  Homme  Richard 
and  the  Essex  were  injured,  neither  of  these  ships  suffered,  relatively, 
in  a  degree  proportioned  to  the  Lawrence.  Distinguished  as  were 
the  two  former  vessels,  for  the  indomitable  resolution  with  which  they 
withstood  the  destructive  fire  directed  against  them,  it  did  not  sur 
pass  that  manifested  on  board  the  latter ;  and  it  ought  to  be  mentioned, 
that  throughout  the  whole  of  this  trying  day,  her  people,  who  had 
been  so  short  a  time  acting  together,  manifested  a  steadiness  and  a 
discipline  worthy  of  veterans. 

Although  the  Niagara  suffered  in  a  much  less  degree,  even  27  men 
killed  and  wounded,  in  a  ship's  company  that  mustered  little  more 
than  100  souls  at  quarters,  under  ordinary  circumstances,  would  be 
thought  a  large  proportion.  Neither  the  Niagara  nor  any  of  the 
smaller  vessels  were  injured  in  an  unusual  manner  in  their  hulls, 
spars,  and  sails,  the  enemy  having  expended  so  much  of  his  efforts 
against  the  Lawrence,  and  being  so  soon  silenced  when  that  brig  and 
the  gun-vessels  got  their  raking  positions,  at  the  close  of  the  conflict. 

The  injuries  sustained  by  the  English  were  more.clivided,  but  were 
necessarily  great.  According  to  the  official  report  of  Captain  Bar 
clay,  his  vessels  lost  41  killed,  and  94  wounded,  making  a  total  of 
135,  including  twelve  officers,  the  precise  number  lost  by  the  Ame 
ricans.  No  report  has  been  published,  in  which  the  loss  of  the  re 
spective  vessels  was  given,  but  the  Detroit  had  her  first  lieutenant 
killed,  and  her  commander,  Captain  Barclay,  with  her  purser,  wound 
ed.  Captain  Finnis,  of  the  Queen  Charlotte  was  also  slain,  and  her 
first  lieutenant  was  wounded.  The  commanding  officer  and  first 
lieutenant  of  the  Lady  Prevost  were  among  the  wounded,  as  were  the 
commanding  officers  of  the  Hunter  and  Chippeway.  All  the  vessels 
were  a  good  deal  injured  in  their  sails  and  hulls;  the  Queen  Char 
lotte  suffering  most  in  proportion.  Both  the  Detroit  and  Queen 
Charlotte,  however,  rolled  the  masts  out  of  them,  at  anchor  at.  Put-in 
Bay,  in  a  gale  of  wind,  two  days  after  the  action. 

It  is  not  easy  to  make  a  just  comparison  between  the  forces  of  the 
hostile  squadrons,  on  this  occasion.  In  certain  situations  the  Ame 
ricans  would  have  been  materially  superior,  while  in  others  the  enemy 
might  possess  the.^advantage  in  perhaps  an  equal  degree.*  In  the 

*  Such  was  the  opinion  of  the  author,  when  this  work  was  originally  prepared  for  the 
piess.  More  accurate  intelligence,  however,  has  satisfied  him,  that  the  disparity  of  force 
was  greater  in  favour  of  the  Americans  than  he  had  first  supposed.  The  Lawrence  and 
Niagara  measured  110  feet  on  deck,  and  had  more  than  29  feet  of  moulded  beam  ;  or  were 
of  about  450  tons,  carpenter's  measurement.  Authentic  accounts  from  the  custom  house 
show  that  the  Detroit  and  Charlotte  were  less  than  100  feet  on  deck,  and  each  had  less 
than  27  feet  of  beam.  The  Prevost  and  Hunter  were  much  lighter  vessels  than  has  been 
generally  supposed,  and  the  armament  of  the  last  was  very  insignificant.  When  we  come 
to  consider  the  matter,  in  connection  with  the  metal,  however,  jt  is  that  the  superiority  of 
the  Americans  was  most  apparent ;  as  the  following  analysis  will  show. 

In  the  first  place,  though  the  English  had  63  guns  to  54  of  the  Americans,  in  corise 
quenee  of  so  many  of  the  guns  of  the  last  being  on  pivots,  each  fought  just  34  in  broad 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  195 

circumstances  under  which  the  action  was  actually  fought,  the  pe 
culiar  advantages  and  disadvantages  were  nearly  equalised,  the  light 
ness  of  the  wind,  preventing  either  of  the  two  largest  of  the  American 
vessels  from  profiting  by  its  peculiar  mode  of  efficiency,  until  quite 
near  the  close  of  the  engagement,  and  particularly  favouring  the 
armament  of  the  Detroit;  while  the  smoothness  of  the  water  render 
ed  the  light  vessels  of  the  Americans  very  destructive,  as  soon  as  they 
could  be  got  within  a  proper  range.  The  Detroit  has  been  repre 
sented  on  good  authority,  to  have  been  both  a  heavier  and  stronger 
ship  than  either  of  the  American  brigs,  and  the  Queen  Charlotte 
proved  to  be  a  much  finer  vessel  than  had  been  expected  ;  while  the 
Lady  Prevost  was  found  to  be  a  large,  warlike  schooner.  It  was, 
perhaps  unfortunate  for  the  enemy,  that  the  armaments  of  the  two 
last  were  not  available  under  the  circumstances  which  rendered  the 
Detroit  so  efficient,  as  it  destroyed  the  unity  of  his  efforts.  In  short, 

side.     In  the  number  of  available  guns,  therefore,  the  parties  were  equal. 

Allowing:  that  the  English  got  as  many  of  their  heaviest  guns  in  broadside,  at  a  time, 
as  was  possible,  and  that  the  Amercans  did  the  same,  though  the  last  had  only  to  shift 
over  one  chase-gun  in  each  of  the  longest  brigs  to  do  this,  as  they  are  known  to  have  done, 
the  long  guns  would  stand  as  follows,  viz  : 

American.  English. 

3  32's  2  24's 

4  24's  1  18 

8  12's  8  12's 

5  9's 

15  guns,          288  Ibs.  metal.  7  6's 

23  guns,        249  Ibs.  metal. 

No  one  can  deny  that  15  long  guns,  which  throw  288  Ibs.  of  metal,  or  an  average  of 
19  Ibs.  a  gun,  are  very  essentially  superior  in  a  naval  action,  to  23  guns,  which  throw 
249  Ibs.  of  metal;  or  an  average  of  less  than  10  Ibs.  a  gun.  In  this  estimate,  all  the 
heaviest  of  the  English  guns,  moreover,  are  counted:  That  is  to  say,  the  Detroit  had.  of 
broadside  long  guns,  2  24's;  6  12's,  and  8  9's.  She  had  also  2  carronades.  Now,  in  this 
estimate  we  make  her  9  guns  in  broadside  to  consist  of  the  2  24's,  the  6  12's  and  1  of  the 
9's,  or  give  her  the  heaviest  metal  she  could  by  possibility  use. 

As  great  stress  has  been  laid  on  the  superiority  of  the  English  in  long  guns,  we  will 
make  another  comparison.  Each  party  had  just  8  long  12's.  These  equalize  each  other; 
and  putting  them  aside,  we  find  the  Americans  with  3  long  32's  and  4  long  24's,  or  7 
guns  averaging  more  than  27  Ibs.  of  shot  each,  to  cope  with  a  force  of  2  long  24's,  1  do. 
18,  5  do.  9's,  and  7  do.  6's;  or  15  long  guns  averaging  10  Ibs.  each.  Again,  we  will 
deduct  3  of  the  American  24's  for  the  two  English  24's  and  the  18  Ib.  gun.  This  will 
leave  the  Americans  3  32's  and  1  24,  or  4  guns,  throwing  an  average  of  30  Ibs.  of  metal  ? 
gun,  to  cope  with  5  9'a,  and  7  6's ;  or  12  guns,  throwing  an  average  of  7  1-2  Ibs.  of  metal 
a  gun.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  where  the  superiority  lies. 

In  carronades,  the  account  stands  thus  in  broadside  ;  after  allowing  for  as  many  long 
guns  as  could  be  used,  as  already  stated. 

American.  English. 

19  32's  6  24's 
1                    24.                                   4  12's. 

20  guns,         632  Ibs.  of  metal.          10  guns,         192  Ibs.  of  metal. 

If  the  broadside  guns  are  calculated,  in  the  manner  in  which  they  were  ordinarily 
mounted,  and  without  reference  to  the  circumstances  of  shifting  over  the  heaviest  of  the 
long  guns  to  meet  the  exingencies  of  such  a  combat,  the  comparison  would  be  still  more 
in  favour  of  the  Americans.  Thus,  of  the  33  long  guns  of  the  English,  23  throw  an  average 
of  only  7  Ibs.  of  metal  each,  or  159  Ibs.  altogether,  which  was  more  than  equalled  by  11, 
or  less  than  half  of  the  lightest  American  long  guns. 

In  these  estimates,  we  have  followed  Captain  Barclay's  account  of  his  own  force,  given 
in  great  detail,  and  presume  the  facts  to  be  very  nearly,  if  not  absolutely  correct.  As  we 
have  used  care,  in  making  our  estimates,  we  think  they  will  stand  the  test  of  the  closest 
examination,  or  any  argument  that  can  be  brought  against  them,  with  the  exception  of 
a  mistatement  of  the  facts. 


196  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813 

the  battle,  for  near  half  its  duration,  appears  to  have  been  fought,  so 
far  as  efficiency  was  concerned,  by  the  long  guns  of  the  two  squad 
rons.  This  was  particularly  favourable  to  the  Detroit  and  to  the 
American  gun-vessels ;  while  the  latter  fought  under  the  advantages 
of  smooth  water,  and  the  disadvantages  of  having  no  quarters.  The 
sides  of  the  Detroit,  which  were  unusually  stout,  were  filled  with  shot 
that  did  not  penetrate.* 

In  the  number  of  men  at  quarters,  there  could  have  been  no  great 
disparity  in  the  two  squadrons.  Mr.  Yarnall,  the  first  lieutenant  of 
the  Lawrence,  testified  before  a  court  of  inquiry,  in  1815,  that  the 
brig  to  which  he  belonged  had  but  "  131  men  and  boys,  of  every 
description"  on  board  her,  and  that  of  these  but  103  were  fit  for  duty 
in  the  action.  The  Niagara  was  nearly  in  the  same  state.  A  part 
of  the  crews  of  all  the  vessels  belonged  to  the  militia.  Indeed,  with 
out  a  large  proportion  of  volunteers  from  the  army,  the  battle  could 
not  have  been  fought.  The  British  were  no  better  off,  having  a  con 
siderable  proportion  of  soldiers  on  board  their  vessels,  though  men  of 
that  description  were  probably  as  efficient  in  smooth  water,  and  under 
the  actual  circumstances,  as  ordinary  sailors.  Stress  was  laid  at  the 
time,  on  the  fact  that  a  portion  of  the  British  crews  were  provincials, 
but  the  history  of  this  continent  is  filled  with  instances  in  which  men 
of  that  character  have  gained  battles,  which  went  to  increase  the  re 
nown  of  the  mother  country,  without  obtaining  any  credit  for  it.  The 
hardy  frontier  men  of  the  American  lakes,  are  as  able  to  endure 
fatigue,  as  ready  to  engage,  and  as  constant  in  battle,  as  the  seamen 
of  any  marine  in  the  world.  They  merely  require  good  leaders, 
and  these  the  English  appear  to  have  possessed  in  Captain  Barclay 
and  his  assistants. 

Captain  Perry,  in  his  report  of  the  action,  eulogised  the  conduct 
of  his  second  in  command,  Captain  Elliott,  that  of  Mr.  Turner,  who 
commanded  the  Caledonia,  and  that  of  the  officers  of  his  own  vessel. 
He  also  commended  the  officers  of  the  Niagara,  Mr.  Packett  of  the 
Ariel,  and  Mr.  Champlin  of  the  Scorpion.  It  is  now  believed  that 

*The  larboard  side  of  the  Detroit  is  stated  to  have  had  so  many  shot  sticking  in  it,  and  so 
many  mere  indentations,  that  doubts  have  been  suggested  as  to  the  quality  of  the  American 
powder.  It  is  probable,  however,  the  circumstance  arose  from  the  distance,  which,  for 
a  long  time,  was  not  within  fair  carronade  range,  especially  with  grape,  or  canister,  over 
round  shot.  [Note  to  Jirst  edition.} 

Since  •writing  the  above,  evidence  of  the  most  satisfactory  character,  has  been  sent  to 
the  author,  to  prove  that  the  conjecture  contained  in  the  close  of  the  foregoing  note  to  1st 
and  2d  editions,  is  true.  Mr.  Dobbins,  who  commanded  the  Ohio,  on  Lake  Erie,  states 
that  a  British  officer  told  him  on  board  the  Detroit,  a  day  or  two  after  the  action,  that  the 
Lawrence's  guns  must  have  been  much  overshotted,  as  the  round  shot  frequently  struck 
his  ship,  and  rebounded  into  the  water.  Mr.  Dobbins  further  says,  that  the  officers  of  the 
Lawrence  admitted  to  him,  that  they  generally  shotted  with  round,  grape  and  canister, 
and  sometimes  with  a  langrage  over  all !  Had  the  experience  of  the  officers  of  the 
Lawrence  been  greater,  they  would  have  understood,  that  a  carronade  will  scarcely  bear 
two  shot,  at  the  distance  at  which  they  engaged,  much  less  three  and  four. 

There -would  seem  to  be  no  doubt,  that  the  English  suffered  very  little  from  the 
fire  of  the  Lawrence.  Their  loss  was  principally  from  the  heavy  guns  of  the  gun- 
vessels.  The  loss  of  the  Lawrence  is  at  once  explained  by  this  circumstance  ;  a  vessel 
that  was  the  principal  aim  of  several  vessels  of  the  enemy,  and  whose  fire  was  of  little 
effect,  necessarily  becoming  a  target  for  her  foes.  It  was  an  error  often  committed  in 
the  last  war,  to  overcharge  carronades,  the  men  having  a  disposition  to  send  as  heavy  a 
'  grist"  as  possible  against  the  enemy. 


1813. j  NAVAL  HISTORY.  197 


the  omission  of  the  names  of  the  commanders  of  the  gun  vessels  astern, 
was  accidental.  It  would  seem  that  these  vessels,  in  general,  were 
conducted  with  great  gallantry.  Towards  the  close  of  the  action, 
indeed,  the  Caledonia,  and  some  of  the  gun-vessels  would  appear  to 
have  been  handled  with  a  boldness,  considering  their  total  want  of 
quarters,  bordering  on  temerity.  They  are  known  to  have  been 
within  hail  of  the  enemy,  at  the  moment  he  struck,  and  to  have  been 
hailed  by  him.  The  grape  and  canister  thrown  by  the  Niagara  and 
the  schooners,  during  the  last  ten  minutes  of  the  battle,  and  which 
missed  the  enemy,  rattled  through  the  spars  of  the  friendly  vessels, 
as  they  lay  opposite  to  each  other,  raking  the  English  ahead  and 
astern. 

Captain  Perry  was  criticised,  at  the  time,  for  the  manner  in  which 
he  had  brought  his  squadron  into  action,  it  being  thought  he  should 
have  waited  until  his  line  was  more  compactly  formed,  and  his  small 
vessels  could  have  closed.  It  has  been  said,  that  "an  officer  sel 
dom  went  into  action  worse,  or  got  out  of  it  better."  Truth  is  too 
often  made  the  sacrifice  of  antithesis.  The  mode  of  attack  appears 
to  have  been  deemed  by  the  enemy  judicious,  an  opinion  that  speaks 
in  its  favour.  The  lightness  of  the  wind,  in  edging  iown,  was  the 
only  circumstance  that  was  particularly  adverse  to  the  American 
vessels,  butits  total  failure  could  not  have  been  foreseen.  The  short 
ness  of  the  distance  on  the  lake  rendered  escape  so  easy,  when  an 
officer  was  disposed  to  avoid  a  battle,  that  no  commander,  who  de 
sired  an  action,  would  have  been  pardonable  for  permitting  a  delay 
on  such  a  plea.  The  line  of  battle  was  highly  judicious,  the  manner 
in  which  the  Lawrence  was  supported  by  the  Ariel  and  Scorpion 
being  simple  and  ingenious.  By  steering  for  the  head  of  the  enemy's 
line,  the  latter  was  prevented  from  gaining  the  wind  by  tacking,  and 
when  Captain  Elliott  imitated  this  manoauvre  in  the  Niagara,  the 
American  squadron  had  a  very  commanding  position,  of  which  Cap 
tain  Perry  promptly  availed  himself.  In  a  word,  the  American 
commander  appears  to  have  laid  his  plan  with  skill  and  judgment, 
and,  in  all  in  which  it  was  frustrated,  it  would  seem  to  have  been  the 
effect  of  accident.  There  has  never  been  but  one  opinion  of  the 
manner  in  which  he  redeemed  his  error,  even  admitting  that  a  fault 
was  made  at  the  outset,  the  united  movements  of  the  Niagara  and  of 
the  small  vessels,  at  the  close  of  the  action,  having  been  as  judicious 
as  they  were  gallant  and  decisive.  The  personal  deportment  of  Cap 
tain  Perry,  throughout  the  day,  was  worthy  of  all  praise.*  He  did 

*  Popular  opinion,  which  is  too  apt  to  confound  distinctions  in  such  matters,  usually 
attaches  the  idea  of  more  gallantry  to  the  mere  act  of  passing  in  a  boat  from  one  vessel  to 
another,  during  an  action,  than  'in  fighting  on  a  vessel's  deck.  This  was  the  least  of 
Perry's  merits.  Captain  Elliott  was  much  longer  in  the  same  boat,  and  passed  nearly 
through  the  whole  line  twice  ;  and  Mr.  M'Grath  had  left  the  Niagara  for  one  of  the  other 
vessels,  In  quest  of  shot,  before  Captain  Perry  quitted  the  Lawrence.  A  boat  also  passed 
twice,  if  not  three  times,  from  the  Caledonia  to  the  Trippe  in  the  height  of  the  engage 
ment,  and  others,  quite  likely,  were  sent  from  vessel  to  vessel.  Captain  Perry's  merit 
was  an  indomitable  resolution  not  to  be  conquered,  and  the  manner  in  which  he  sought 
new  modes  of  victory,  when  the  old  ones  failed  him.  The  position  taken  by  the  Niagara, 
at  the  close  of  the  affair,  the  fact,  that  he  sought  the  best  means  of  repairing  his  loss,  and 
the  motive  with  which  he  passed  from  vessel  to  vessel,  constitute  his  claims  to  admiration. 
There  was,  no  doubt,  a  personal  risk,  in  all  the  boats,  but  there  was  personal  risk  every 
where  on  such  an  occasion. 


198  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1813. 

not  quit  his  own  vessel  when  she  became  useless,  to  retire  from  the 
battle,  but  to  gain  it;  an  end  that  was  fully  obtained,  and  which  re 
sulted  in  a  triumph. 

The  British  vessels  appear  to  have  been  gallantly  fought,  and  were 
surrendered  only  when  the  battle  was  hopelessly  lost.  The  fall  of 
their  different  commanders  was  materially  against  them,  though  it  is 
not  probable  the  day  could  have  been  recovered  after  the  Niagara 
gained  the  head  of  their  line  and  the  gun-vessels  had  closed.  If  the 
enemy  made  an  error,  it  was  in  not  tacking  when  he  attempted  to 

The  foregoing  portion  of  this  note  has  been  the  subject  of  divers  attacks  on  the  historian, 
it  having  been  pretended  its  intention  was  to  add  to  the  reputation  of  Captain  I^lliott  at 
the  expense  of  that  of  Captain  Perry.  It  is  a  little  remarkable  that  this  should  be  said 
while  no  one  disputes  the  facts  ;  or,  no  one  on  any  show  of  authority.  The  following 
explanation  will,  it  is  hoped,  set  the  whole  matter  in  its  true  colours,  before  the  reader. 

Vulgar  opinion  had  attached  a  degree  of  importance  to  the  personal  risk  incurred  by 
those  who  moved  about  in  boats,  on  this  occasion,  that  far  exceeded  its  real  magnitude. 
But,  whatever  may  have  been  the  amount  of  this  risk,  it  is  not  easy  to  show  why  Mr. 
M'Grath,  who  went  from  the  Niagara  to  the  Lawrence,  in  a  boat,  before  Captain  Perry 
went  from  the  Lawrence  to  the  Niagara,  should  not  have  just  as  much  credit  for  the 
exploit,  as  his  commanding  officer.  The  same  is  true  of  every  officer  and  man  who  went 
in  boats  that  day.  This  is  so  obviously  just  as  to  require  no  argument. 

But,  the  real  object  of  the  note,  was  to  take  Captain  Perry  out  of  the  category  of  those 
who  did  this  particular  service,  and  to  point  out  the  real  distinction  he  had  gained.  So 
long  as  his  merit  was  confined  to  the  mere  gallantry  of  passing  in  a  boat,  he  ought,  in  all 
equity,  to  share  the  credit  with  those  who  passed  with  him,  as  well  as  with  those  who 
were  in  the  other  boats.  The  motive  wns  Captain  Perry 's  alone ;  the  risk,  he  shared  with 
others;  though  it  is  not  probable  that  the  risk  in  the  boats  was  half  as  much  as  when  the 
parlies  were  on  the  decks  of  their  respective  vessels. 

It  has  been  pretended  that  the  feat  of  shifting  a  flag  during  an  engagement,  was  almost 
peculiar  to  Captain  Perry.  This  is  very  far  from  being  true,  though  the  examples  neither 
add  to,  nor  lessen  that  officer's  merit.  The  Duke  of  York  shifted  his  flag,  in  the  battle 
of  Solebay,  and  in  the  celebrated  battle  off  the  Texel,  fought  August  llth,  1673.  Sprague, 
one  of  the  English  admirals,  not  only  shifted  his  flag  from  the  Royal  Prince  to  the  St. 
George,  on  account  of  the  damages  sustained  by  the  former,  but  quitted  the  St.  George 
also,  after  she  was  cut  to  pieces,  and  actually  lost  his  life  in  passing  towards  a  third 
vessel,  with  the  intention  of  hoisting  his  flag  on  board  her.  In  the  same  action,  Van 
Tromp,  shifted  his  flag  from  the  Golden  Lion  to  the  Comet,  and  for  a  similar  reason.  In 
actions  of  the  character  of  that  on  Lake  Erie,  or  flotilla  combats,  many  commanders  have 
been  passing  from  vessel  to  vessel  most  of  the  time.  If  the  mere  personal  exposure  be 
insisted  on,  as  Captain  Perry's  great  merit,  in  this  affair,  his  friends  must  be  content  to 
place  him  much  lower  than  even  several  American  officers.  Commodore  Chauncey  pulled 
through  a  warm  fire,  in  the  attack  on  Little  York,  going  the  whole  length  of  his  line  ;  and 
in  the  battle  of  Plattsburg  Bay,  the  present  Commander  Plait,  had  a  heavy  shot  pass 
through  his  boat,  while  sent  on  duty  in  the  heat  of  the  combat.  Boats  were  in  the  water, 
in  several  of  ihe  sharp  affairs  before  Tripoli,  and  ihe  late  Commodore  Creighton,  then  a 
master's  mate  of  the  John  Adams,  had  a  boat  sunk  under  him,  wilh  several  of  her  crew 
killed  and  wounded.  What  was  the  personal  risk  of  Captain  Perry,  or,  for  that  matter, 
of  any  one  who  went  in  a  boat,  during  the  battle  of  Lake  Erie,  to  thai  of  the  present 
Captain  Gregory,  when  a  lieutenanl,  who  had  five  men  out  of  eight,  killed  and  wounded 
in  his  boat,  before  he  would  suffer  himself  to  be  taken  by  enemies  of  four  times  his  force. 

The  temper  in  which  the  subject  of  this  note  has  been  trealed,  may  be  seen  in  ihe 
following  facts.  Commander  M'Kenzie,  in  the  appendix  to  his  life  of  Perry,  first  accuses 
the  author  of  being  insensible  to  Perry's  merit  on  this  occasion,  and  to  justify  his  asser 
tion,  affects  to  quote  the  nole  itself,  which  he  calls  artful,  and  "  framed  to  disparage 
Perry  and  magnify  Elliott" 

He  then  pretends  to  give  the  note,  but  instead  of  quoting  it  entire  to  let  it  speak  for 
itself,  first  using  language  to  induce  the  reader  to  suppose  he  does  quote  the  whole  note, 
he  closes  his  quotation  at  the  words  "  the  whole  line  twice ;"  placing  a  period  where  the 
writer  had  put  only  a  semi-colon,  and  omitting  not  only  all  that  is  said  of  the  real  merit 
of  Perry,  but  all  also  that  is  said  of  any  boat  other  than  those  of  Perry  and  Elliott.  The 
principal  omission  is  so  material  as  to  change  the  whole  character  of  the  note,  and  has 
die  direct  effect  of  a  misquotation ;  while  the  omission  of  the  pai  i,  which  speaks  of  the  last 
named  boats,  is  obviously  intended  to  make  it  appear  that  the  writer  had  no  other  object 
in  view  than  to  glorify  Captain  Elliott. 

Any  one  who  will  read  our  note,  and  then  read  Captain  M'Kenzie's  comments  on  it, 
coupled  with  his  quotation,  can  see  for  himself  how  fairly  that  writer  deals  with  contro 
versy,  and  how  completely  he  is  disqualified  to  deal  with  history. 


1813.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  199 

ware,  but  it  is  quite  probable  that  the  condition  of  his  vessels  did  not 
admit  of  the  former  manoeuvre.  There  was  an  instant  when  the 
enemy  believed  himself  the  conquerer,  and  a  few  minutes  even,  when 
the  Americans  doubted,  though  they  never  despaired;  but  a  moment 
sufficed  to  change  their  feelings,  teaching  the  successful  the  fickleness 
of  fortune,  and  admonishing  the  depressed  of  the  virtue  of  perse 
verance. 

For  his  conduct  in  this  battle,  Captain  Perry  received  a  gold  medal 
from  Congress.  Captain  Elliott  also  received  a  gold  medal.  Re 
wards  were  bestowed  on  the  officers  and  men  generally,  and  the 
nation  has  long  considered  this  action  one  of  its  proudest  achieve 
ments  on  the  water. 

The  results  of  the  victory  were  instantaneous  and  of  high  impor 
tance.  The  four  smallest  of  the  prizes  were  fitted  as  transports,  and, 
the  Lawrence  excepted,  the  American  squadron  was  employed  in  the 
same  duty.  The  English  had  evacuated  Detroit,  and  with  it  Michi 
gan,  and  on  the  23d  of  September,  the  squadron  conveyed  a  body 
of  1200  men  to  the  vicinity  of  Maiden,  in  Upper  Canada,  of  which 
place  they  took  possession ;  and  on  the  27th,  Captain  Perry  ascended 
to  Detroit  in  the  Ariel,  and  re-occupied  that  town,  in  conjunction  with 
the  army.  A  day  or  two  later,  Captain  Elliott,  with  the  Niagara, 
Lady  Prevost,  Scorpion,  and  Tigress,  went  into  Lake  St.  Clair  to 
cut  off  the  enemy's  baggage.  On  the  2d  of  October  a  part  of  the 
vessels  assembled  at  the  mouth  of  the  Thames,  with  stores  for  the 
army,  and,  as  the  latter  advanced,  Captain  Elliott  ascended  the 
stream,  with  the  Scorpion,  Porcupine,  and  Tigress,  until  he  reached 
a  point  where  the  banks  of  the  river  rendered  it  too  hazardous  to  go 
any  farther,  by  exposing  the  vessels  to  the  fire  of  the  Indians.  The 
battle  of  the  Moravian  Towns  was  fought  on  the  5th  of  the  same 
month,  when  the  savages  received  a  severe  rebuke,  and  nearly  the 
whole  of  the  right  wing  of  the  British  army  in  the  Canadas,  laid 
down  their  arms  on  the  field,  under  a  charge  of  the  American  mounted 
volunteers.  After  this  success,  which  placed  most  of  the  upper  part 
of  the  province  in  the  hands  of  the  conquerors,  the  vessels  were  em 
ployed  in  bringing  away  the  ammunition  and  other  captured  stores. 
October  ]8th,  General  Harrison  and  Captain  Perry,  the  latter  of 
whom  had  been  present  at  the  battle  on  shore,  issued  a  joint  procla 
mation,  for  the  better  government  of  the  conquered  territory,  assuring 
to  the  people  their  ancient  laws  and  usages,  and  the  rights  of  property. 

On  the  23d  of  October,  the  squadron  transported  the  army  of  Gen 
eral  Harrison  to  Buffalo,  and  on  the  25th,  Captain  Perry  resigned 
the  command  of  the  upper  lakes  to  Captain  Elliott,  repairing  himself 
to  the  sea-board.  November  29th,  this  gallant  and  successful  officer, 
received  the  commission  of  a  captain,  which  was  dated  on  the  day 
of  the  victory,  and  soon  after  he  was  appointed  to  the  command  of 
the  Java  44,  a  new  frigate,  then  fitting  for  sea  at  Baltimore.* 

*  There  is  a  letter  on  file  in  the  Navy  Department,  in  which  Captain  Perry,  who  had 
only  been  a  commander  about  a  year,  expresses  some  doubts  of  the  propriety  of  accept 
ing  this  rank  over  the  heads  of  his  seniors,  and  his  readiness  to  yield  to  their  claims. 


200  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

Operations  on  Lake  Ontario — Three  new  ships  laid  down  at  Sackett's  Harbour — Sick 
ness,  and  state  of  the  service — Capt.  Sinclair  appointed  to  command  on  the  upper  lakes 
— Launch  of  the  Superior— Force  of  Sir  James  Yeo—Oswego— Descent  of  the  British 
— Spirited  though  hopeless  defence  under  Lieut.  Col.  Mitchell — Loss  of  the  Growler 
— Blockade  of  Sackett's  Harbour — Reinforcements  from  the  sea-board — Attempt  on 
Sandy  Creek,  with  loss — Launch  of  the  Mohawk — Lieut.  Gregory  captures  a  gun 
boat,  and  destroys  the  enemy's  cruiser,  building  at  Presque  Isle — American  force — 
The  British  run  the  Charwell  ashore  and  blow  her  up — Sir  James  Yeo  is  six  days 
blockaded  in  Kingston — Capture  of  Lieut.  Gregory  and  crew — Attempts  to  draw  the 
enemy  out — The  enemy's  new  ship  St.  Lawrence — Attempt  to  blow  her  up. 

THE  winter  of  1813-14  was  passed  at  Sackett's  Harbour  and 
Kingston,  in  building  vessels  for  the  ensuing  summer,  and  in  vigilant 
watchfulness,  lest  the  opposing  force  might  attempt  to  obtain  the 
command  of  the  lake  by  a  coup  de  main,  while  the  vessels  were  on 
the  stocks.  Kingston  had  been  made  very  strong,  by  means  of 
works,  while  the  fortifications  at  the  Harbour  were  of  little  moment. 
As  the  lake  was  frozen  from  one  place  to  the  other,  and  sleighs  could 
pass  in  a  few  hours,  the  Americans  were  kept  constantly  on  the  alert 
to  guard  against  a  surprise.  The  dispositions  of  Commodore 
Chauncey,  for  this  purpose,  were  of  the  most  judicious  nature  ;  and 
they  so  far  commanded  the  respect  of  the  enemy  that,  though  bent 
on  the  enterprise,  he  never  presumed  to  hazard  the  attempt. 

In  February  three  vessels  were  laid  down  at  the  Harbour,  a  frigate 
of  50  guns,  and  two  large  brigs,  pierced  for  22  guns  each.  As  the 
English  were  known  to  be  building  extensively,  the  timber  was  also 
got  out  for  a  second  frigate.  Commodore  Chauncey  had  been  absent 
at  the  seat  of  government,  and  it  was  near  the  end  of  the  month 
when  he  returned  to  the  Harbour,  where  he  found  that  Captain 
Crane,  his  second  in  command,  and  Mr.  Eckford,  the  builder,  had 
been  very  active  during  his  absence.  Early  in  March  many  desert 
ers  came  in,  who  agreed  in  stating  that  the  largest  of  the  enemy's 
new  ships,  which  had  been  laid  down  the  previous  autumn,  was 
caulked  and  decked,  and  that  she  was  pierced  for  60  guns.  A  third 
ship  was  also  said  to  be  in  preparation.  In  consequence  of  this 
intelligence,  the  size  of  the  first  American  frigate  was  materially 
increased.  March  26th,  the  important  information  was  obtained 
that  the  enemy -had  actually  laid  down  a  two-decked  vessel  of  unusual 
dimensions.  Thus  did  those  inland  waters,  on  which,  until  quite 
lately,  nothing  had  ever  floated  larger  than  a  sloop  of  war,  bid  fair  to 
witness  the  evolutions  of  fleets  ! 

During  the  whole  of  this  winter,  the  sickness  at  the  Harbour  was 
of  the  gravest  character.  For  five  months  there  was  never  less  than 
halfthe  crew  of  the  Madison  on  the  sick  list,  and  she  actually  buried 
about  one  fifth  of  her  people. 

On  the  7th  of  April  one  of  the  new  brigs  was  launched  and  was 
called  the  Jefferson.  Still  the  guns  which  had  left  New  York  two 
months  previously,  had  not  even  reached  Albany.  The  other  brig 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  201 

was  launched  on  tne  loth,  and  was  called  the  Jones.  Not  a  man 
or  gun,  however^  had  yet  arrived.  April  the  llth,  the  enemy  was 
ascertained  to  oe  in  tne  stream,  with  all  his  vessels  of  the  previous 
year,  ready  to  go  out,  and  on  the  14th,  he  put  his  two  frigates  iilto 
the  water.  The  Lady  ot  the  L.aKe  was  sent  out  to  watch  the  mo 
tions  of  the  English,  as  soon  as  the  state  of  the  ice  permitted.  About 
the  close  of  this  month,  the  operations  on  Ontario  having  become  so 
important,  and  the  distance  being  so  great,  Commodore  Chauncey 
was  relieved  from  the  command  of  tne  upper  lakes,  Captain  Sinclair, 
late  of  the  Pike,  being  named  his  successor.  At  the  same  time  Cap 
tain  Elliott  was  ordered  to  Ontario,  ana  was  appointed  to  the  Sylph, 
Captain  Woolsey  being  transferred  to  the  Jones.  The  armament 
of  the  former  vessel,  which  had  proved  so  inefficient  the  previous 
summer,  was  also  altered  to  16  twenty-four-pound  carronades,  in 
regular  broadside,  and  she  was  rigged  into  a  brig. 

April  25th,  while  rowing  guard,  Lieutenant  Dudley  detected  three 
boats  in  the  offing,  and  immediately  fired  inio  them.  The  strangers 
did  not  return  the  fire,  but  pulled  swiftly  away.  Obtaining  a  rein 
forcement,  Mr.  Dudley  gave  chase,  but  could  not  again  fall  in  with 
the  suspicious  party.  The  next  day  there  was  a  close  search,  and 
at  the  spot  where  the  strangers  received  the  fire  of  the  guard-boat, 
six  barrels  of  gunpowder  were  found  in  the  lake,  slung  in  such  a 
mariner,  that  one  man  might  carry  two  at  a  time,  across  his  shoulder?. 
They  had  fuse-holes,  and  were,  no  doubt,  intended  to  blow  up  the 
frigate.  Had  the  adventurers  got  into  the  ship-yard,  they  must  have 
been  foiled,  as  a  lieutenant,  two  midshipmen,  and  ten  men,  were 
every  night  on  watch,  under  the  ship.  The  Madison  was  moored 
so  as  to  rake  beneath  her  bottom,  with  her  guns  loaded  with  musket- 
balls.  There  were  also  double  lines  of  sentinels  without,  and  booms 
in  the  water. 

About  this  time,  when  so  much  depended  on  the  exertions  of  the 
builders,  one  of  the  most  respectable  of  the  ship-wrights,  through 
some  misunderstanding,  was  killed  by  a  sentinel,  and  all  the  car 
penters  on  the  station,  instantly  struck  work.  The  most  disastrous 
consequences,  appeared  inevitable,  but  owing  to  the  energy  of  Mr. 
Eckford,  sustained  by  the  influence  of  the  commodore,  the  feelings 
of  the  men  were  soothed,  and  they  returned  to  their  labour. 

The  command  of  the  lake  was  now  thought  so  important,  by  both 
belligerents,  that  many  ships  were  laid  up  on  the  ocean,  in  order  to 
transfer  their  officers  and  crews  to  this  service  ;  and  on  the  part  of 
the  Americans,  twenty-five  percent,  was  added  to  the  pay  of  all  em 
ployed  on  it.  It  is  believed  that  the  enemy  made  a  similar  provision. 

On  the  2d  of  May,  the  American  frigate  was  launched,  and  she 
was  called  the  Superior.  Another  of  less  size  was  immediately  laid 
down  on  her  blocks.  The  guns  began  to  arrive  at  the  Harbour 
about  the  beginning  of  May,  though  the  heaviest  were  still  finding 
their  way  through  the  imperfect  navigation  of  the  Mohawk  and  Wood 
Creek,  towards  Oswego.  On  the  4th,  the  Lady  of  the  Lake,  Lieu 
tenant  Gregory,  saw  six  sail  of  the  enemy  coming  out  of  Kingston, 
about  dusk,  steering  towards  Amherst  Bay  ;  and  on  the  5th,  the  latter 


202  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

appeared  off  Oswego,  with  seven  sail.  The  greatest  exertions  were 
now  made  to  get  the  Pike,  Madison,  Jefferson,  Sylph,  and  Oneida, 
ready  to  follow  him,  these  being  all  the  vessels  that  had  their  arma 
ments,  the  small  schooners  being  now  pretty  generally  abandoned  as 
cruisers,  on  account  of  their  qualities,  and  converted  into  transports. 
But  a  report  was  received  from  Captain  Woolsey,  then  on  duly  at 
Oswego,  that  one  of  the  new  frigates  was  certainly  in  the  enemy's 
squadron,  and  Mr.  Gregory  brought  in  information  that  he  had  seen 
the  other  off  the  Ducks  the  same  day,  when  Commodore  Chauncey 
abandoned  the  intention  to  go  out,  the  great  superiority  of  the  Eng 
lish  putting  a  battle  out  of  the  question. 

The  active  cruising  force  under  Sir  James  Yeo,  consisted  of  the 
Prince  Regent  58,  Captain  O'Conner,  the  flag-ship,  armed  with  long- 
heavy  guns,  sixty-eight  and  thirty-two-pound  carronades,  and  con 
taining  near  500  men  ;  the  Princess  Charlotte  42,  Captain  Mulcaster, 
having  guns  nearly  or  quite  as  heavy,  and  between  300  and  400 
men ;  the  Montreal,  (late  Wolfe,)  Captain  Downie  ;  the  Niagara, 
(late  Royal  George,)  Captain  Popham ;  the  Charwell,  (late  Moira,) 
Lieutenant  Dobbs;  Magnet,  (late  Sidney  Smith  ;)  the  Star,  (late 
Melville,)  Captain  Clover ;  and  the  Netley,  (late  Beresford,)  Lieu 
tenant  Owens.  It  was  evident  that  nothing  less  than  unusually  heavy 
frigates  could  lie  against  the  largest  of  these  vessels. 

Captain  Woolsey  had  been  sent  to  Oswego,  to  transport  to  the 
Harbour  the  heavy  guns,  cables,  &c.,  of  the  two  new  frigates,  most 
of  which  had  reached  the  falls,  twelve  miles  above  the  town,  where 
they  were  kept  for  the  sake  of  security,  until  the  schooners  could  be 
loaded,  and  despatched  singly.  The  Growler  was  in  the  river  with 
that  object,  when  Sir  James  Yeo,  as  mentioned,  appeared  in  the 
offing.  He  was  about  to  make  a  descent,  with  a  body  of  troops,  on 
the  5th,  but  the  weather  induced  him  to  defer  the  enterprise.  On 
this  occasion,  there  was  some  firing,  and  the  enemy  abandoned  an 
empty  boat  or  two.  The  succeeding  day,  however,  every  thing 
being  favourable,  the  original  design  was  resumed. 

Oswego  was  then  a  village  containing  less  than  500  souls,  and 
was  without  any  regular  fortifications.  There  had  been  a  fort  of 
some  size,  however,  when  the  colonies  belonged  to  the  English,  and 
the  ruins  of  this  work  stood  on  an  elevated  plain,  at  the  point  of 
land  on  the  side  of  the  river  opposite  to  the  village.  The  works 
were  tolerably  large,  but  had  never  been  strong.  They  were  merely 
mounds  of  earth,  with  bastions  of  the  same  material,  dry  ditches  of 
no  great  depth,  a  natural  glacis,  pickets,  ramparts,  and  a  few  insig 
nificant  outworks.  The  American  government  permitted  them  to 
go  to  decay,  and  as  there  was  no  masonry,  the  ditch  had  nearly  filled, 
the  ramparts  had  worn  down,  the  pickets  and  palisadoes  had  de 
cayed,  and  even  the  gate  and  the  barracks  had  disappeared.  After 
the  declaration  of  war,  regiments  frequently  remaining  at  this  point, 
for  weeks  at  a  time,  on  their  way  to  the  seat  of  hostilities,  the  spot 
being  public  property  and  offering  facilities  for  disciplining  troops, 
it  had  been  selected  as  their  temporary  abode.  Rude  barracks  had 
been  constructed,  and  a  gate  was  built.  Some  other  trifling  repairs 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  203 

may  have  been  made,  an  imperfect  picketing  was  set  up,  but  the 
ditches  and  ramparts  might  still  have  been  crossed,  at  many  places, 
on  horseback.  In  short,  as  a  mere  field  work,  with  a  sufficiency  of 
men,  this  titular  fort  might  have  been  formidable  ;  it  offered  many 
facilities  for  cannonading  in  the  offing  and  commanded  the  river  in 
a  degree  proportioned  to  the  number  of  men  and  guns  that  might 
happen  to  be  in  it ;  but  against  a  superior  force,  in  a  serious  fight,  it 
could  be  of  no  essential  service,  and  nothing  was  easier  than  to  storm 
it,  a  siege  being  quite  unnecessary.  In  short,  it  was  no  longer  a 
fort,  in  the  real  signification  of  the  term,  nor  was  it  ranked  among 
the  fortifications  of  the  country. 

At  the  moment  when  Sir  James  Yeo  appeared,  a  battalion  of  the 
light  artillery,  consisting  of  290  effectives,  under  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Mitchell,  was  at  Fort  Osvvego,  and  but  a  few  militia  had  been  called 
in,  the  adjacent  country,  for  a  distance  of  forty  miles,  being  little 
more  than  a  wilderness.  It  would  trespass  on  another  branch  of 
the  subject,  minutely  to  relate  the  affair  that  followed.  Lieutenant 
General  Drummond  commanded  the  English  troops,  and  the  two 
services  united,  disembarked  with  a  force  that  has  been  differently 
computed  at  from  1000  to  1800  men.  The  ships  opened  a  heavy 
fire,  and  a  landing  was  effected.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Mitchell,  who 
had  less  than  400  men,  and  but  two  serviceable  heavy  guns,  met 
the  enemy  at  the  shore,  and  fought  him,  as  long  as  was  at  all  pru 
dent,  in  the  woods,  and  on  the  plain,  when  he  fell  back  towards  the 
falls,  as  a  retreat  into  the  fort  would  have  ensured  his  capture.  Had 
the  latter  been  in  repair,  less  than  1000  men  could  not  have  pre 
vented  it  from  being  stormed,  on  account  of  its  size.  The  defence 
though  hopeless  from  the  first,  was  very  spirited,  and  the  enemy  ad 
mitted  a  loss  of  95  men,  though  it  was  thought  to  have  been  materi 
ally  larger.  The  Americans  lost  6  killed,  38  wounded,  and  25 
missing,  or  69  in  all.  Lieutenant  Pierce,  and  the  few  seamen 
present,  fell  into  the  ranks  of  the  soldiers,  and  fought  bravely.  The 
Growler,  the  only  transport  in  port,  was  sunk  as  soon  as  the  landing 
was  effected. 

The  enemy  remained  two  days  at  Osweffo,  when  they  raised  the 
Growler,  and  carried  her  off;  this  making  the  third  time  that  vessel 
had  been  taken  during  the  last  year.  But  few  stores  were  found  in 
the  village,  however,  the  orders  of  Commodore  Chauncey  having 
required  that  they  should  be  kept  at  the  falls,  until  vessels  were  ready 
to  sail  with  them.  On  the  whole,  the  English  derived  very  little 
advantage  from  this  descent,  and  the  Americans  suffered  scarcely 
any  injury,  besides  the  killed  and  wounded.  The  navy  lost  seven 
guns  in  the  Growler,  with  a  few  shot  and  a  little  rigjring.  On  the 
part  of  the  enemy,  Captain  Mulcaster,  of  the  Princess  Charlotte,  an 
officer  of  great  gallantry,  who  had  landed  with  a  brigade  of  seamen, 
was  badly  wounded.  The  conduct  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Mitchell 
was  highly  approved,  and  was  thought  to  have  been  marked  by 
steadiness,  courage,  and  conduct. 

Sir  James  Yeo  now  returned  to  Kingston,  landed  the  troops,  and 
on  the  19th,  he  came  out  and  chased  the  Lady  of  the  Lake  into  the 


204  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 


Harbour,  off  which  place  he  appeared  with  four  ships  and  three 
brigs,  blockading  the  port,  for  the  first  and  only  time  during  the  war. 
At  this  moment,  many  of  the  stores,  and  some  of  the  lighter  guns, 
of  which  the  direction  had  been  changed,  in  consequence  of  the 
descent,  were  coming  in  by  land,  though  the  heavy  guns  and  cables 
still  remained  in  the  Oswego  river. 

About  the  middle  of  May,  reinforcements  of  officers  and  men, 
began  to  arrive  from  the  sea-board.  The  Macedonian  had  been  laid 
up  in  the  Thames,  and  Mr.  Rodgers,  her  first  lieutenant,  came  in 
with  her  crew,  between  the  1 1th  and  the  21st.  Captain  Elliott 
rejoined  the  station  on  the  12th,  and  Captain  Trenchard  on  the  15th. 
The  Erie,  a  new  sloop  of  war,  then  blockaded  at  Baltimore,  had 
also  been  laid  up,  and  her  commander,  Captain  Ridgely,  with  his 
people,  arrived  some  time  before,  and  had  been  put  on  board  the 
Jefferson. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  exertions  that  had  been  made  in  building, 
the  ships  were  useless  without  guns  and  cables,  and  most  of  those 
intended  for  the  two  frigates,  had  yet  to  be  transported  to  the  Har 
bour  by  water,  their  weight  and  the  state  of  the  roads  rendering  other 
means  too  costly  and  difficult.  Captain  Woolsey,  who  was  still  en 
trusted  with  this  duty,  caused  reports  to  be  circulated  that  the  heavy 
articles  were  to  be  sent  back  to  the  Oneida  lake,  and  when  time  had 
been  allowed  for  the  enemy  to  receive  this  false  information,  he  ran 
the  guns  over  the  falls,  and  at  sunset,  on  the  28th  of  May,  he  reach 
ed  Oswego  with  19  boats,  loaded  with  21  long  thirty-two-pounders, 
10  twenty -four-pounders,  3  forty-two-pound  carronades,  and  10 
cables.  The  look-outs  having  reported  the  coast  clear,  the  brigade 
of  boats  rowed  out  of  the  river,  at  dusk,  and  after  passing  a  dark  and 
rainy  night  at  the  oars,  reached  the  mouth  of  Big  Salmon  River,  at 
sunrise  on  the  29th,  one  boat  having  unaccountably  disappeared. 

Captain  Woolsey  was  accompanied  by  a  detachment  of  130  rifle 
men,  under  Major  Appling,  and  at  the  Big  Salmon  he  also  met  a 
party  of  Oneida  Indians,  which  had  been  directed  to  follow  on  the 
shore.  The  brigade  now  proceeded,  entered  the  Big  Sandy  Creek, 
and  ascended  about  two  miles,  to  its  place  of  destination  ;  the  block 
ade  rendering  it  necessary  to  convey  the  supplies  by  land  the  remain 
der  of  the  distance. 

At  this  time,  the  English  squadron  lay  at  anchor,  a  few  miles  from 
the  Harbour,  and  the  missing  boat  had  gone  ahead,  in  the  professed 
hope  of  making  the  whole  distance  by  water.  Seeing  the  English 
ships,  either  by  mistake  or  treachery  it  pulled  directly  for  them, 
under  a  belief,  real  or  pretended,  that  they  were  Americans.  It  is 
thought,  however,  that  the  people  in  the  boat  were  deceived. 

From  the  prisoners,  Sir  James  Yeo  learned  the  situation  of  the 
remainder  of  the  brigade.  He  had  three  gun-boats  on  the  station, 
and  Captain  Popham  of  the  Montreal,  was  put  into  one,  arid  Captain 
Spilsbury  into  another,  having  three  cutters  and  a  gig  in  company. 
After  cruising  without  success,  separately,  the  two  parties  joined, 
and  having  ascertained  that  the  brigade  had  entered  Sandy  Creek, 
they  followed  on  the  30th,  with  the  expectation  of  capturing  it.  Ma- 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  205 

jor  Appling,  being  apprised  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  placed 
his  riflemen,  supported  by  the  Indians,  in  ambush,  about  half  a  mile 
below  the  place  where  Captain  Woolsey  was  discharging  the  stores. 
The  enemy  had  a  party  of  marines  on  board,  under  two  lieutenants 
of  that  corps.  These,  in  conjunction  with  a  body  of  seamen,  were 
landed,  and  the  gun-boats  approached,  throwing  grape  and  canister, 
into  the  bushes,  with  a  view  to  feel  their  way.  Major  Appling  per 
mitted  the  enemy  to  get  quite  near,  when  he  threw  in  a  close 
discharge  of  the  rifle.  The  resistance  was  trifling,  and  in  ten  minutes 
the  whole  of  the  English  demanded  quarter.  The  enemy  had  a 
midshipman  and  14  seamen  and  marines  killed,  and  2  lieutenants 
of  marines,  with  26  common  men  wounded.  In  addition  to  the 
wounded,  there  was  a  sufficient  number  of  prisoners  made  to  raise 
his  total  loss  to  186.  All  the  boats  were  taken,  the  three  gun-vessels 
carrying  68,  24, 18  and  12  pound  carronades.  Among  the  prisoners 
were  Captains  Popham  and  Spilsbury,  4  sea-lieutenants,  and  2  mid 
shipmen.  Although  there  was  a  considerable  force  a  short  distance 
above,  without  the  range  of  the  rifle,  the  command  of  Major  Appling, 
which  effected  this  handsome  exploit,  was  scarcely  equal  to  the  ene 
my  in  numbers,  yet  he  had  but  a  single  man  wounded.  This  little 
success  was  the  effect  of  a  surprise  and  an  ambush. 

It  will  aid  in  giving  a  better  idea  of  the  condition  of  this  frontier,  at 
that  time,  as  well  as  in  proving  the  ardour  with  which  the  duty  was 
conducted,  if  we  state  that,  when  the  stores  in  charge  of  Captain 
Woolsey  were  landed,  a  frigate's  cable  was  carried  from  Sandy  Creek 
to  the  Harbour,  a  distance  of  eight  miles,  on  the  shoulders  of  a  party 
of  sailors.* 

Most  of  the  Superior's  guns  having  now  arrived,  the  enemy,  who 
was  well  informed  of  all  that  passed  on  shore,  raised  the  blockade  on 
the  6th  of  June.  Sir  James  Yeo,  who  had  lately  kept  two  brigs 
cruising  between  Oswego  and  the  Harbour,  joined  them  with  the  rest 
of  his  squadron,  and  they  all  disappeared  in  company,  steering  to 
the  northwest.  Two  days  later  the  last  of  the  guns  actually  reached 
Sackett's  Harbour.  The  frigate  which  had  been  laid  down  on  the 
blocks  of  the  Superior,  was  launched  on  the  llth  of  June,  having 
been  put  into  the  water  in  34  working  days,  from  the  time  her  keel 
was  laid.  She  was  named  the  Mohawk.  Still  the  squadron  was 
500  men  short  of  its  complements,  though  the  crew  of  the  Congress 
38,  which  was  undergoing  extensive  repairs,  at  Portsmouth,  N.  H., 
had  been  ordered  to  this  service.  About  the  middle  of  the  month  the 
latter  began  to  arrive.  The  enemy  also  continued  to  reinforce  both 
his  army  and  his  marine,  200  boats  at  a  time  having  been  observed 
passing  up  the  St.  Lawrence. 

About  the  middle  of  the  month,  Commodore  Chauncey  sent  Acting 
Lieutenant  Gregory,  with  three  gigs,  into  the  St.  Lawrence,  where 
the  enemy  had  a  line  of  gun-boats,  to  cover  the  passage  of  his  sup- 

*James,  in  his  history,  exults  greatly  at  the  circumstance  of  the  blockade,  pretending 
to  make  an  enumeration  of  force  of  the  two  squadrons      On  the  side  of  the  Americans 
he  counts  not  only  vessels  that  had  been  laid  aside  as  cruisers,  but  vessels  that  had  no 
armaments,  and  one  frigate  before  she  was  launched  ! 
VOL.  II.  13 


206  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814 

plies  and  reinforcements,  with  directions  to  surprise  some  of  his 
boats  loaded  with  stores,  and,  if  possible,  to  destroy  them.  For  this 
purpose  Mr.  Gregory  lay  in  ambush  on  one  of  the  islands,  but  was 
discovered  by  the  look-outs  of  the  enemy,  who  immediately  des 
patched  a  gun-boat  in  chased  Instead  of  retiring  before  this  force, 
Mr.  Gregory  determined  to  become  the  assailant,  and  he  dashed  at 
the  gun-boat,  carrying  her  without  the  loss  of  a  man.  This  vessel 
had  an  eighteen-pound  carronade,  and  a  crew  of  18  men.  While 
proceeding  up  the  river  with  his  prize,  Mr.  Gregory  was  chased  by  a 
much  larger  boat,  mounting  2  guns,  and  pulling  a  great  number  of 
oars,  which  compelled  him  to  scuttle  and  abandon  her.  On  this 
occasion  Mr.  Gregory  was  accompanied  by  Messrs.  Vaughan  and 
Dixon,  two  gallant  mariners  of  the  lake,  and  he  brought  in  nearly  as 
many  prisoners  as  he  had  men. 

Ten  days  later,  Mr.  Gregory  was  sent  with  two  gigs,  accompanied 
as  before  by  Messrs.  Vaughan  and  Dixon,  to  Nicholas  Island,  near 
Presque  Isle,  to  intercept  some  transports,  failing  of  which  he  was 
to  land  at  Presque  Isle,  where  the  enemy  had  a  cruiser,  intended  to 
mount  14  guns,  nearly  ready  to  launch,  and  endeavour  to  destroy 
her.  This  duty,  after  running  much  risk,  and  suffering  greatly  from 
hunger,  was  effectually  performed  by  the  party,  which  was  absent 
near  a  week.  The  day  after  his  return  from  this  expedition,  Mr. 
Gregory  received  the  commission  of  a  lieutenant,  which  had  been 
conferred  on  him  for  the  handsome  manner  in  which  he  had  captured 
the  gun-boat. 

Unfortunately,  at  this  period,  while  the  squadron  was  fitting  for 
the  lake,  and  so  much  remained  to  be  done  to  render  it  efficient, 
Commodore  Chauncey,  who  was  subjected  to  great  exhaustion  of 
mind  and  body,  fell  ill  of  the  prevalent  fever,  and  for  the  entire 
month  of  J  uly,  was  confined  to  his  bed.  This  was  at  the  critical 
moment  when  General  Brown  had  commenced  that  series  of  brilliant 
battles  on  the  Niagara,  which,  by  bringing  the  disciplined  troops  of 
-America  against  those  of  England,  established  the  high  reputation 
with  which  the  army,  after  all  its  early  reverses,  came  out  of  the  war 
of  1812.  Although  the  duty  at  the  Harbour  proceeded,  it  necessarily 
suffered  for  the  want  of  the  mind  which  had  planned  it,  and  whose 
resources  had  been  so  amply  proved  to  be  equal  to  the  effort  of  creat 
ing  a  fleet  in  a  forest. 

It  had  been  hoped  that  the  squadron  would  be  ready  to  go  out  by 
the  middle  of  July,  but  so  many  of  the  mechanics  were  taken  ill,  also, 
that  it  was  found  impossible  to  get  the  Mohawk  readv  before  the 
25th.  At  this  time,  Commodore  Chauncey,  rather  than  delay  the 
departure  of  the  vessels,  was  about  to  yield  the  command  tempora 
rily,  to  the  officer  next  in  rank,  but  being  convalescent,  and  a  change 
of  crews  having  become  indispensable,  on  account  of  the  wish  of  the 
men  to  serve  under  their  proper  officers,  three  or  four  days  were 
occupied  in  effecting  these  important  alterations.  On  the  afternoon 
df  the  31st  of  July,  the  commodore  was  carried  on  board  the  Superior, 
and  the  American  squadron  sailed.  Its  force  consisted  of  the  Supe 
rior  62,  Lieutenant  Elton,  Commodore  Chauncey;  Mohawk  42 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  207 

Captain  Jones  ;  Pike  28,  Captain  Crane  ;  Madison  24,  Captain 
Trenchard ;  Jefferson  22,  Captain  Ridgely ;  Jones  22,  Captain 
Woolsey;  Sylph  14,  Captain  Elliott;  Oneida  14,  Lieutenant  Com 
mandant  Brown,  and  the  Lady  of  the  Lake,  look-out  vessel — most 
of  the  small  schooners  having  now  been  abandoned,  as  cruisers  in 
squadron.  There  is  no  question  that  this  force,  which,  with  the  ex 
ception  of  the  Oneida,  was  composed  of  efficient  vessels,  was  superior 
to  that  of  the  English,  who  were  striving  to  regain  the  ascendency, 
by  constructing,  as  fast  as  possible,  the  two-decker  already  men 
tioned.  The  Americans,  who  had  momentarily  exhausted  their 
means,  under  the  disadvantages  of  bad  roads,  sickly  mechanics,  and 
their  great  distance  by  land  from  their  supplies,  were  disposed  to 
trust  to  the  chances  of  the  season,  hoping  that  a  victory  might  pre 
vent  the  necessity  of  again  building;  for,  it  should  be  remembered, 
in  order  to  appreciate  the  efforts  of  the  two  belligerents,  that  the 
Americans,  besides  contending  with  the  effects  of  a  country  just 
cleared  of  its  timber,  an  evil  from  which  the  enemy  was  exempt  at 
Kingston,  had  to  build  even  the  town  that  had  grown  up  at  the  Har 
bour,  in  order  to  supply  the  common  necessaries  of  life.* 

Commodore  Chauncey,  whose  health  rapidly  improved  in  the  pure 
air  of  the  lake,  appeared  off  the  Niagara,  now  by  the  vicissitudes  of 
war  again  in  the  possession  of  the  English,  on  the  5th  of  August. 
The  enemy's  squadron  was  separated  at  the  moment,  his  large  ves 
sels  being  down  the  lake,  while  many  of  his  small  cruisers  had  been 
convoying,  or  transporting  troops  and  stores  near  the  head.  As  the 
American  vessels  approached,  they  intercepted  one  of  the  English 
brigs,  which  was  convoying  troops  from  York  to  Niagara,  and  she 
was  chased  ashore  about  two  leagues  to  the  westward  of  Fort  George. 
The  Sylph,  Captain  Elliott,  was  ordered  to  run  in,  and  destroy  her, 
but  just  as  the  former  was  about  to  anchor,  the  enemy  set  fire  to  their 
brig,  and  she  soon  after  blew  up.  This  vessel  is  believed  to  have 
been  called  the  Charwell,  and  to  have  mounted  14  guns. 

The  enemy  having  two  cruising  bri^s  and  a  schooner  in  the  Nia 
gara,  both  sides  of  which  river  were  now  in  his  possession  by  the 
capture  of  Fort  Niagara,  Commodore  Chauncey  left  the  Jefferson, 
Sylph,  and  Oneida  to  watch  them,  under  the  orders  of  Captain  Ridge- 
ly  of  the  former  vessel,  and  looking  into  York,  to  ascertain  if  any 
portion  of  the  British  force  was  there,  he  went  off  Kingston,  where 
he  arrived  on  the  9th.  One  of  the  English  ships  was  in  the  offing, 
and  was  chased  into  port  by  the  American  squadron,  as  it  arrived. 
The  next  day,  the  Jones,  Captain  Woolsey,  was  sent  to  cruise  be 
tween  Oswego  and  the  Harbour  ;  and  the  Conquest,  one  of  the  best 
of  the  schooners,  which  had  been  kept  armed  for  any  light  service 
that  might  offer,  was  employed  on  the  same  duty,  the  enemy  having 
intercepted  some  flour  that  was  passing,  by  means  of  boats. 

From  this  time,  until  the  month  of  October,  or  for  six  weeks  un- 

*It  is  said  that  one  of  the  greatest  wants  of  the  English  was  ship  timber,  the  age  of 
Kingston,  and  the  practice  of  exporting  it  to  England,  having  nearly  stripped  the  north 
shore.  On  the  other  hand,  one  of  the  largest  of  The  American  vessels,  was  literally  laid 
down  in  the  forest. 


208  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

interruptedly,  Commodore  Chauncey  continued  a  close  blockade  of 
Sir  James  Yeo,  in  Kingston,  having  undisputed  command  of  the 
entire  lake.  With  a  view  to  tempt  the  English  to  come  out,  he  kept 
only  four  vessels  in  the  offing,  and  as  the  enemy  had  an  equal  num 
ber,  it  was  thought  the  provocation  might  induce  him  to  risk  a  battle. 
Some  guns  were  also  sent  ashore,  with  a  view  to  bring  the  vessels 
as  near  as  possible  to  an  equality.  The  American  ships  were  the 
Superior  58,*  Mohawk  42,  Pike  28,  and  Madison  24 ;  the  British, 
the  Prince  Regent  58,  Princess  Charlotte  42,  Wolfe  25,  and  Niagara 
24.  There  was  also  a  large  schooner  at  Kingston,  and  several  gun 
boats  and  smaller  vessels.  It  is  probable  that  there  was  a  trifling 
superiority  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  notwithstanding,  for  in  a 
conflict  between  vessels  of  so  much  force,  the  smaller  craft  could  be 
of  no  great  moment,  but  it  was  such  a  superiority  as  the  enemy  had 
long  been  accustomed  to  disregard  ;  and  the  result  showed  that  the 
American  marine  commanded  his  respect  to  a  degree  which  rendered 
the  minutest  calculations  of  force  necessary.  Once  or  twice,  the 
brigs  joined  the  American  commodore,  in  quest  of  supplies,  but  they 
were  always  sent  away  again,  in  order  to  keep  but  four  ships  on  the 
station.  The  Sylph  was  ordered  off  Presque  Isle,  to  intercept  boats 
passing  in-shore,  and  the  rest  of  the  vessels  were  kept  on  the  south 
coast,  between  the  Harbour  and  the  Niagara. 

In  the  course  of  the  month  of  August,  Major  General  Izard  wrote 
to  Commodore  Chauncey,  to  inquire  what  means  of  transportation 
he  could  afford  his  division,  the  former  being  ordered  to  march  from 
PI  at  ts  burg  to  reinforce  the  army,  on  the  Niagara.  In  his  answer, 
the  latter  stated  that  he  could  furnish  four  ships,  four  brigs,  and  seven 
schooners,  the  first  eight  mounting  from  14  to  58  guns  ;  and  the  lat 
ter  acting  as  transports,  being  from  40  to  90  tons  burthen.  In  a  few 
days,  however,  he  should  have  at  his  command  15  barges,  that  were 
75  feet  long  each,  arid  which  would  mount  two  guns  apiece,  having 
been  built  expressly  to  convey  troops  and  stores. 

On  the  20th  of  August,  the  blockading  ships  were  driven  off  by  a 
gale,  and  on  regaining  their  station  on  the  25th,  the  enemy  could  not 
be  seen  in  port.  Lieutenant  Gregory,  with  Mr.  Hart,  a  midship 
man,  was  immediately  sent  in,  in  a  gig,  to  reconnoitre.  While  on 
this  duty,  Mr.  Gregory  landed  to  set  fire  to  a  raft  of  picket-timber  that 
he  accidentally  passed.  This  deviation  from  the  direct  route,  brought 
the  gig  so  near  in-shore,  that  two  barges  of  the  enemy,  carrying  30 
men,  were  enabled  to  head  it,  as  it  doubled  a  point.  A  chase,  and  a 
sharp  fire  of  musketry  ensued,  Mr.  Gregory  persevering  in  his 
attempt  to  escape,  until  Mr.  Hart  was  killed,  and  five  men  out  of 
eight  were  wounded,  when  this  enterprising  officer  was  obliged  to 
surrender. 

September  the  5th,  the  four  ships  were  still  blockading  Kingston  ; 
the  Jefferson  and  Jones  were  off  the  Niagara,  under  Captain  Ridge- 
ly ;  the  Sylph  and  Conquest  off  Presque  Isle,  under  Captain  Elliott; 
and  the  Oneida  was  dismantling  at  the  Harbour,  the  armament  of 

*  Four  guns  having  been  landed. 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  209 

that  brig  being  put  into  the  barges.  On  the  llth,  the  wind  came 
from  the  northward,  when  Commodore  Chauncey  stood  in  towards 
Kingston,  and  brought  to,  just  without  the  drop  of  the  shot  from  the 
batteries,  and  the  ships  hoisted  their  ensigns,  as  a  challenge  for  the 
enemy  to  come  out.  The  English  sprung  their  broadsides  to  bear, 
set  their  colours,  but  did  not  accept  the  defiance.  It  was  now  seen 
that  the  two-decker  was  launched,  and  she  was  ascertained  to  be  very 
large.  After  remaining  close  in,  for  a  considerable  time,  the  Amer 
ican  ships  filled  and  gained  an  offing.* 

The  next  day  it  came  on  to  blow,  and  the  squadron  was  compelled 
to  make  an  offing  for  safety.  The  gale  lasted  until  the  15th,  when 
the  Lady  of  the  Lake  joined,  to  say  that  General  Izard  had  reached 
the  Harbour.  The  ships  now  went  in,  for  the  first  time,  since  the 
2d  of  August,  having  kept  the  lake  45  days  ;  much  of  the  time  under 
canvass.  On  the  16th,  the  look-out  vessel  was  sent  to  order  in  the 
different  brigs.  The  Jefferson  and  Jones  arrived  on  the  17th,  hav 
ing  been  in  the  late  gale,  which  drove  them  to  the  head  of  the  lake. 
The  first  had  thrown  overboard  ten  guns,  arid  was  only  kept  off  the 
shore,  by  carrying  sail,  and  by  the  aid  of  the  under-tow.  A  tremen 
dous  sea  running,  the  brig  was  twice  on  her  beam  ends. 

The  division  of  General  Izard  consisted  of  4000  men,  of  whom 

*  On  this  occasion,  the  hostile  vessels  were  so  near  each  other,  that,  by  the  aid  of  a 
glass,  an  American  prisoner,  then  on  board  the  Prince  Regent,  distinctly  recognised 
Commodore  Chauncey,  standing  in  the  gangway  of  the  Superior,  and  pointed  him  out  to 
the  English  officers.  There  is  no  question  that  the  latter  were  much  mortified  at  their 
situation,  which  was  more  probably  the  result  of  rigid  instructions,  than  of  any  prudence 
on  their  part.  It  is  said,  on  good  authority,  that  some  of  the  captains  who  were  then  on 
board  the  Prince  Regent,  did  not  hesitate  to  express  their  feelings,  affirming  it  was  a 
new  thing  for  an  English  squadron  to  be  blockaded  by  a  force  but  little,  if  any  superior. 
Sir  James  Yeo,  who  probably  felt  the  painful  character  of  his  situation  as  much  as  any 
man  in  his  fleet,  on  hearing  these  words,  is  said  to  have  dashed  his  spy-glass  over  the 
breech  of  a  gun,  and  to  have  retired  to  his  cabin.  Of  the  precise  force  of  the  two  squad 
rons  present,  it  is  not  easy  to  speak.  The  Superior  was  pierced  for  64  gvuns,  had  ori 
ginally  mounted  62,  and  now  mounted  58,  the  actual  numberof  the  Prince  Regent.  She 
was  a  little  larger  than  the  English  ship;  perhaps  150  tons.  Between  the  Princess 
Charlotte  and  Mohawk,  there  was  not  much  difference  in  force,  though  there  was  some 
in  construction.  The  metal  of  the  English  ship  is  said  to  have  been  the  heaviest.  The 
Pike  was  a  little  heavier  than  the  Montreal,  and  the  Madison  than  the  Niagara.  As  to 
men,  there  could  be  no  essential  difference,  though  it  was  in  the  power  of  Sir  James  Yeo, 
to  get  as  many  as  he  could  desire  from  the  army.  It  was  known  in  the  squadron,  that 
Commodore  Chauncey  intended  to  disregard  altogether  the  gun-boats  and  schooners,  did 
they  choose  to  come  out.  It  has  not  been  in  our  power  to  ascertain  the  metal  of  the 
Prince  Regent,  her  gun-deck  battery  having  been  represented  equally  as  thirty-twos, 
and  as  twenty-fours.  If  the  former,  the  difference  between  the  two  squadrons  was  ideal 
rather  than  substantial. 

The  history  of  no  marine  probably  furnishes  an  instance  of  a  higher  state  of  discipline 
than  Commodore  Chauncey  had  brought  his  squadron  up  to,  during  this  summer.  Offi 
cers  of  experience  and  merit,  who  were  in  the  fleet,  still  speak  of  it  with  pleasure,  as  an 
exception  even  in  a  service  remarkable  for  this  high  quality.  At  exercising  sails,  and  in 
working  ship,  the  method,  accuracy,  and  rapidity  of  the  crews,  have  been  likened  to 
the  drill  of  favourite  regiments  of  guards  in  Europe  ;  and  at  the  guns  the  men  are  de 
scribed  as  having  been  literally  terrible.  They  were  kept  constantly  in  practice  with 
targets,  handling  heavy  long  guns  like  muskets,  and  pointing  them  like  rifles.  Discreet 
observers  have  even  doubted  whether  the  English  could  have  got  out,  had  they  attempt 
ed  it,  as  they  must  have  advanced,  bows  on,  through  a  channel  less  than  a  mile  wide 
for  it  is  believed  every  spar  would  have  been  taken  out  of  them,  before  they  could  close. 
The  exercise  by  which  this  high  condition  was  produced,  had  been  of  the  severest  kind. 
The  men  had  commenced,  by  being  kept  at  the  guns  an  hour,  in  violent  exertion,  when 
it  was  found  that  they  were  exhausted.  The  time  was  gradually  extended,  however, 
until  the  Superior's  people  have  been  known  to  come  out  of  an  exercise  of  several  hours 
continuance,  as  fresh  and  as  gay  as  if  they  had  been  at  sport. 


210  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814 

3000  embarked  on  the  19th,  but  another  gale  intervening,  did  not 
sail  until  the  21st.  This  force  was  landed  at  the  mouth  of  the  Gene- 
see,  on  the  22d.  As  soon  as  this  duty  was  performed,  Commodore 
Chauncey  went  off  Kingston  again,  where  he  appeared  on  the  28th. 
Two  of  the  enemy's  ships  were  coming  out  under  a  press  of  sail,  most 
probably  with  troops  to  reinforce  the  army  on  the  Niagara,  but  were 
driven  back.  The  29th,  the  wind  being  fair,  the  squadron  looked 
into  Kingston  again,  and  the  Lady  was  sent  close  in,  when  it  was 
found  that  the  large  ship,  which  had  been  called  the  St.  Lawrence, 
was  completely  rigged,  but  had  no  sails  bent.  As  this  vessel  waj» 
pierced  for  112  guns,  and  was  intended  for  metal  in  proportion,  she 
was  more  than  equal  to  meeting  the  whole  American  force.  On  the 
5th  of  October,  the  Sylph  looked  in  again,  and  found  her  sails  bent 
and  topgallant  yards  crossed,  when  Commodore  Chauncey  ran  ovei 
to  the  Harbour,  where  he  anchored  on  the  7th,  and  prepared  to  re 
ceive  an  attack. 

For  some  days,  Sir  James  Yeo  was  confidently  expected;  and 
Commodore  Chauncey  moored  his  ships  outside  the  point,  under  the 
fort,  in  readiness  to  receive  him.  With  so  little  skill,  however,  had 
the  works  at  this  important  post  been  planned,  that  there  was  no 
point  where  more  than  four  guns  at  a  time  could  be  brought  to  bear 
on  the  enemy.  This  evil  was  in  part  repaired,  and  a  reinforcement 
of  troops  shortly  after  arriving,  under  Major  General  Brown,  all  ap 
prehensions  ceased  by  the  end  of  the  month. 

Sir  James  Yeo  sailed  in  the  St.  Lawrence,  with  four  other  ships, 
two  brigs,  and  a  schooner,  on  the  15th  of  October,  and  he  continued 
in  command  of  the  lake  for  the  remainder  of  the  season.  He  is  said 
to  have  had  more  than  1100  men  in  his  flag-ship;  and  it  was  under 
stood  that  the  enemy  had  become  so  wary,  that  a  captain  was  sta 
tioned  on  each  deck.  Special  duty  probably  occupied  him,  for  no 
attempt  was  made  on  the  Harbour,  nor  did  the  enemy  even  blockade 
it;  the  necessities  of  the  Niagara  frontier  calling  his  attention  in  that 
quarter. 

On  the  19th  of  November,  Mr.  M'Govvan,  a  midshipman,  accom 
panied  by  Mr.  William  Johnson,  a  celebrated  partisan,  went  with  a 
torpedo,  to  blow  up  the  St.  Lawrence,  then  supposed  to  be  lying  in 
Kingston.  He  was  discovered  by  two  of  the  enemy's  boats,  and 
found  himself  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  capturing  them.  Having 
now  as  many  prisoners  as  men  of  his  own,  and  understanding  that 
the  ship  was  not  in  port,  Mr.  M'Gowan  returned  to  the  Harbour.  At 
the  end  of  the  month  the  navigation  closed. 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  211 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Operations  on  Lake  Champlain — Attempts  of  the  British  to  fill  up  the  channel  of  Otter 
Creek — Launch  of  the  schooner  Eagle — Sir  George  Prevost  advances  against  Platts- 
burg — Disposition  of  the  hostile  forces — Battle  of  Plattsburg  Bay — Promotion  of  Capt. 
M'Donough — medal  from  Congress,  &c.  &c. — Glorious  character  of  the  battle. 

ALTHOUGH  Lake  Champlain  had  been  the  scene  of  so  many  im 
portant  events,  in  the  previous  wars  of  the  continent,  the  country  had 
so  far  advanced  as  to  render  it,  until  nqar  the  close  of  ]814,  of  but 
little  moment,  in  the  present  contest.  By  that  time,  large  reinforce 
ments  had  arrived  in  the  Canadas,  from  Europe,  and  an  army  was 
collected  in  the  vicinity  of  Montreal,  that  has  been  differently  esti 
mated  to  contain  from  ten  to  fifteen  thousand  men.  With  this  force, 
the  enemy  now  contemplated  an  invasion  of  the  northern  and  least 
populous  counties  of  New  York,  following  the  route  laid  down  for 
General  Burgoyne,  in  his  unfortunate  expedition  of  1777.  How  far 
the  English  expected  to  penetrate,  on  this  occasion,  is  still  a  matter 
of  doubt,  though  Crown  Point  and  Ticonderoga  are  thought  to  have 
been  their  aim,  with  a  view  to  farther  conquests  in  the  spring.  Some 
have  imagined  that  they  hoped  to  reach  Albany,  a  measure  that  would 
have  induced  a  total  loss  of  their  whole  force,  as  double  the  number 
of  men  named  could  hardly  have  attempted  such  an  enterprise  with 
a  rational  prospect  of  success.  It  was  most  probably  intended  to 
occupy  a  portion  of  the  northern  frontier,  with  the  expectation  of 
turning  the  circumstance  to  account,  in  the  pending  negotiations,  the 
English  commissioners  soon  after  advancing  a  claim  to  drive  the 
Americans  back  from  their  ancient  boundaries,  with  a  view  to  leave 
Great  Britain  the  entire  possession  of  the  lakes.  In  such  an  expe 
dition,  the  command  of  Champlain  became  of  great  importance,  as 
it  flanked  the  march  of  the  invading  army  for  more  than  a  hundred 
miles,  and  offered  so  many  facilities  for  forwarding  supplies,  as  well 
as  for  annoyance  and  defence.  Until  this  season,  neither  nation 
had  a  force  of  any  moment  on  that  water,  but  the  Americans  had 
built  a  ship  and  a  schooner,  during  the  winter  and  spring;  and  when 
it  was  found  that  the  enemy  was  preparing  for  a  serious  effort,  the 
keel  of  a  brig  was  laid.  Many  galleys,  or  gun-boats,  were  also  con 
structed. 

The  American  squadron  lay  in  Otter  Creek,  at  the  commencement 
of  the  season,  and  near  the  middle  of  May,  as  the  vessels  then  launched 
were  about  to  quit  port,  the  enemy  appeared  off  the  mouth  of  the 
creek,  with  a  force  consisting  of  the  Linnet  brig,  and  eight  or  ten 
galleys  under  the  orders  of  Captain  Pring,  with  a  view  to  fill  the 
channel.  For  this  purpose  two  sloops  loaded  with  stones  were  in 
company.  A  small  work  had  been  thrown  up  at  the  mouth  of  the 
creek  some  time  previously,  by  Captain  Thornton  of  the  artillery, 
and  Lieutenant  Cassin  was  despatched  with  a  party  of  seamen,  to 
aid  that  officer  in  defending  the  pass.  After  a  cannonading  of  some 
duration,  the  enemy  retired  without  effecting  his  object,  and  the  ves- 


212  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

sels  got  out.  In  this  affair,  no  one  was  hurt  on  the  side  of  the  Ame 
ricans,  although  shells  were  thrown  from  one  of  the  galleys. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  English  were  not  idle.  In  addition  to  the 
small  vessels  they  had  possessed  the  previous  year,  they  had  built  the 
brig  just  mentioned,  or  the  Linnet,  and  as  soon  as  the  last  American 
vessel  was  in  frame,  they  laid  the  keel  of  a  ship.  By  constructing 
the  latter,  a  great  advantage  was  secured,  care  being  taken,  as  a 
matter  of  course,  to  make  her  of  a  size  sufficient  to  be  certain  of 
possessing  the  greatest  force.  The  American  brig,  which  was  called 
the  Eagle,  was  launched  about  the  middle  of  August;  and  the 
English  ship,  which  was  named  the  Confiance,  on  the  25th  of  the 
same  month.  As  the  English  army  was  already  collecting  on  the 
frontier,  the  utmost  exertions  were  now  made  by  both  sides,  and  each 
appeared  on  the  lake  as  it  got  ready.  Captain  M'Donough,  who 
still  commanded  the  American  force,  was  enabled  to  get  out  a  few 
days  before  his  adversary;  and  cruising  being  almost  out  of  the 
question  on  this  long  and  narrow  body  of  water,  he  advanced  as  far 
as  Plattsburg,  the  point  selected  for  defence,  and  anchored,  the  3d 
of  September,  on  the  flank  of  the  troops  which  occupied  the  entrench 
ments  at  that  place. 

About  this  time,  Sir  George  Prevost,  the  English  commander-in- 
chief,  advanced  against  Plattsburg,  then  held  by  Brigadier  General 
Macomb,  at  the  head  of  only  1500  effectives,  with  a  force  that  proba 
bly  amounted  to  12,-000  men.  The  English  army  was  divided  into 
four  brigades,  which  were  led  by  Lieutenant  General  de  Rottenburg, 
Majors  General  Brisbane,  Power,  and  Robinson  ;  Major  General 
Baynes  doing  the  duty  of  Adjutant  General.  With  this  formidable 
force,  Sir  George  Prevost  advanced  slowly,  waiting  for  the  flotilla  to 
get  ready,  and  to  appear  on  hrs  left  flank.  A  good  deal  of  skirmish 
ing  ensued,  and  from  the  7th  to  the  1 1th,  the  enemy  was  employed 
in  bringing  up  his  battering  train,  stores,  and  reinforcements.  Cap 
tain  Downie,  late  of  the  Montreal,  on  Lake  Ontario,  had  been  sent 
by  Sir  James  Yeo,  to  command  on  this  lake.  It  has  been  said  that 
he  was  hurried  into  action  by  the  pressing  solicitations  of  the  Governor- 
General,  but  in  the  course  of  a  newspaper  controversy  that  succeeded, 
the  latter  caused  a  letter  of  the  commanding  naval  officer  to  be  pub 
lished,  in  which  Captain  Downie,  but  a  few  days  before  the  conflict, 
announced  his  determination  not  to  go  out  until  his  vessels  were 
ready.  In  one  sense,  certainly,  neither  squadron  was  in  a  very  pre 
pared  state,  the  largest  English  vessel  having  been  in  the  water  but 
16  days,  when  it  was  brought  rnto  action;  and  the  second  vessel  in 
size  of  the  Americans  but  30  days.  In  point  of  fact,  the  Eagle  was 
ready  for  service  but  8  days  before  the  Confiance.  As  these  vessels, 
however,  had  little  need  of  stores,  and  the  action  that  ensued  was 
fought  at  anchor,  they  were,  in  truth,  a  species  of  floating  batteries. 

On  the  6th,  Captain  M'Donough  ordered  the  galleys  to  the  head 
of  the  bay,  to  annoy  the  English  army,  and  a  cannonading  occurred 
which  lasted  two  hours.  The  wind  coming  on  to  blow  a  gale  that 
menaced  the  galleys  with  shipwreck,  Mr.  Duncan,  a  midshipman 
of  the  Saratoga,  was  sent  in  a  gig  to  order  them  to  retire.  It  is  sup- 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  213 

posed  that  the  appearance  of  the  boat  induced  the  enemj  to  think 
that  Captain  M'Donough  himself,  had  joined  his  galleys,  for  he  con 
centrated  a  fire  on  the  galley  Mr.  Duncan  was  in,  and  that  young 
officer  received  a  severe  wound,  by  which  he  lost  the  use  of  his  arm. 
Afterwards  one  of  the  galleys  drifted  in,  under  the  guns  of  the  enemy, 
and  she  also  sustained  some  loss,  but  was  eventually  brought  off. 

The  general  direction  of  Lake  Champlain  is  north  and  south,  but 
at  the  point  called  Cumberland  Head,  in  coming  south,  the  land 
bends  north  again,  forming  Plattsburg  Bay,  which  is  a  deep  indenta 
tion  of  the  shore,  that  leaves  a  basin  open  to  the  southward,  and 
which,  in  form,  consequently  lies  nearly  parallel  to  the  main  lake. 
The  eastern  side  of  this  bay  is  protected  by  the  long  narrow  bit  of 
land  that  terminates  in  the  Head.  Its  bottom,  or  northern  end,  and 
its  western  shore,  are  encircled  by  the  main,  while  to  the  southward 
and  eastward  is  the  entrance.  Near  the  centre  of  the  western  shore 
the  Saranac  empties  into  the  bay.  arid  on  both  its  banks,  stands  the 
village  of  Plattsburjr.  About  half  a  league  from  the  Head,  in  a 
southwesterly  direction,  and  quite  near  the  western  shore,  is  an  ex 
tensive  shoal,  and  a  small  low  island,  which  commands  the  approach 
to  the  bay  in  that  direction.  At  this  spot,  which  is  called  Crab 
Island,  the  naval  hospital  was  established,  and  a  small  battery  of  one 
gun  had  been  erected. 

Captain  M'Donough  had  chosen  an  anchorage  a  little  to  the  south 
of  the  outlet  of  the  Saranac.  His  vessels  lay  in  a  line  parallel  to  the 
coast,  extending  north  and  south,  and  distant  from  the  western  shore 
near  two  miles.  The  last  vessel  at  the  southward  was  so  near  the 
shoal,  as  to  prevent  the  English  from  passing  that  end  of  the  line, 
while  all  the  ships  lay  so  far  out  towards  Cumberland  Head,  as  to 
bring  the  enemy  within  reach  of  carronades,  should  he  enter  the  bay 
on  that  side.  The  Eagle,  Captain  Henley,  lay  at  the  northern  ex 
tremity  of  the  American  line,  and  what  might,  during  the  battle, 
have  been  called  its  head,  the  wind  being  at  the  northward  and  east 
ward  ;  the  Saratoga,  Captain  M'Donough's  own  vessel,  was  second  ; 
the  Ticonderoga,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Cassin,  third  ;  and  the 
Preble,  Lieutenant  Charles  Budd,  last.  The  Preble  lay  a  little  far 
ther  south  than  the  pitch  of  Cumberland  Head.  The  first  of  these 
vessels  just  mentioned  was  a  brig  of  20  guns,  and  150  men,  all  told  ; 
the  second  a  ship  of  26  guns,  and  212  men  ;  the  third  a  schooner  of 
17  guns  and  1 10  men  ;  the  last  a  sloop,  or  cutter,  of  7  guns  and  30 
men.  The  metal  of  all  these  vessels,  as  well  as  those  of  the  enemy, 
was  unusually  heavy,  there  being  no  swell  in  the  lake  to  render  it 
dangerous.  The  Saratoga  mounted  8  long  twenty-fours,  6  forty- 
two,  and  12  thirty-two-pound  carronades;  the  Eagle  8  long  eigh- 
teens,  and  12  thirty-two-pound  carronades;  the  Ticonderoga  4  long 
eighteens,  8  long  twelves,  and  4  thirty-two-pound  carronades,  and 
one  eighteen-pound  columbiad ;  the  Preble  7  long  nines.  In  addi 
tion  to  these  four  vessels,  the  Americans  had  10  galleys,  or  gun 
boats,  six  large  and  four  small.  Each  of  the  former  mounted  a  long 
twenty-four,  and  an  eighteen  pound  columbiad ;  each  of  the  latter 
one  long  twelve.  The  galleys,  on  an  average,  had  about  35  men 
each.  The  total  force  of  the  Americans  present  consisted,  conse- 


214  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

quently,  of  14  vessels,  mounting  86  guns,  and  containing  about  850 
men,  including  officers,  and  a  small  detachment  of  soldiers,  who  did 
duty  as  marines,  none  of  the  corps  having  been  sent  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain.  To  complete  his  order  of  battle,  Captain  M'Donough  direct 
ed  two  of  the  galleys  to  keep  in  shore  of  the  Eagle,  and  a  little  to 
windward  of  her,  to  sustain  the  head  of  the  line  ;  one  or  two  more  to 
lie  opposite  to  the  interval  between  the  Eagle  and  Saratoga;  a  few 
opposite  to  the  interval  between  the  Saratoga  and  Ticonderoga  ;  and 
two  or  three  opposite  the  interval  between  the  Ticonderoga  and 
Preble.  If  any  order  had  been  given  to  cover  the  rear  of  the  line  in 
the  same  manner,  it  was  not  obeyed. 

The  Americans  were,  consequently,  formed  in  two  lines,  distant 
from  each  other  about  40  yards  ;  the  large  vessels  at  anchor,  and 
the  galleys  under  their  sweeps.  Owing  to  the  latter  circumstance, 
the  inner  line  soon  got  to  be  very  irregular,  however,  some  of  the 
galleys  pressing  boldly  forward,  while  others  were  less  impelled  by 
the  ardour  of  their  commanders. 

The  force  of  the  enemy  was  materially  greater  than  that  of  the 
Americans.  His  largest  vessel,  the  Confiance,  commanded  by  Cap 
tain  Downiein  person,  had  the  gun-deck  of  a  heavy  frigate,  mount 
ing  on  it  an  armament  similar  to  that  of  the  Constitution,  or  United 
States,  or  30  long  twenty-fours.  She  had  no  spar-deck,  but  there 
was  a  spacious  topgallant  forecastle,  and  a  poop  that  came  no  farther 
forward  than  the  mizen-mast.  On  the  first  were  a  long  twenty-four 
on  a  circle,  and  4  heavy  carronades ;  and  on  the  last  2  heavy  car- 
ronades,  making  an  armament  of  37  guns  in  all.*  Her  complement 
of  men  is  supposed  to  have  been  considerably  more  than  300.  The 
next  vessel  of  the  enemy  was  the  Linnet,  Captain  Pring,  a  brig  of  16 
long  twelves  with  a  crew  of  about  100  men.  There  were  two  sloops, 
the  Chubb,  Lieutenant  M'Ghee,  and  the  Finch,  Lieutenant  Hicks, 
the  former  carrying  10  eighteen-pound  carronades  and  1  Jong  six, 
and  the  latter  6  eighteen-pound  carronades,  1  eighteen-pound  colum- 
biad,  and  4  long  sixes.  Each  of  these  sloops  had  about  40  men. 
To  these  four  vessels  were  added  a  force  in  galleys,  or  gun-boats, 
which  Sir  George  Prevost,  in  his  published  accounts,  states  at  twelve 
in  number,  and  Captain  M'Donough  at  thirteen.  These  vessels 
were  similarly  constructed  to  the  American  galleys,  eight  mounting 
two,  and  the  remainder  but  one  gun  each.  Thus  the  whole  force  of 
Captain  Downie  consisted  of  sixteen  or  seventeen  vessels,  as  the 
case  may  have  been,  mounting  in  all,  95  or  96  guns,  and  carrying 
about  1000  men. 

On  the  3d  of  September,  the  British  gun-boats  sailed  from  Isle 
aux  Noix,  under  the  orders  of  Captain  Pring,  to  cover  the  left  flank 
of  their  army,  then  marching  on  Plattsburg,  and  on  the  4th  that  offi- 

*This  statement  is  different  from  the  published  account  of  Captain  M'Donough,  who 
made  the  force  of  the  Confiance  39  puns,  of  calibers  varying  a  little  from  those  given  here. 
There  were  39  guns  on  board  the  Confiance,  but  two  of  them  were  not  mounted,  or  in 
tended  to  be  mounted.  Captain  M'Donough's  report  was  probably  made  on  the  repre 
sentation  of  some  one  who  had  not  properly  examined  the  English  ship.  That  given 
here  is  taken  from  an  officer  who  was  on  board  the  Confiance  within  ten  minutes  after 
the  Linnet  struck,  and  who  was  in  charge  of  her  for  two  months. 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  215 

cer  took  possession  of  Isle  au  Motte,  where  he  constructed  a  battery, 
and  landed  some  supplies  for  the  troops.  On  the  8th,  the  four  large 
vessels  arrived  under  Captain  Dovvnie,  but  remained  at  anchor  until 
the  llth,  waiting  to  receive  some  necessaries.  At  daylight,  on  the 
morning  just  mentioned,  the  whole  force  weighed,  and  moved  for 
ward  in  a  body. 

The  guard-boat  of  the  Americans  pulled  in  shortly  after  the  sun 
had  risen,  and  announced  the  approach  of  the  enemy.  As  the  wind 
was  fair,  a  good  working  breeze  at  the  northward  and  eastward, 
Captain  M'Donough  ordered  the  vessels  cleared,  and  preparations 
made  to  fight  at  anchor.  Eight  bells  were  striking  in  the  American 
squadron,  as  the  upper  sails  of  the  English  vessels  were  seen  passing 
along  the  land,  in  the  main  lake,  on  their  way  to  double  Cumber 
land  Head,  in  order  to  enter  the  bay.  The  enemy  had  the  wind 
rather  on  his  larboard  quarter,  the  booms  of  his  cutters  swinging  out 
to  starboard.  The  Finch  led,  succeeded  by  the  Confiance,  Linnet, 
and  Chubb,  while  the  gun-boats,  all  of  which,  as  well  as  those  of  the 
Americans,  had  two  latine  sails,  followed  without  much  order,  keep 
ing  just  clear  of  the  shore. 

The  first  vessel  that  came  round  the  Head  was  a  sloop,  which  is 
said  to  have  carried  a  company  of  amateurs,  and  which  took  no  part 
in  the  engagement.  She  kept  well  to  leeward,  and  stood  down 
towards  Crab  Island,  and  was  soon  unobserved.*  The  Finch  came 
next,  and  soon  after  the  other  large  vessels  of  the  enemy  opened  from 
behind  the  land,  and  hauled  up  to  the  wind  in  a  line  abreast,  lying- 
to  until  their  galleys  could  join.  The  latter  passed  to  leeward,  and 
formed  in  the  same  manner  as  their  consorts.  The  two  squadrons 
were  now  in  plain  view  of  each  other,  distant  about  a  league.  As 
soon  as  the  gun-boats  were  in  their  stations,  and  the  different  com 
manders  had  received  their  orders,  the  English  filled,  with  their  star 
board  tacks  aboard,  and  headed  in  towards  the  American  vessels,  in 
a  line  abreast,  the  Chubb  to  windward,  and  the  Finch  to  leeward, 
most  of  the  gun-boats,  however,  being  to  leeward  of  the  latter.  The 
movements  of  the  Finch  had  been  a  little  singular  ever  since  she  led 
round  the  Head,  for  she  is  said  not  to  have  hove-to,  but  to  have  run 
off,  half  way  to  Crab  Island,  with  the  wind  abeam,  then  to  have 
tacked  and  got  into  her  station,  after  the  other  vessels  had  filled. 
This  movement  was  probably  intended  to  reconnoitre,  or  to  menace 
the  rear  of  the  Americans.  The  enemy  was  now  standing  in,  close- 
hauled,  the  Chubb  looking  well  to  windward  of  the  Eagle,  the  vessel 
that  lay  at  the  head  of  the  American  line,  the  Linnet  laying  her 
course  for  the  bows  of  the  same  brig,  the  Confiance  intending  to  fetch 
far  enough  ahead  of  the  Saratoga  to  lay  that  ship  athwart  hawse, 
and  the  Finch,  with  the  gun-boats,  standing  for  the  Ticonderoga 
and  Preble. 

Captain  M'Donough  had  taken  his  anchorage  with  the  eye  of  a 

*  As  the  character  of  this  vessel  was  not  at  first  known,  it  is  not  impossible  that  Cap 
tain  M'Donough  mistook  her  for  ons  of  the  gun-boats,  more  especially  as  she  is  said  to 
have  subsequently  fled  with  them,  which  would  account  for  the  fact  of  his  stating  the 
latter  at  one  more  than  Sir  George  Prevost,  who  doubtless  had  an  accurate  knowledge 
of  Captain  Downie's  force. 


216  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

seaman.  As  has  been  mentioned,  his  line  could  not  be  doubled,  on 
account  of  the  shoal ;  there  was  not  room  to  anchor  on  his  broadside 
out  of  reach  of  the  carronades,  that  formed  so  large  a  portion  of  his 
armaments ;  and  in  order  to  close,  it  was  necessary,  let  the  wind 
blow  as  it  might,  to  stand  in  upon  his  vessels,  bows  on.  Though  the 
latter  was  an  experiment  not  to  be  rashly  attempted,  the  English, 
accustomed  to  see  it  succeed  in  their  European  conflicts,  did  not 
hesitate  to  adopt  it,  on  this  occasion,  most  probably  presuming 
on  theii*  knowledge  of  the  large  proportion  of  short  guns,  in  the  ves 
sels  of  their  adversaries. 

As  a  matter  of  course,  the  Americans  were  anchored  with  springs. 
But  not  content  with  this  customary  arrangement,  Captain 
M'Donough  had  laid  a  kedge  broad  oft*  on  each  bow  of  the  Saratoga, 
and  brought  their  hawsers  in,  upon  the  two  quarters,  letting  them 
hang  in  bights,  under  water.  This  timely  precaution  gained  the 
victory. 

As  the  enemy  filled,  the  American  vessels  sprung  their  broadsides 
to  bear,  and  a  few  minutes  passed  in  the  solemn  and  silent  expecta 
tion,  that,  in  a  disciplined  ship,  always  precedes  a  battle.  Suddenly 
the  Eagle  discharged,  in  quick  succession,  the  four  long  eighteens 
in  broadside.  In  clearing  the  decks  of  the  Saratoga,  some  hen 
coops  were  thrown  overboard,  and  the  poultry  had  been  permitted 
to  run  at  large.  Startled  by  the  reports  of  the  guns,  a  young  cock 
flew  upon  a  gun  slide,  clapped  his  wings  and  crowed.  At  this  ani 
mated  sound,  the  men  spontaneously  gave  three  cheers.  This  little 
occurrence  relieved  the  usual  breathing  time,  between  preparation 
and  the  combat,  and  it  had  a  powerful  influence  on  the  known  ten 
dencies  of  the  seamen.  Still  Captain  M'Donough  did  not  give  the 
order  to  commence,  although  the  enemy's  galleys  now  opened,  for 
it  was  apparent  that  the  fire  of  the  Eagle,  which  vessel  continued  to 
engage,  was  useless.  As  soon,  however,  as  it  was  seen  that  her  shot 
told,  Captain  M'Donough,  himself,  sighted  a  long  twenty-four,  and 
the  gun  was  fired.  This  shot  is  said  to  have  struck  the  Confiance 
near  the  outer  hawsehole,  and  to  have  passed  the  length  of  her  deck, 
killing  and  wounding  several  men,  and  carrying  away  the  wheel.  It 
was  a  signal  for  all  the  American  long  guns  to  open,  and  it  was  soon 
seen  that  the  English  commanding  ship,  in  particular,  was  suffering 
heavily.  Still  the  enemy  advanced  steadily,  and  in  the  most  gallant 
manner,  confident  if  he  could  get  the  desired  position  with  his  vessels, 
that  the  great  weight  of  the  Confiance  would  at  once  decide  the  fate 
of  the  day.  But  he  had  miscalculated  his  own  powers  of  endurance, 
and  not  improbably  those  of  annoyance  possessed  by  the  Americans. 
The  anchors  of  the  Confiance  were  hanging  by  the  stoppers,  in 
readiness  to  let  go,  and  the  larboard  bower  was  soon  cut  away,  as 
well  as  a  spare  anchor  in  the  larboard  fore-chains.  In  short,  after 
bearing  the  fire  of  the  American  vessels  as  long  as  possible,  and  the 
wind  beginning  to  baffle,  Captain  Downie  found  himself  reduced  to 
the  necessity  of  anchoring  while  still  at  the  distance  of  about  a  quar 
ter  of  a  mile  from  the  American  line.  The  helm  was  put  a-port,  the 
ship  shot  into  the  wind,  and  a  kedge  was  let  go,  while  the  vessel  took 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  217 


a  sheer,  and  brought  up  with  her  starboard  bower.  In  doing  the 
latter,  however,  the  kedge  was  fouled  and  became  of  little  use.  In 
coining  to,  the  halyards  were  let  run,  and  the  ship  hauled  up  her 
courses.  At  this  time  the  Linnet  and  Chubb  were  still  standing  in, 
farther  to  windward,  and  the  former,  as  her  guns  bore,  fired  abroad- 
side  at  the  Saratoga.  The  Linnet  soon  after  anchored,  somewhat 
nearer  than  the  Confiance,  getting  a  very  favourable  position  for 
ward  of  the  Eagle's  beam.  The  Chubb  kept  under  way,  intending, 
if  possible,  to  rake  the  American  line.  The  Finch  got  abreast  of  the 
Ticonderoga,  under  her  sweeps,  supported  by  the  gun-boats. 

The  English  vessels  came-to  in  very  handsome  style,  nor  did  the 
Confiance  fire  a  single  gun  until  secured,  although  the  entire  Amer 
ican  line  was  now  engaged  with  all  its  force.  As  soon  as  Captain 
Downie  had  performed  this  duty,  in  a  seaman-like  manner,  his  ship 
appeared  a  sheet  of  fire,  discharging  all  her  guns  at  nearly  the  same 
instant,  pointed  principally  at  the  Saratoga.  The  effect  of  a  broad 
side,  thrown  from  16  long  twenty-fours,  double  shotted,  in  perfectly 
smooth  water,  with  guns  levelled  to  point-blank  range,  and  coolly 
sighted,  was  terrible  in  the  little  ship  that  received  it.  After  the 
crash  had  subsided,  Captain  M'Donough  saw  that  near  half  his 
crew  was  on  the  deck,  for  many  had  been  knocked  down  who  sus 
tained  no  real  injuries.  It  is  supposed,  however,  that  about  40  men, 
or  near  one-fifth  of  her  complement,  were  killed  and  wounded  on 
board  the  Saratoga,  by  this  single  discharge.  The  hatches  had 
been  fastened  down,  as  usual,  but  the  bodies  so  cumbered  the  deck, 
that  it  was  found  necessary  to  remove  the  fastenings  and  to  pass 
them  below.  The  effect  continued  but  a  moment,  when  the  ship 
resumed  her  fire  as  gallantly  as  ever.  Among  the  slain,  however, 
was  Mr.  Peter  Gamble,  the  first  lieutenant.*  By  this  early  loss,  but 
one  officer  of  that  rank,  Acting  Lieutenant  Vallette,  was  left  in  the 
Saratoga. 

On  the  part  of  the  principal  vessels,  the  battle  now  became  a 
steady,  animated,  but  as  guns  were  injured,  a  gradually  decreasing 
cannonade.  Still  the  character  of  the  battle  was  relieved  by  several 
little  incidents  that  merit  notice.  The  Chubb,  while  manoeuvring 
near  the  head  of  the  American  line,  received  a  broadside  from  the 
Eagle  that  crippled  her,  and  she  drifted  down  between  the  opposing 
vessels,  until  near  the  Saratoga,  which  ship  fired  a  shot  into  her,  and 
she  immediately  struck.  Mr.  Platt,  one  of  the  Saratoga's  midship 
men,  was  sent  with  a  boat  to  take  possession.  This  young  officer 
threw  the  prize  a  line,  and  towed  her  down  astern  of  the  Saratoga, 
and  in-shore,  anchoring  her  near  the  mouth  of  the  Saranac.  This 
little  success  occurred  within  a  quarter  of  an  hour  after  the  enemy 
had  anchored,  and  was  considered  a  favourable  omen,  though  all 
well  knew  that  on  the  Confiance  alone  depended  the  fate  of  the  day. 

*  This  young  officer  was  on  his  knees  sighting  the  bow  gun,  When  a  shot  entered  the 
port,  split  the  quoin,  drove  a  portion  of  it  against  his  breast,  and  laid  him  dead  on  the 
deck  without  breaking  his  skin.  Fifteen  minutes  later,  one  of  the  American  shot  struck 
the  muzijje  of  a  twenty-four,  on  board  the  Confiance,  dismounted  it,  sending  it  bodily  in 
board,  against  the  groin  of  Captain  Downie,  killing  him,  also,  without  breaking  the  skin. 


218  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

The  Chubb  had  suffered  materially,  nearly  half  of  her  people  having 
been  killed  and  wounded.* 

About  an  hour  later,  the  Finch  was  also  driven  out  of  her  berth, 
by  the  Ticonderoga,  and  being  crippled,  she  drifted  down  upon  Crab 
Island  Shoal,  where,  receiving  a  shot  or  two  from  the  gun  mounted 
in  the  battery,  she  struck,  and  was  taken  possession  of  by  the  invalids 
belonging  to  the  hospital.  At  this  end  of  the  line,  the  British  galleys 
early  made  several  desperate  efforts  to  close,  and  soon  after  the  Finch 
had  drifted  away,  they  forced  the  Preble  out  of  the  American  line, 
that  vessel  cutting  her  cable,  and  shifting  her  anchorage  to  a  station 
considerably  in-shore,  where  she  was  of  no  more  service  through 
out  the  day.  The  rear  of  the  American  line  was  certainly  its  weakest 
point ;  and  having  compelled  the  little  Preble  to  retreat,  the  enemy's 
galleys  were  emboldened  to  renew  their  efforts  against  the  vessel 
ahead  of  her,  which  was  the  Ticonderoga.  This  schooner,  how 
ever,  was  better  able  to  resist  them,  and  she  was  very  nobly  fought. 
Her  spirited  commander,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Cassin,  walked 
the  taffrail,  where  he  could  watch  the  movements  of  the  enemy's 
galleys,  amidst  showers  of  canister  and  grape,  directing  discharges 
of  bags  of  musket-balls,  and  other  light  missiles,  effectually  keeping 
the  British  at  bay.  Several  times  the  English  galleys,  of  which  many 
were  very  gallantly  fought,  closed  quite  near,  with  an  intent  to 
board,  but  the  great  steadiness  on  board  the  Ticonderoga  beat  them 
back,  and  completely  covered  the  rear  of  the  line  for  the  remainder 
of  the  day.  So  desperate  were  some  of  the  assaults,  notwithstand 
ing,  that  the  galleys  have  been  described  as  several  times  getting 
nearly  within  a  boat-hook's  length  of  the  schooner,  and  their 
people  as  rising  from  the  sweeps  in  readiness  to  spring. 

While  these  reverses  and  successes  were  occurring  in  the  rear  of 
the  two  lines,  the  Americans  were  suffering  heavily  at  the  other  ex 
tremity.  The  Linnet  had  got  a  very  commanding  position,  and  she 
was  very  admirably  fought ;  while  the  Eagle,  which  received  all  her 
fire,  and  part  of  that  of  the  Confiance,  having  lost  her  springs,  found 
herself  so  situated,  as  not  to  be  able  to  bring  her  guns  fairly  to  bear 
on  either  of  the  enemy's  vessels.  Captain  Henley  had  run  his  top 
sail-yards,  with  the  sails  stopped,  to  the  mast-heads,  previously  to 
engaging,  and  he  now  cut  his  cable,  sheeted  home  his  topsails,  cast 
the  brig,  and  running  down,  anchored  by  the  stern,  between  the 
Saratoga  and  Ticonderoga,  necessarily  a  little  in-shore  of  both. 
Here  he  opened  afresh,  and  with  better  effect,  on  the  Confiance  and 
galleys,  using  his  larboard  guns.  But  this  movement  left  the  Sara 
toga  exposed  to  nearly  the  whole  fire  of  the  Linnet,  which  brig  now 
sprung  her  broadside  in  a  manner  to  rake  the  American  ship  on 
her  bows. 

Shortly  after  this  important  change  had  occurred  at  the  head  of 
the  lines,  the  fire  of  the  two  ships  began  materially  to  lessen,  as  gun 
after  gun  became  disabled  ;  the  Saratoga,  in  particular,  having  had 

*Mr.  Platt  was  employed  in  a  boat  more  than  once  on  that  day.  While  thus.engaged 
a  twenty-four-pound  shot  passed  through  his  boat,  which  was  only  kept  from  sinking  by 
lilting  on  the  gunwale. 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  219 

all  her  long  pieces  rendered  useless  by  shot,  while  most  of  the  car- 
ronades  were  dismounted,  either  in  the  same  mariner,  or  in  conse 
quence  of  a  disposition  in  the  men  to  overcharge  them.*  At  length 
but  a  single  carronade  remained  in  the  starboard  batteries,  and  on 
firing  it,  the  navel-bolt  broke,  the  gun  flew  off  the  carriage,  and  it 
actually  fell  down  the  main  hatch.  By  this  accident,  the  American 
commanding  ship  was  left  in  the  middle  of  the  battle,  without  a  single 
available  gun.  Nothing  remained,  but  to  make  an  immediate  attempt 
to  wind  the  ship. 

The  stream  anchor  was  suspended  astern,  and  it  was  let  go  ac 
cordingly.  The  men  then  clapped  on  the  hawser  that  led  to  the 
starboard  quarter,  and  brought  the  ship's  stern  up  over  the  kedge, 
but  here  she  hung,  there  not  being  sufficient  wind  or  current,  to  force 
her  bows  round.  A  line  had  been  bent  to  a  bight  in  the  stream  cable, 
with  a  view  to  help  wind  the  ship,  and  she  now  rode  by  the  kedge 
and  this  line,  with  her  stern  under  the  raking  broadside  of  the  Linnet, 
which  brig  kept  up  a  steady  and  well-directed  fire.  The  larboard 
batteries  having  been  manned  and  got  ready,  Captain  M'Donough 
ordered  all  the  men  from  the  guns,  where  they  were  uselessly  suffer 
ing,  telling  them  to  go  forward.  By  rowsing  on  the  line,  the  ship 
was  at  length  got  so  far  round,  that  the  aftermost  gun  would  bear  on 
the  Confiance,  when  it  was  instantly  manned,  and  began  to  play. 
The  next  gun  was  used  in  the  same  manner,  but  it  was  soon  apparent 
that  the  ship  could  be  got  no  farther  round,  for  she  was  now  nearly 
end-on  to  the  wind.  At  this  critical  moment,  Mr.  Brum,  the  master, 
bethought  him  of  the  hawser  that  had  led  to  the  larboard  quarter. 
It  was  got  forward  under  the  bows,  and  passed  aft  to  the  starboard 
quarter,  when  the  ship's  stern  was  immediately  sprung  to  the  west 
ward,  so  as  to  bring  all  her  larboard  guns  to  bear  on  the  English  ship, 
with  fatal  effect. 

As  soon  as  the  preparations  were  made  to  wind  the  Saratoga,  the 
Confiance  attempted  to  perform  the  same  evolution.  Her  springs 
were  hauled  on,  but  they  merely  forced  the  ship  ahead,  and  having 
borne  the  fresh  broadside  of  the  Americans,  until  she  had  scarcely  a 
gun  with  which  to  return  the  fire,  and  failing  in  all  her  efforts  to  get 
round,  about  two  hours  and  a  quarter  after  the  commencement  of 
the  action,  her  commanding  officer  lowered  his  flag.f  By  hauling 

*  The  want  of  officers  was  greatly  felt  in  this  particular.  In  some  instances  the  seamen 
would  put  two  round  shot,  and  two  stand  of  grape,  into  a  carronade,  the  end  of  the  last 
stand  sticking  out  of  the  muzzle.  In  consequence  of  this  mistaken  zeal,  much  less  exe 
cution  was  done,  besides  crippling  the  heated  guns,  the  enemy's  sides  being  found  full 
of  shot  that  had  lodged.  This  is  the  very  same  mistake  as  that  made  by  the  people  of  the 
Lawrence,  in  the  battle  of  Lake  Erie. 

t  It  has  been  pretendingly  said,  that  all  the  English  had  to  do,  in  these  circumstances, 
was  to  cut  their  cable  and  ride  by  the  spring.  This  is  of  the  partisan  and  superficial 
character  of  a  great  deal  more  that  has  been  advanced,  with  a  view  to  place  one  particu 
lar  achievement  of  the  navy,  not  only  above  every  thing  else  that  has  been  done  by  the 
service,  but  above  every  thing  that  has  been  done  by  all  other  services! 

Had  the  Confiance  cut  her  cable,  and  swung  to  her  spring,  she  would  have  of  course 
tended  to  the  wind,  and  that  being  to  the  northward  and  eastward,  she  would  have 
headed  nearly  diagonally  towards  the  American  line.  As  the  Eagle  and  Ticonderoga 
both  lay  to  the  southward  and  westward  of  her,  and,  at  that  moment,  had  little  else  to  do, 
they  must  have  raked  her.  It  has  been  seen  that  when  the  Eagle  lost  her  spring,  she 
oould  not  bring  her  guns  properly  to  bear;  nor  could  any  vessel  have  been  well  fought, 


220  NAVAL  HISTORY.  1814.J 

again  upon  the  starboard  hawser,  the  Saratoga's  broadside  was  im 
mediately  sprung  to  bear  on  the  Linnet,  which  brig  struck  in  about 
fifteen  minutes  after  her  consort.  The  enemy's  galleys  had  been 
driven  back,  nearly  or  quite  half  a  mile,  and  they  lay  irregularly 
scattered,  and  setting  to  leeward,  keeping  up  a  desultory  firing.  As 
soon  as  they  found  that  the  large  vessels  had  submitted,  they  ceased 
the  combat,  and  lowered  their  colours.  At  this  proud  moment,  it  is 
believed,  on  authority  entitled  to  the  highest  respect,  there  was  not  a 
single  English  ensign,  out  of  the  sixteen  or  seventeen  that  had  so 
lately  been  flying,  left  abroad  in  the  bay ! 

In  this  long  and  bloody  conflict,  the  Saratoga  had  28  men  killed, 
and  29  wounded,  or  more  than  a  fourth  of  all  on  board  her;  the 
Eagle  13  killed,  and  20  wounded,  which  was  sustaining  a  loss  in 
nearly  an  equal  proportion ;  the  Ticonderoga  6  killed,  and  6  wound 
ed;  the  Preble  2  killed  ;  while  on  board  the  10  galleys,  only  3  were 
killed,  and  3  wounded.  The  Saratoga  was  hulled  fifty-five  times, 
principally  by  twenty-four-pound  shot;  and  the  Eagle  thirty-June 
times.  After  the  first  broadside  of  the  Confiance,  the  fire  of  that  ship 
became  much  less  destructive,  the  shot  passing  higher  at  each  suc 
cessive  discharge.  Nearly  all  the  hammocks  were  cut  to  pieces  in 
the  Saratoga's  netting,  at  the  second  broadside ;  and  it  was  seen  as 
the  battle  advanced,  that  the  shot  cut  the  standing  rigging  farther 
from  the  deck.  Few  persons  were  hurt  by  any  thing  but  grape,  or 
by  the  shot  of  the  Linnet,*  after  the  first  fire. 

According  to  the  report  of  Captain  Pring,  of  the  Linnet,  dated  on 
the  12th  of  September, the  Confiance  lost  41  killed, arid  40  wounded. 
It  was  admitted,  however,  that  no  good  opportunity  had  then  existed 
to  ascertain  the  casualties.  At  a  later  day,  the  English  themselves 
enumerated  her  wounded  at  83.  This  would  make  the  total  loss  of 
that  ship  124;  but  even  this  number  is  supposed  to  be  materially 
short  of  the  truth.  The  Linnet  is  reported  to  have  had  10  killed,  and 
14  wounded.  This  loss  is  also  believed  to  be  considerably  below  the 
fact.  The  Chubb  had  6  killed,  and  10  wounded.  The  Finch  was 
reported  by  the  enemy,  to  have  had  but  2  men  wounded.  No  Ame 
rican  official  report  of  the  casualties  in  the  English  vessels  has  been 
published,  but  by  an  estimate  made  on  the  best  data  that  could  be 
found,  the  Linnet  was  thought  to  have  lost  50  men,  and  the  two 

at  anchor,  that  day,  without  a  spring,  in  the  positions  occupied  by  the  two  squadrons. 
The  Confiance  did  not  let  go  her  kedge  in  the  place  that  was  intended ;  but  it  was  of  so 
much  use  that  it  kept  her  broadside  square  with  the  American  line,  though  it  would  not 
suffice  to  wind  her,  under  fire. 

It  was  an  advantage  possessed  by  the  English,  in  the  Battle  of  Plattsburg  Bay,  that 
their  springs  were  on  their  off  sides,  and  in  a  great  measure  protected  from  shot  by  the 
hulls  of  their  vessels. 

*  On  inquiring  into  a  circumstance  so  curious,  when  the  ships  lay  at  the  same  distance 
and  in  smooth  water,  the  American  officers  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  enemy  had 
levelled  his  guns  to  point-blank  range,  previously  to  engaging,  and  that  as  the  quoins 
were  loosened  at  each  discharge,  they  were  not  properly  replaced.  There  is  no  question 
that  the  fire  of  the  Americans  produced  a  great  impression  on  board  the  Confiance,  and 
that  while  making  the  abortive  attempt  to  wind,  that  ship  was  in  great  confusion.  After 
the  battle,  the  charges  of  her  guns  were  drawn,  and  on  the  side  she  had  fought,  one  gun 
was  found  with  a  canvass  bag  holding  two  round  shot,  rammed  home  and  wadded,  with 
out  any  powder ;  another  with  two  cartridges  and  no  shot ;  and  a  third  with  a  wad  below 
the  cartridge. 


AMr.Kir.\N 

1  Kajjlf  1*0 

2  Saratoga  LH> 

:>  TirouiUa-osfa  IT 


r..\t;j.ISlT 


(i  Linnet  10 
~  Contiiiuce  ,'5" 
SKiirlLll 


Attack 


%::•. 

\-\  ,» 

^' 


& 


\ 


1:  /it-it/-  ur'ft-r  ii»t'/i<>riHi 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  221 

smaller  vessels  taken,  about  30  between  them.  No  account,  what 
ever  has  been  published  of  the  casualties  on  board  the  English  galleys, 
though  the  slaughter  in  them  is  believed  to  have  been  very  heavy. 
An  impression  has  prevailed  with  the  public,  that  these  galleys  did 
not  support  their  commander,  but  in  the  American  fleet,  they  were 
thought  to  have  behaved  with  great  gallantry,  and  to  have  fully  sus 
tained  their  share  of  the  battle.  They  are  also  believed  to  have 
suffered  in  a  just  proportion,  from  the  fire  of  the  Ticonderoga,  in 
particular. 

As  soon  as  the  Linnet  struck,  a  lieutenant  was  sent  to  take  posses 
sion  of  the  Confiance.  Bad  as  was  the  situation  of  the  Saratoga, 
that  of  this  prize  was  much  worse.  She  had  been  hulled  105  times; 
had  probably  near,  if  not  quite,  half  her  people  killed  and  wounded; 
and  this  formidable  floating  battery  was  reduced  to  helpless  impo- 
tency.  She  had  not  been  surrendered  a  moment  too  soon. 

As  the  boarding  officer  was  passing  along  the  deck  of  the  prize,  he 
accidentally  ran  against  a  lock-string,  and  fired  one  of  the  Confiance's 
starboard  guns,  which  sent  its  shot  in  the  direction  of  Cumberland 
Head.  Up  to  this  moment,  the  English  galleys  had  been  slowly 
drifting  to  leeward,  with  their  colours  down,  apparently  waiting  to  be 
taken  possession  of;  but  at  the  discharge  of  this  gun,  which  may  have 
been  understood  as  a  signal,  one  or  two  of  them  began  to  move  slowly 
off",  and  soon  after  the  others  followed,  pulling  but  a  very  few  sweeps. 
It  is  not  known  that  one  of  them  hoisted  her  ensign.  Captain  M'Do- 
nough  made  a  signal  for  the  American  galleys  to  follow,  but  it  was 
discovered  that  their  men  were  wanted  at  the  pumps  of  some  of  the 
larger  vessels,  to  keep  them  from  sinking,  the  water  being  found  over 
the  berth-deck  of  the  Linnet,  and  the  signal  was  revoked.  As  there 
was  not  a  mast  that  would  bear  any  canvass  among  all  the  larger 
vessels,  the  English  galleys  escaped,  though  they  went  ofT  slowly  and 
irregularly,  as  if  distrusting  their  own  liberty. 

Captain  M'Donough  applauded  the  conduct  of  all  the  officers  of 
the  Saratoga.  Mr.  Gamble  died  at  his  post,  fighting  bravely ;  Mr. 
Vrallette,  the  only  lieutenant  left,  displayed  the  cool  discretion  that 
marks  the  character  of  this  highly  respectable  and  firm  officer;*  and 
Mr.  Drum,  the  master,  who  was  entrusted  with  the  important  duty 
of  winding  the  ship,  never  lost  his  self-possession  for  an  instant. 
Captain  Henley  praised  the  conduct  of  his  officers,  as  did  Lieutenant 
Commandant  Cassin.  The  galleys  behaved  very  unequally,  but  the 
Borer,  Mr.  Conover  ;f  Netley,  Mr.  Breese ;  J  those  under  the  orders 
of  Mr.  Robins  and  Mr.  Stellwagen,  masters ;  and  one  other,  were 
considered  to  have  been  very  gallantly  handled. 

There  was  a  common  feeling  of  admiration  at  the  manner  in  which 
the  Ticonderoga,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Cassin,  defended  the  rear 
of  the  line,  and  at  the  noble  conduct  of  all  on  board  her.  Once  or 
twice  the  nearest  vessels  thought  that  schooner  in  flames,  in  con 
sequence  of  the  awful  rapidity  of  her  fire. 

The  Saratoga  was  twice  on  fire  by  hot  shot  thrown  from  the  Con- 
fiance,  her  spanker  having  been  nearly  consumed.  This  fact  has 

*  Since  Commodore  Lavalette.          t  Since  Captain  Conover.          ^  Pince  Captain  Breese. 
VOL.  II.  14 


222  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

been  denied,  or  the  shot  attributed  to  the  batteries  on  the  shore  ;  but 
never  by  any  respectable  authority.  No  battery  from  the  American 
shore,  with  the  exception  of  the  gun  or  two  fired  at  the  Finch  from 
Crabb  Island,  took  any  part  in  the  naval  encounter;  nor  could  any, 
without  endangering  the  American  vessels  equally  with  the  enemy. 
Indeed  the  distance  renders  it  questionable  whether  shot  would  have 
reached  with  effect,  as  Captain  M'Donough  had  anchored  far  off  the 
land,  in  order  to  compel  the  enemy  to  come  within  range  of  his 
short  guns. 

The  Americans  found  a  furnace  on  board  the  Confiance,  with  eight 
or  ten  heated  shot  in  it,  though  the  fact  is  not  stated  with  any  view 
to  attribute  it  to  the  enemy  as  a  fault.  It  was  an  advantage  that  he 
possessed,  most  probably,  in  consequence  of  the  presence  of  a  party 
of  artillerists. 

Captain  M'Donough,  who  was  already  very  favourably  known  to 
the  service,  for  his  personal  intrepidity,  obtained  a  vast  accession  of 
reputation,  by  the  results  of  this  day.  His  dispositions  for  receiving 
the  attack,  were  highly  judicious  and  seaman-like.  By  the  manner 
in  which  he  anchored  his  vessels,  with  the  shoal  so  near  the  rear  of 
his  line  as  to  cover  that  extremity,  and  the  land  of  Cumberland  Head 
so  near  his  broadside  as  necessarily  to  bring  the  enemy  within  reach 
of  his  short  guns,  he  completely  made  all  his  force  available.  The 
English  were  not  near  enough,  perhaps,  to  give  to  carronades  their 
full  effect,  but  this  disadvantage  was  unavoidable,  the  assailing  party 
having,  of  course,  some  choice  in  the  distance.  All  that  could  be 
obtained,  under  the  circumstances,  appears  to  have  been  secured, 
and  the  result  proved  the  wisdom  of  the  actual  arrangement.  The 
personal  deportment  of  Captain  M'Donough  in  this  engagement, 
like  that  of  Captain  Perry  in  the  battle  of  Lake  Erie,  was  the  subject 
of  general  admiration  in  his  little  squadron.  His  coolness  was  un 
disturbed  throughout  all  the  trying  scenes  on  board  his  own  ship,  and 
although  lying  against  a  vessel  of  double  the  force,  and  nearly  double 
the  tonnage  of  the  Saratoga,  he  met  and  resisted  her  attack  with  a 
constancy  that  seemed  to  set  defeat  at  defiance.  The  winding  of  the 
Saratoga,  under  such  circumstances,  exposed  as  she  was  to  the  rak 
ing  broadsides  of  the  Confiance  and  Linnet,  especially  the  latter, 
was  a  bold,  seaman-like,  and  masterly  measure, that  required  unusual 
decision  and  fortitude  to  imagine  and  execute.  Most  men  would 
have  believed  that,  without  a  single  gun  on  the  side  engaged,  a  fourth 
of  their  people  cut  down,  and  their  ship  a  wreck,  enough  injury  had 
been  received  to  justify  submission;  but  Captain  M'Donough  found 
the  means  to  secure  a  victory  in  the  desperate  condition  of  his  own  ship. 

The  deportment  of  Lieutenant  Commandant  Cassin*  was  also  the 
subject  of  general  applause  in  the  American  squadron. 

Although  the  personal  conduct  of  Captain  Downie,  and  the  gal 
lantry  of  his  attack,  were  beyond  censure,  the  prudence  and  nautical 
meritsof  hismodeof  approach  have  been  very  justly  questioned.  The 
Confiance  had  been  built  in  a  time  so  short,  and  by  exertions  so  great, 
«s  to  put  it  out  of  the  power  of  the  Americans  to  construct  a  vessel 

*Since  Commodore  Cassin. 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  223 

to  meet  her  in  sufficient  season  to  obviate  the  expected  consequences, 
and  it  would  be  accusing  the  enemy  of  total  imbecility,  to  suppose, 
that  after  the  known  results  of  so  many  combats,  he  had  not  made 
his  vessel  of  ample  force  to  ensure  the  victory.  Few  professional 
judges  will  deny  that  a  ship  with  the  gun-deck  dimensions,  metal,  and 
battery  of  a  forty-four,  ought  to  have  been  fully  equal,  at  least,  to 
contending  with  two  such  vessels  as  the  Saratoga  and  Eagle,  which 
would  be  at  once  attributing  to  the  enemy  a  material  superiority  of 
force.  The  plan  of  the  campaign  that  was  destroyed  by  this  defeat, 
the  high  objects  in  view,  the  fact  that  the  English  were  the  assailants, 
and  that  they  could  not  but  know  the  force  they  were  to  attack,  to 
gether  with  all  the  other  attendant  circumstances,  are  so  many  as 
surances  that  the  battle  of  Plattsburg  Bay  was  fought  on  the  part  of 
the  enemy,  with  a  confidence  of  victory  that  was  only  justified  by 
this  known  advantage.  The  very  name  given  to  their  largest  ship, 
was  a  pledge  to  this  effect.  Sir  James  Yeo,  whose  command  ex 
tended  to  this  lake,  complained  to  his  superior  officer,  that  Captain 
Downie  had  been  hurried  into  action  by  the  Governor-General  un 
prepared,  but  he  did  not  complain  of  an  insufficiency  of  force,  which 
would  infer  a  grave  fault  in  all  connected  with  the  previous  arrange 
ments.  That  Captain  Downie  went  into  action  before  his  own 
crew  and  vessel  had  been  long  subject  to  drill  and  preparation,  is 
true ;  and  Captain  M'Donough  was  labouring  equally  under  the 
same  disadvantage.  These  are  incidents  peculiar  to  sudden  enter 
prises,  and  must  be  met  by  the  resources  of  seamen.  The  Constitution 
took  the  Guerriere  with  a  crew  that  had  been  acting  together  but  ^ittle 
more  than  a  month,  and  she  was  mano3uvring  before  the  squadron 
off  New  York,  a  much  more  delicate  exploit,  within  five  days  of  the 
time  that  a  large  proportion  of  her  people  had  joined  her  !  Captain 
Dovvnie's  professional  character,  as  well  as  his  declarations,  as  they 
have  been  published  to  the  world,  are  sufficient  guarantees  that  he 
deemed  the  Confiance  ready  to  meet  the  enemy.  Sir  James  Yeo, 
with  great  reason,  complained  that  this  officer  had  stood  into  the  bay 
to  make  his  attack,  a  step  that  brought  him  under  a  raking  fire,  and 
which,  no  doubt,  materially  contributed  to  the  loss  of  the  day.  In 
short,  Captain  Downie  made  an  attempt  to  lead  into  the  hostile 
squadron  bows  on,  a  measure  that  the  English  had  often  practised  in 
Europe  with  comparative  impunity,  but  which  was  an  experiment 
imminently  hazardous  to  make  under  the  guns  of  an  American 
man-of-war.  Still  his  bearing  was  highly  gallant;  the  weatherly 
position  he  obtained  was  much  in  his  favour;  and  judging  from  the 
force  of  his  own  vessel,  could  he  have  got  the  berth  he  aimed  at,  there 
is  great  reason  to  think  he  would  have  succeeded.  That  he  was  foiled*, 
must  be  attributed  to  the  immovable  steadiness,  cool  deliberation,  and 
admirable  fire  of  the  assailed. 

Although  many  of  the  American  officers  were  wounded,  but  two 
that  belonged  to  the  quarter-deck  were  killed.  These  were  Mr 
Gamble,  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  Saratoga,  and  Mr.  Stansbury,*the 

*  The  manner  in  which  Mr.  Gamble  met  his  death,  has  been  mentioned.  Mr.  Stans- 
bury  suddenly  disappeared  from  the  bulwarks  forward,  while  superintending  some  doty 


224  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

first  lieutenant  of  the  Ticonderoga.  Mr.  Smith,*  a  very  valuable 
officer,  and  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  Eagle,  received  a  severe  wound, 
but  returned  to  his  quarters  during  the  action.  On  the  part  of  the 
enemy,  besides  Captain  Downie,  several  officers  were  killed,  and 
three  or  four  were  wounded. 

Captain  M'Donough,  besides  the  usual  medal  from  Congress,  and 
various  compliments  and  gifts  from  different  states  arid  towns,  was 
promoted  for  his  services.  The  legislature  of  Vermont  presented 
him  also  with  a  small  estate  on  Cumberland  Head,  which  overlooked 
the  scene  of  his  triumph.  The  officers  and  crews  met  with  the  cus 
tomary  acknowledgments,  and  the  country  generally  placed  the 
victory  by  the  side  of  that  of  Lake  Erie.  In  the  navy,  which  is  bet 
ter  qualified  to  enter  into  just  estimates  of  force,  and  all  the  other 
circumstances  that  enhance  the  merits  of  nautical  exploits,  the  battle 
of  Plattsburg  Bay  is  justly  placed  among  the  very  highest  of  its  claims 
to  £-lory. 

The  consequences  of  this  victory  were  immediate  and  important. 
During  the  action,  Sir  George  Prevost  had  skirmished  in  front  of 
the  American  works,  and  was  busy  in  making  demonstrations  for  a 
more  serious  attack.  As  soon,  however,  as  the  fate  of  the  British 
squadron  was  ascertained,  he  made  a  precipitate  and  unmilitary 
retreat,  abandoning  much  of  his  heavy  artillery,  stores,  and  supplies, 
and  from  that  moment  to  the  end  of  the  war,  the  northern  frontier 
was  cleared  of  the  enemy. 

with  the  springs.  Two  days  after  the  action,  his  body  rose  to  the  surface  of  the  water 
near  the  vessel  to  which  he  had  belonged,  and  it  was  found  that  it  had  been  cut  in  two 
by  a  round  shot.  Both  these  gentlemen  showed  great  coolness  and  spirit,  until  they  fell. 
Many  officers  were  knocked  down  in  the  engagement,  without  having  blood  drawn.  At 
one  moment,  there  was  a  cry  in  the  Saratoga  that  Captain  M'Donough,  or  as  he  was 
usually  called,  the  commodore,  was  killed.  He  was  lying  on  his  face,  on  the  quarter 
deck,  nearly  if  not  quite  senseless  ;  and  it  was  two  or  three  minutes  before  he  came  to 
his  recollection.  He  pointed  a  favourite  gun  most  of  the  action,  and  while  standing  in 
the  middle  of  the  deck  bending  his  body  to  sight  it,  a  shot  had  cut  in  two  the  spankei- 
boom,  letting  the  spar  fall  on  his  back,  a  blow  that  might  easily  have  proved  fatal.  A 
few  minutes  after  this  accident,  the  cry  that  the  commodore  was  killed  was  heard  aeain. 
This  time,  Captain  M'Donough  was  lying  on  the  offside  of  the  deck,  between  two  of  the 
guns,  covered  with  blood,  and  again  nearly  senseless.  A  shot  had  driven  the  head  of 
the  captain  of  his  favourite  gun  in  upon  him,  and  knocked  him  into  the  scuppers.  Mr. 
Brum  the  master,  a  venerable  old  seaman,  while  -winding  the  ship,  had  a  large  splinter 
driven  so  near  his  body,  as  actually  to  strip  off  his  clothes.  For  a  minute  he  was  thought 
to  be  dead,  but,  on  gaining  his  feet,  he  made  an  apron  of  his  pocket  handkerchief,  and 
coolly  went  to  work  again  with  the  springs !  A  few  months  later  this  veteran  died,  as  is 
thought  of  the  injury.  Mr.  Vallette  had  a  shot-box,  on  which  he  was  standing,  knocked 
from  under  his  feet,  and  he  too,  was  once  knocked  down  by  the  head  of  a  seaman.  In 
short,  very  few  escaped  altogether,  and  in  this  desperate  fight,  it  appears  to  have  been 
agreed  on  both  sides,  to  call  no  man  wounded  who  could  keep  out  of  the  hospital  Many 
who  were  not  included  among  the  wounded,  feel  the  effects  of  their  hurts  to  this  day. 
It  is  said,  that  scarcely  an  individual  escaped  on  board  of  either  the  Confiance  or  Sara 
toga,  without  some  injury. 

*Since  Commodore  Smith. 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  225 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Operations  on  the  upper  Lakes — Com.  Sinclair  repulsed  in  his  attempt  on  MichUimack- 
inac — The  Ohio  and  Somers  surprised  and  captured  by  the  British — The  Tigress  and 
Scorpbn  taken  by  surprise — Notice  of  Henry  Eckford — Resources  and  successes  of 
the  American  and  British  forces  on  the  Lakes. 

AFTER  the  success  of  Captain  Perry  on  Lake  Erie,  the  English 
made  no  serious  effort  to  recover  the  ascendency  on  the  upper  waters. 
During  the  winter  of  1813-14,  they  are  believed  to  have  contem 
plated  an  attempt  against  a  portion  of  the  American  vessels,  which 
were  lying  at  Put-iri-Bay,  but  the  enterprise  was  abandoned.  When 
Commodore  Sinclair  hoisted  his  pennant,  as  commander  on  this  sta 
tion,  an  expedition  sailed  against  Michilimackinac,  which  was 
repulsed.  He  made  some  captures  of  vessels  belonging  to  the  North 
west  Company,  blew  up  a  block-house  in  the  Nautauwassauga,  and 
compelled  the  enemy  to  destroy  a  schooner,  called  the  Nancy,  com 
manded  by  Lieutenant  Worsley. 

While  these  movements  were  in  the  course  of  occurrence  in  Lakes 
Superior  and  Huron,  several  of  the  small  vessels  were  kept  at  the 
foot  of  Lake  Erie,  to  co-operate  with  the  army  then  besieged  at  the 
fort  of  the  same  name.  On  the  night  of  the  12th  of  August,  the 
Somers,  Ohio,  and  Porcupine,  all  of  which  were  under  Lieutenant 
Conklin,  were  anchored  just  at  the  outlet  of  the  lake,  to  cover  the 
left  flank  of  the  American  works.  The  enemy  brought  up  a  party 
of  seamen  from  below,  with  a  view  to  cut  them  off,  and  about  mid 
night  he  made  an  attack,  under  Captain  Dobbs,  in  six  or  eight  boats, 
most  of  which  were  large  batteaux.  The  Ohio  and  Somers  were 
surprised,  the  last  being  captured  without  any  resistance,  but  the 
Porcupine  taking  the  alarm,  easily  effected  her  escape.  The  ene 
my  drifted  down  the  rapids  with  their  two  prizes,  and  secured  them 
below. 

In  this  sudden  and  handsome  affair,  the  Americans  had  1  man 
killed  and  10  wounded.  The  enemy  lost  about  the  same  number, 
by  the  resistance  on  board  the  Ohio,  among  wrhom  was  Lieutenant 
Radcliffe,  of  the  Netley,  slain.  The  Porcupine  had  no  part  in  the 
action.  This  surprise  was  the  result  of  excess  of  confidence,  it  being 
thought  that  the  enemy  had  no  force  on  Lake  Erie  with  which  to 
make  such  an  attack.  The  manner  in  which  the  men  and  boats 
were  brought  up  from  Lake  Ontario,  for  this  purpose,  and  the  neat 
ness  with  which  the  enterprise  was  executed,  reflected  great  credit 
on  all  concerned. 

Nor  was  this  the  only  successful  attempt  of  the  same  nature,  made 
by  the  English  on  the  upper  lakes,  during  this  season.  Lieutenant 
Worsley,  the  officer  who  commanded  the  schooner  destroyed  by 
Commodore  Sinclair,  had  escaped  with  all  his  men,  and  obtaining  a 
party  of  soldiers  from  Michilimackinac,  and  a  strong  body  of  Indians, 
he  planned  a  surprise  upon  the  Tigress  and  Scorpion,  two  schooners 


226  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

that  had  been  left  in  Lake  Huron  after  the  repulse  on  the  post  just 
mentioned.  The  Tigress  mounted  a  twenty-four,  had  a  crew  of  28 
men,  officers  included,  and  was  commanded  by  Mr.  Champlin.  She 
was  lying  at  St.  Joseph's,  on  the  night  of  the  3d  of  September,  when 
Mr.  Worsley  made  his  attack  in  five  large  boats,  one  of  which 
mounted  a  six,  and  another  a  three-pounder,  accompanied  by  nine 
teen  canoes,  containing  more  than  200  men.  The  night  was  so  dark 
that  the  enemy  got  very  near  before  they  were  discovered,  but  Mr. 
Champlin*  and  his  officers  made  a  very  gallant  resistance.  The 
schooner  was  not  captured  until  all  her  officers  had  been  shot  down. 
The  guns  of  the  enemy  were  transferred  to  the  Tigress,  and  while 
she  still  continued  in  her  berth,  the  evening  of  the  next  day,  the  Scor 
pion,  Lieutenant  Turner,  which  had  beencruising,  came  in  and  an 
chored  about  five  miles  from  her.  Neither  vessel  had  signals,  and 
there  was  no  attempt  to  communicate  that  night.  The  next  morn 
ing,  at  daylight,  the  Tigress  was  seen  standing  down  towards  the 
Scorpion,  with  American  colours  flying,  and  there  not  being  the 
slightest  apparent  motive  to  suspect  her  change  of  character,  she 
was  permitted  to  come  close  alongside,  when  she  fired  all  her  guns, 
run  the  Scorpion  aboard,  and  carried  her  without  difficulty.  This 
surprise  was  wholly  attributed  to  the  want  of  signals,  and  Mr.  Tur 
ner  was  honourably  acquitted  for  the  loss  of  his  vessel.  In  carrying 
the  Tigress,  the  enemy  had  a  lieutenant  and  2  men  killed,  and  7 
men  wounded.  On  board  the  Tigress  3  men  were  killed,  and  all  the 
officers  and  3  seamen  were  wounded.  The  Scorpion,  being  sur 
prised,  made  but  a  trifling  resistance.  These  little  captures,  which 
were  very  creditable  to  the  enterprise  of  the  enemy,  terminated  the 
war  on  the  upper  lakes,  the  vessels  being  shortly  after  laid  up. 

During  the  winter  of  1814-15  both  belligerents  were  building,  the 
enemy  having  laid  down  a  second  two-decker  at  Kingston,  while  the 
Americans  prepared  to  build  two  at  the  Harbour.  To  effect  this 
purpose  in  time,  Commodore  Chauncev  sent  in  a  statement  to  the 
department,  by  which  it  appears  the  service  would  require  600  ship- 
carpenters,  60  ship-joiners,  120  sawyers,  75  blacksmiths,  25  block 
and  pump  makers,  10  boat-builders,  10  spar-makers,  18  gun-car 
riage-makers,  16  sail-makers,  10  armourers,  and  5  tin-men,  or  949 
artisans  in  all.  With  this  force,  Mr.  Eckford  engaged  to  put  into 
the  water  two  ships,  to  carry  102  guns  each,  within  sixty  days  from 
the  time  he  commenced,  the  timber  then  standing  in  the  forest.  The 
order  was  given,  and  the  work  commenced  in  January.  The  news 
that  a  treaty  of  peace  had  been  signed,  was  received  when  the  work 
on  one  of  these  vessels,  called  the  New  Orleans,  had  been  com 
menced  but  twenty-nine  clays.  She  was  then  nearly  planked  in,  and 
it  was  calculated  would  have  been  in  the  water  in  twenty-seven  days 
more.  The  second  vessel  was  but  little  behind  her,  and  there  is  no 
doubt  that  Commodore  Chauncey  would  have  taken  the  lake,  as 
soon  as  the  navigation  opened,  with  a  force  consisting  of  2  sail  of  the 
line,  2  frigates,  2  corvettes,  4  brigs,  and  as  many  small  craft  as  the 

*Now  Commander  Champlin. 


1814.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  227 

service  could  possibly  have  required.  As  the  enemy  had  received 
the  frames  of  one  or  two  frigates  from  England,  and  had  already  be 
gun  to  set  them  up,  it  is  probable  that  a  frigate  would  have  been 
added  to  this  force,  by  building  her  of  the  timber  found  too  small  for 
the  heavier  ships.* 

The  peace  put  a  stop  to  the  strife  in  ship-building,  and  terminated 
the  war  on  the  lakes.  In  this  inland  contest,  while  the  enemy  had 
been  active,  bold,  and  full  of  resources,  impartial  judges  must  award 
the  palm  to  the  Americans.  On  the  upper  lakes  and  on  Champlain, 
'the  English  had  sought  general  actions,  and  decisive  victories  placed 
the  republic  in  nearly  undisputed  command  of  those  waters.  The 
important  results  tbat  had  been  expected,  fully  rewarded  this  suc 
cess.  On  Lake  Ontario,  the  English  pursued  a  different  policy, 
cautiously  avoiding  any  conflict  that  might  prove  final,  unless  under 
circumstances  that  would  ensure  victory. 

On  Lake  Champlain  the  enemy  captured  in  the  course  of  the  war, 
the  Eagle  and  Growler,  by  means  of  their  army.  These  two  vessels 
were  subsequently  retaken,  under  the  names  of  the  Chubb  and  the 
Finch,  and  the  whole  English  force  was  defeated.  On  Lake  Erie, 
the  success  of  the  enemy  was  limited  to  the  surprise  of  the  four 
schooners  mentioned  in  this  chapter  ;  while  they  lost  equally  by  sur 
prise,  the  Detroit  and  Caledonia,  their  whole  squadron  in  action,  and 
a  schooner  on  Lake  Huron  blown  up.  On  Lake  Ontario,  the  success 
of  the  enemy  was  limited  to  the  capture  of  the  Julia  and  Growler,  in 
the  affair  of  the  10th  of  August,  and  the  re-capture  of  the  latter  ves 
sel  at  Oswego.  On  no  other  occasion,  with  the  exception  of  the  gig 
of  Mr.  Gregory,  and  one  boat  carrying  a  gun  and  two  cables,  did 
any  man,  or  thing,  belonging  to  the  navy  fall  into  his  hands.  He 

*  Henry  Eckford,  the  justly  celebrated  builder  by  whom  all  these  prodigies  in  con 
structing  were  performed,  was  a  native  of  Scotland.  Having  adopted  his  art  for  a  pro 
fession,  he  came  to  the  Canadas  while  still  a  lad,  and  passed  some  time  at  Montreal,  oc 
cupied  in  learning  his  trade.  In  1791,  when  only  19  years  of  age,  he  determined  to 
establish  himself  in  the  United  States,  and  crossing  from  Kingston,  he  landed  on  the  very 
point,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Oswego,  where  17  years  later  he  set  up  the  frame  of  the 
Oneida  16,  the  first  American  vessel  of  war  that  was  ever  launched  upon  the  lakes. 
Proceeding  to  New  York,  he  got  into  business  and  soon  was  known  as  one  of  the  best 
and  most  qnterprising  ship-builders  of  that  port.  About  the  year  1807  he  began  to  be  em 
ployed  by  government,  and  during  the  whole  war  he  was  at  the  head  of  the  building 
yards  on 'Lake  Ontario,  where,  considering  the  difficulties  with  which  he  had  to  contend, 
he  gained  great  distinction  by  his  inexhaustible  resources,  self-reliance,  energy,  zeal,  and 
the  liberal  and  enlarged  views  he  took  of  his  duties.  After  the  war  Mr.  Eckford  resum 
ed  his  calling  in  New  York,  building  many  fine  frigates  for  the  South  American  States. 
He  also  built  the  Ohio  80,  for  government. 

About  the  year  1829,  Mr.  Eckford  was  induced  to  goto  Constantinople,  to  build  some 
ships  for  the  Sultan.  While  making  his  arrangements  to  put  the  Turkish  fleet  on  a  re 
spectable  footing,  so  far  as  ships  were  concerned,  this  enterprising  and  far-sighted  builder 
died  of  a  fever. 

Henry  Eckford  was  undoubtedly  a  man  of  genius.  He  had  not  been  thoroughly  ed 
ucated  in  the  higher  branches  of  his  art,  but  he  raised  himself  to  a  level  of  those  who 
were,  by  the  force  of  his  own  talents.  His  notions  of  the  powers  of  a  ship,  were  just, 
practical,  and  entirely  free  from  prejudices,  and  his  eye  was  as  true  as  his  judgment. 
As  a  man  he  was  greatly  respected,  and  as  a  citizen,  he  showed  a  noble  confidence  in 
the  government,  by  casting  his  whole  fortune  on  that  of  the  state,  at  a  moment,  when 
others,  with  louder  professions  of  attachment,  were  distrustful,  backward,  and  untrue. 
He  married  early  in  New  York,  and  left  descendants  in  the  third  generation  behind  him 
when  he  went  abroad  on  his  eastern  enterprise,  intending  to  return  to  a  home  that  had 
become  endeared  by  the  associations  of  forty  years,  at  its  termination. 


228  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1814. 

made  one  exceedingly  impotent  attack  on  the  Harbour,  (previously 
to  the  arrival  of  Commodore  Yeo,)  was  beaten  in  a  subsequent  and 
more  spirited  attempt  on  the  same  place,  succeeded  in  taking 
Oswego,  and  committed  some  ravages  at  Sodus,  and  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Genesee.  For  a  few  days  he  also  co-operated  with  his  army. 
On  the  part  of  the  Americans,  a  spirited  attack  was  made  on  Kings 
ton  in  1812;  York  was  twice  captured  in  1813,  as  was  Fort  George 
once ;  a  brig  was  brought  off  from  York,  and  a  vessel  of  20  guns 
burned  at  the  same  place ;  another  of  14  guns  at  Presque  Isle  ;  a 
third  driven  ashore  and  blown  up  to  the  westward  of  Niagara ;  six* 
gun-vessels  and  three  gun-boats,  and  many  smaller  craft  were  cap 
tured  ;  and,  at  different  times,  two  captains,  many  other  officers,  and 
several  hundred  seamen  and  marines  were  taken.  Kingston  was 
often  long  and  closely  blockaded,  and,  with  short  and  few  exceptions, 
the  Americans  had  the  command  of  the  lake.  The  greater  age  of 
the  English  than  the  American  frontier,  as  a  settled  country,  gave 
the  enemy  material  advantages,  of  which  he  fully  availed  himself. 
Owing  to  the  vast  resources  of  the  English  marine,  which  through 
out  the  year  1814  had  no  other  employment  than  this  war,  Sir  James 
Yeo  was  enabled  to  render  essential  service  to  the  British  army, 
beyond  a  question,  though  the  ascendency  was  lost  during  several 
of  the  most  important  months  of  the  season.  It  ought  never  to  be 
forgotten,  moreover,  that  the  wealthier  portion  of  the  American  peo 
ple,  who,  as  a  body,  have  seldom  been  true  to  the  nation,  in  conflicts 
of  opinion  with  Great  Britain,  allowed  their  confidence  in  the  public 
securities  to  be  so  much  impaired,  that  all  the  heaviest  operations  of 
Commodore  Chauncey  were  carried  on  by  means  of  a  depreciated 
currency ;  the  securities  that  reason  and  truth  should  have  taught 
capitalists  were  the  very  best  that  the  world  afforded,  having  been 
suffered  to  foil  into  a  discredit  that  greatly  impaired  the  efforts  of  all 
the  public  servants. 

No  officer  of  the  American  navy  ever  filled  a  station  of  the  respon 
sibility  and  importance  of  that  which  Commodore  Chauncey  occu 
pied  ;  and  it  may  be  justly  questioned  if  any  officer  could  have 
acquitted  himself  better,  of  the  high  trust  that  had  been  reposed  in 
him.  He  commanded  the  profound  respect  of  the  vigilant,  bold,  and 
skilful  commander  to  whom  he  was  opposed,  and  to  the  last,  retained 
the  entire  confidence  of  his  own  government. 


1814-15.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  229 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

Cruise  of  the  Constitution,  Capt.  Stewart — Capture  of  the  man-of-war  Pictou — Her 
second  cruise— She  makes  two  prizes— is  chased  by  two  British  vessels — engages  both, 
and  captures  the  Cyane — She  pursues  and  captures  the  Levant — The  Cyane,  Lieut. 
Hoffman,  sails  for  America — The  Constitution  and  the  Levant  chased  by  a  British 
squadron  off  Port  Praya — The  Levant  is  pursued  into  port  where  she  strikes  to  the  ene 
my — The  Constitution  returns  home — her  services  and  character  as  a  "  lucky  ship." 

WHEN  Commodore  Bainbridge  gave  up  the  command  of  the  Con 
stitution  44,  in  1813,  that  ship  was  found  to  be  so  decayed  as  to 
require  extensive  repairs.  Her  crew  was  principally  sent  upon  the 
lakes,  a  new  one  entered,  and  the  command  of  her  was  given  to  Cap 
tain  Charles  Stewart.  The  ship,  however,  was  not  able  to  get  to 
sea  until  the  winter  of  1814,  when  she  made  a  cruise  to  the  south 
ward,  passing  down  the  coast,  and  running  through  the  Westlndies, 
on  her  way  home,  where  she  fell  in  with  La  Pique  36,  which  ship 
made  her  escape  by  going  through  the  Mona  passage  in  the  night. 
Previously  to  her  return,  the  Constitution  captured  the  Pictou  14,  a 
man-of-war  schooner  of  the  enemy.  Reaching  the  American  coast, 
she  was  chased  into  Marblehead  by  two  English  frigates,  the  Junon 
and  Tenedos.  Shortly  after  she  went  to  Boston.  In  this  cruise,  the 
Constitution  made  a  few  prizes,  in  addition  to  the  schooner. 

On  the  17th  of  December,  the  Constitution  again  left  Boston,  and 
ran  off  Bermuda,  thence  to  the  vicinity  of  Madeira,  and  into  the  Bay 
of  Biscay.  After  this,  she  cruised  some  time  in  sight  of  the  Rock 
of  Lisbon,  making  two  prizes,  one  of  which  was  destroyed,  and  the 
other  sent  in.  While  in  the  vicinity  of  Lisbon,  she  made  a  large 
ship  and  gave.chase,  but  before  her  courses  were  raised,  one  of  the 
prizes  just  mentioned,  was  fallen  in  with,  and  while  securing  it,  the 
strange  sail  disappeared.  This  vessel  is  understood  to  have  been 
the  Elizabeth  74,  which,  on  her  arrival  at  Lisbon,  hearing  that  the 
Constitution  was  off  the  coast,  immediately  came  out  in  pursuit  of 
her  ;  but  Captain  Stewart  had  stood  to  the  southward  and  westward, 
in  quest  of  an  enemy  said  to  be  in  that  direction. 

On  the  morning  of  the  20th  of  February,  the  wind  blowing  a  light 
Levanter,  from  one  of  those  impulses  which  cannot  be  explained, 
finding  nothing  where  he  was,  Captain  Stewart  ordered  the  helm  put 
up,  and  the  ship  ran  off  southwest,  varying  her  position,  in  that 
direction,  fifty  or  sixty  miles.  At  1  P.  M.,  a  stranger  was  seen  on 
the  larboard  bow,  when  the  ship  hauled  up  two  or  three  points,  and 
made  sail  in  chase.  In  about  twenty  minutes,  the  stranger  was 
made  out  to  be  a  ship,  and  half  an  hour  later,  a  second  vessel  was 
seen  farther  to  leeward,  which  at  two  was  also  ascertained  to  be  a 
ship.  The  Constitution  kept  standing  on,  all  three  vessels  on  bow 
lines,  until  four,  when  the  nearest  of  the  strangers  made  a  signal  to 
the  ship  to  leeward,  and  shortly  after,  he  kept  away  and  ran  down 
towards  his  consort,  then  about  three  leagues  under  his  lee.  The 
Constitution  immediately  squared  away,  and  set  her  studding-sails, 


230  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1815. 

alow  and  aloft.  No  doubt  was  now  entertained  of  the  strangers 
being  enemies;  the  nearest  ship  having  the  appearance  of  a  small 
frigate,  and  the  vessel  to  leeward  of  a  large  sloop  of  war.  The  first 
was  carrying  studding-sails  on  both  sides,  while  the  last  was  running 
off  under  short  canvass,  to  allow  her  consort  to  close.  Captain 
Stewart  believed  it  was  their  intention  to  keep  away,  on  their  best 
mode  of  sailing,  until  night,  in  the  hope  of  escaping;  and  he  crowd 
ed  every  thing  that  would  draw,  with  a  view  to  get  the  nearest  vessel 
under  his  guns.  About  half  past  four,  the  spar  proving  defective,  the 
main  royal-mast  was  carried  away,  and  the  chase  gained.  A  few 
guns  were  now  fired,  but  finding  that  the  shot  fell  short,  the  attempt 
to  cripple  the  stranger  was  abandoned. 

Perceiving  at  half  past  five,  that  it  was  impossible  to  prevent  the 
enemy  from  effecting  a  junction,  the  Constitution,  then  a  little  more 
than  a  league  distant  from  the  farthest  ship,  cleared  for  action.  Ten 
minutes  later,  the  two  chases  passed  within  hail  of  each  other,  came 
by  the  wind  with  their  heads  to  the  northward,  hauled  up  their  courses, 
and  were  evidently  clearing  to  engage.  In  a  few  minutes,  both  ships 
suddenly  made  sail,  close  by  the  wind,  in  order  to  weather  upon  the 
American  frigate,  but  perceiving  that  the  latter  was  closing  too  fast, 
they  again  hauled  up  their  courses,  and  formed  on  the  wind,  the 
smallest  ship  ahead. 

At  6  P.  M.,  the  Constitution  had  the  enemy  completely  under  her 
guns,  and  she  showed  her  ensign.  The  strangers  answered  this 
defiance,  by  setting  English  colours,  and  five  minutes  later,  the  Amer 
ican  ship  ranged  up  abeam  of  the  sternmost  vessel,  at  the  distance 
of  a  cable's  length,  passing  ahead  with  her  sails  lifting,  until  the 
three  ships  formed  nearly  an  equilateral  triangle,  the  Constitution  to 
windward.  In  this  masterly  position  the  action  commenced,  the 
three  vessels  keeping  up  a  hot  and  unceasing  fire  for  about  a  quarter 
of  an  hour,  when  that  of  the  enemy  sensibly  slackened.  Tlie  sea 
being  covered  with  an  immense  cloud  of  smoke,  and  it  being  now 
moonlight,  Captain  Stewart  ordered  the  cannonading  to  cease.  In 
three  minutes  the  smoke  had  blown  away,  when  the  leading  ship  of 
the  enemy  was  seen  under  the  lee-beam  of  the  Constitution,  while 
the  sternmost  was  luffing,  as  if  she  intended  to  tack  and  cross  her 
wake.  Giving  a  broadside  to  the  ship  abreast  of  her,  the  American 
frigate  threw  her  main  and  mizen-topsails  with  topgallant  sails  set, 
flat  aback,  shook  all  forward,  let  fly  her  jib  sheet,  and  backed  swiftly 
astern,  compelling  the  enemy  to  fill  again  to  avoid  being  raked. 
The  leading  ship  now  attempted  to  tack,  to  cross  the  Constitution's 
forefoot,  when  the  latter  filled,  boarded  her  fore-tack,  shot  ahead, 
forced  her  antagonist  to  ware  under  a  raking  broadside,  and  to  run 
off  to  leeward  to  escape  from  the  weight  of  her  fire. 

The  Constitution  perceiving  that  the  largest  ship  was  waring  also, 
wore  in  her  turn,  and  crossing  her  stern,  raked  her  with  effect,  though 
the  enemy  came  by  the  wind  immediately,  and  delivered  his  larboard 
broadside,  but  as  the  Constitution  ranged  up  close  on  his  weather 
quarter,  he  struck.  Mr.  Hoffman,  the  second  lieutenant  of  the  Con- 


1815.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  231 

stitution,  was  immediately  sent  to  take  possession,  the  prize  proving 
to  be  the  British  ship  Cyane,  Captain  Falcon. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  ship  that  had  run  to  leeward,  had  no  inten 
tion  of  abandoning  her  consort,  but  had  been  forced  out  of  the  com 
bat,  by  the  crippled  condition  of  her  running  rigging,  and  to  avoid 
the  weight  of  the  Constitution's  fire.  She  was  ignorant  of  the  fate 
of  the  Cyane,  but  at  the  end  of  about  an  hour,  having  repaired  dam 
ages,  she  hauled  up,  and  met  the  Constitution  coming  down  in  quest 
of  her.  It  was  near  nine  before  the  two  ships  crossed  each  other  on 
opposite  tacks,  the  Constitution  to  windward,  and  exchanged  broad 
sides.  The  English  ship  finding  her  antagonist  too  heavy,  imme 
diately  bore  up,  in  doing  which  she  got  a  raking  discharge,  when  the 
Constitution  boarded  her  fore-tack  and  made  sail,  keeping  up  a  most 
effective  chasing  fire,  from  her  two  bow  guns,  nearly  every  shot  of 
which  told.  The  two  ships  were  so  near  each  other,  that  the  rip 
ping  of  the  enemy's  planks  was  heard  on  board  the  American  frigate. 
The  former  was  unable  to  support  this  long,  and  at  10  P.  M.  he 
came  by  the  wind,  fired  a  gun  to  leeward,  and  lowered  his  ensign. 
Mr.  W.  B.  Shubrick,  the  third  lieutenant,  was  sent  on  board  to  take 
possession,  when  it  was  found  that  the  prize  was  the  Levant  18,  the 
Honourable  Captain  Douglas. 

During  this  cruise,  the  Constitution  mounted  52  guns  ;  and  she 
had  a  complement  of  about  470  men,  all  told,  a  few  of  whom  were 
absent  in  a  prize.  The  Cyane  was  a  frigate-built  ship,  that  properly 
rated  24  guns,  though  she  appeared  as  only  a  20  in  Steele's  list, 
mounting  22  thirty-two-pound  carronades  on  her  gun-deck,  and  10 
eighteen-pound  carronades,  with  two  chase  guns,  on  her  quarter 
deck  and  forecastle,  making  34  in  all.  The  Levant  was  a  new  ship, 
rating  18,  and  mounting  18  thirty-two-pound  carronades,  a  shifting 
eighteen  on  her  topgallant  forecastle,  and  two  chase  guns,  or  21 
in  all.  There  were  found  in  the  Cyane,  168  prisoners,  of  whom  26 
were  wounded.  The  precise  number  slain  on  board  her  is  not 
known;  Captain  Stewart,  probably  judging  from  an  examination 
of  the  muster-book,  computing  it  at  12,  while  the  accounts  given  by 
the  English  publications  differ,  some  putting  the  killed  at  only  4 
and  others  at  6.  It  was  probably  between  the  two  estimates.  Her 
regular  crew  was  about  185,  all  told  ;  and  there  is  no  reason  to 
believe  that  it  was  not  nearly,  if  not  absolutely  full.  Captain  Stewart 
supposes  it  to  have  been  180  in  the  action,  which  was  probably  about 
the  truth.  The  Levant's  regular  complement  is  said  to  have  been 
130,  all  told  ;  but  it  appears  by  a  statement  published  in  Barbadoes, 
where  some  of  her  officers  shortly  after  went,  that  there  were  a  good 
many  supernumeraries  in  the  two  vessels,  who  were  going  to  the 
Western  Islands,  to  bring  away  a  ship  that  was  building  there. 
Captain  Stewart  supposes  the  Levant  to  have  had  156  men  in  the 
action,  of  whom  he  believed  23  to  have  been  killed,  and  16  wounded. 
The  first  estimate  may  have  been  too  high,  though  the  truth  can 
probably  never  be  known.  It  is  believed  that  no  English  official 
account  of  this  action  has  ever  been  published,  but  the  Barbadoes 
statement  makes  the  joint  loss  of  the  two  ships,  10  killed,  and  28 


232  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1815. 

wounded  ;  other  English  accounts  raise  it  as  high  as  41  in  all.  It 
may  have  been  a  little  less  than  the  estimate  of  Captain  Stewart, 
although  his  account  of  the  wounded  must  have  been  accurate,  but 
was  probably  considerably  more  than  that  of  the  English  statements. 
The  Constitution  had  3  killed,  and  12  wounded,  or  she  sustained  a 
total  loss  of  15  men.  By  1  A.  M.,  of  the  21st,  she  was  ready  for 
another  action.  Although  it  was  more  than  three  hours  and  a  half, 
from  the  time  this  combat  commenced,  before  the  Levant  struck,  the 
actual  fighting  did  not  occupy  three-quarters  of  an  hour.  For  a 
night  action,  the  execution  on  both  sides,  was  unusual,  the  enemy 
firing  much  better  than  common.  The  Constitution  was  hulle'd 
oftener  in  this  engagement,  than  in  both  her  previous  battles,  though 
she  suffered  less  in  her  crew,  than  in  the  combat  with  the  Java.  She 
had  not  an  officer  hurt. 

The  manner  in  which  Captain  Stewart  handled  his  ship,  on  this 
occasion,  excited  much  admiration  among  nautical  men,  it  being  an 
unusual  thing  for  a  single  vessel  to  engage  two  enemies,  and  escape 
being  raked.  So  far  from  this  occurring  to  the  Constitution,  how 
ever,  she  actually  raked  both  her  opponents,  and  the  manner  in  which 
she  backed  and  filled  in  the  smoke,  forcing  her  two  antagonists  down 
to  leeward,  when  they  were  endeavouring  to  cross  her  stern  or  fore 
foot,  is  among  the  most  brilliant  manceuvring  in  naval  annals. 

It  is  due  to  a  gallant  enemy  to  say,  that  Captain  Douglas  com 
manded  the  respect  of  the  Americans,  by  his  intrepid  perseverance 
in  standing  by  his  consort.  Although  the  attempt  might  not  have 
succeeded,  the  time  necessarily  lost  in  securing  the  Cyane,  gave  him 
an  opportunity  to  endeavour  to  escape,  that  he  nobly  refused  to  im 
prove. 

Captain  Stewart  proceeded  with  his  two  prizes  to  Port  Praya, 
where  he  arrived  on  the  10th  of  March.  Here  a  vessel  was  engaged 
as  a  cartel,  and  more  than  a  hundred  of  the  prisoners  were  landed 
with  a  view  to  help  fit  her  for  sea.  Saturday,  March  llth,  1815,  a 
little  after  meridian,  while  the  cutter  was  absent  to  bring  the  cartel 
under  the  stern  of  the  frigate,  Mr.  Shubrick,  then  the  first  lieutenant 
of  the  Constitution,*  was  walking  the  quarter-deck,  when  his  atten 
tion  was  attracted  by  a  hurried  exclamation  from  an  English  mid 
shipman,  that  a  frigate  was  in  the  offing.  A  severe  reprimand  in  a 
low  tone,  from  one  of  the  English  captains,  followed ;  and  on  looking 
over  the  quarter,  the  subject  of  this  little  interruption  was  ascertained. 
The  sea  was  covered  with  a  heavy  fog,  near  the  water,  and  there 
was  a  good  deal  of  haze  above,  but  in  the  latter,  the  sails  of  a  large 
ship  were  visible.  She  was  on  a  wind,  looking  in-shore,  and  evi 
dently  stretching  towards  the  roads.  Examining  the  stranger,  Mr. 
Shubrick  went  below  and  reported  the  circumstance  to  Captain 
Stewart.  This  officer  believing  that  the  strange  sail  would  prove  to 
be  an  English  frigate  or  an  Indiaman,  directed  the  lieutenant  to  re 
turn  on  deck,  call  all  hands,  and  get  ready  to  go  out  and  attack  her. 
As  soon  as  this  order  was  given,  the  officer  took  a  new  look  at  the 
stranger,  when  he  discovered  the  canvass  of  two  other  ships  rising 

*  Messrs.  Ba'lard  and  Hoffman  being  in  the  prizes. 


1815.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  233 

above  the  bank  of  fog,  in  the  same  direction.  These  vessels  were 
evidently  heavy  men-of-war,  and  Captain  Stewart  was  immediately 
apprised  of  the  fresh  discovery.  That  prompt  and  decided  officer 
did  r  A  hesitate  an  instant  concerning  the  course  he  ought  to  take. 
W-ll  knowing  that  the  English  would  disregard  the  neutrality  of  any 
port  that  had  not  sufficient  force  to  resist  them,  or  which  did  not  be 
long  to  a  nation  they  were  obliged  to  respect,  he  immediately  made 
a  signal  for  the  prizes  to  follow,  and  ordered  the  Constitution's  cable 
to  be  cut.  In  10  minutes  after  this  order  was  issued,  and  in  14,  after 
the  first  ship  had  been  seen,  the  American  frigate  was  standing  out 
of  the  roads,  under  her  three  topsails. 

The  cool  and  officer-like  manner  in  which  sail  was  made  and  the 
ship  cast,  on  this  occasion,  has  been  much  extolled,  not  an  instant 
having  been  lost  by  hurry  or  confusion.  The  prizes  followed  with 
promptitude.  The  northeast  trades  were  blowing,  and  the  three 
vessels  passed  out  to  sea  about  gun-shot  to  windward  of  the  hostile 
squadron,  just  clearing  East  Point.  As  the  Constitution  cleared  the 
land,  she  crossed  topgallant-yards,  boarded  her  tacks,  and  set  all  the 
light  sails  that  would  draw.  The  English  prisoners  on  shore,  took 
possession  of  a  battery,  and  fired  at  her  as  she  went  out.  As  soon  as  the 
American  ships  had  gained  the  weather  beam  of  the  enemy,  the  latter 
tacked,  and  the  six  vessels  stood  ofTto  the  southward  and  eastward, 
carrying  every  thing  that  would  draw,  and  going  about  ten  knots. 

The  fog  still  lay  so  thick  upon  the  water  as  to  conceal  the  hulls  of 
the  strangers,  but  they  were  supposed  to  be  two  line-of-battle  ships, 
and  a  large  frigate,  the  vessel  most  astern  and  to  leeward,  being  the 
commodore.  The  frigate  weathered  on  all  the  American  ships,  gain 
ing  on  the  Levant  and  Cyane,  but  falling  astern  of  the  Constitution, 
while  the  two  larger  vessels,  on  the  latter's  lee  quarter,  held  way  with 
her.  As  soon  as  clear  of  the  land,  the  Constitution,  cut  adrift  two 
of  her  boats,  the  enemy  pressing  her  too  hard  to  allow  of  their  being 
hoisted  in.  The  Cyane  was  gradually  dropping  astern  and  to  leeward, 
rendering  it  certain,  if  she  stood  on,  that  the  most  weatherly  of  the 
enemy's  vessels  would  soon  be  alongside  of  her;  and  at  10  minutes 
past  one,  Captain  Stewart  made  a  signal  for  her  to  tack.  This 
order  was  obeyed  by  Mr.  Hoffman,  the  prize-master;  and  it  was 
now  expected  that  one  of  the  enemy's  ships  would  go  about,  and 
follow  him,  a  hope  that  was  disappointed.  The  Cyane  finding  that 
she  was  not  pursued,  stood  on  until  she  was  lost  in  the  fog,  when 
Mr.  Hoffman  tacked  again,  anticipating  that  the  enemy  might  chase 
him  to  leeward.  This  prudent  officer  improved  his  advantage,  by 
keeping  to  windward  long  enough  to  allow  the  enemy  to  get  ahead, 
should  they  pursue  him,  when  he  squared  away  for  America,  arriving 
safely  at  New  York  on  the  10th  of  April  following. 

The  three  ships  of  the  enemy  continued  to  chase  the  Constitution 
and  Levant.  As  the  vessels  left  the  land  the  fog  lessened,  though  it 
still  lay  so  dense  on  the  immediate  surface  of  the  ocean,  as  to  leave 
Captain  St  swart  in  doubt  as  to  the  force  of  his  pursuers.  The  En 
glish  officers  on  board  the  Constitution  affirmed  that  the  vessel  that 
was  getting  into  her  wake  was  the  Acasta  40,  Captain  Kerr,  a  twenty- 


234  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1815. 

four  pounder  ship,  and  it  was  thought  that  the  three  were  a  squadron 
that  was  cruising  for  the  President,  Peacock,  and  Hornet,  consisting 
of  the  Leander  50,  Sir  George  Collier,  Newcastle  50,  Lord  George 
Stuart,  and  the  Acasta,  the  ships  that  they  subsequently  proved  to 
be.  The  Newcastle  was  the  vessel  on  the  lee-quarter  of  the  Consti 
tution,  and  by  half  past  two  the  fog  had  got  so  low,  that  her  officers 
were  seen  standing  on  the  hammock-cloths,  though  the  line  of  her 
ports  was  not  visible.  She  now  began  to  fire  by  divisions,  and  some 
opinion  could  be  formed  of  her  armament,  by  the  flashes  of  her  guns, 
through  the  fog.  Her  shot  struck  the  water  within  a  hundred  yards 
of  the  American  ship,  but  did  not  rise  again.  By  3  P.  M.,  the  Levant 
had  fallen  so  far  astern,  that  she  was  in  the  very  danger  from  which 
the  Cyane  had  so  lately  been  extricated,  and  Captain  Stewart  made 
her  signal  to  tack  also.  Mr.  Ballard  immediately  complied,  and  7 
minutes  later  the  three  English  ships  tacked,  by  signal,  and  chased 
the  prize,  leaving  the  Constitution  standing  on  in  a  different  direc 
tion,  and  going  at  the  rate  of  eleven  knots. 

Mr.  Ballard  finding  the  enemy  bent  on  following  the  Levant,  with 
the  Acasta  to  windward  of  his  wake,  ran  back  into  Port  Praya,  and 
anchord,  at  4  o'clock,  within  150  yards  of  the  shore,  under  a  strong 
battery.  The  enemy's  ships  had  commenced  firing,  as  soon  as  it  was 
seen  that  the  Levant  would  gain  the  anchorage,  and  all  three  now 
opened  on  the  prize.  After  bearing  the  fire  for  a  considerable  time 
the  colours  of  the  Levant  were  hauled  down.  No  one  was  hurt  in 
the  prize,  Mr.  Ballard  causing  his  men  to  lie  on  the  deck,  as  soon  as 
the  ship  was  anchored.  The  English  prisoners  in  the  battery,  also 
fired  at  the  Levant. 

Sir  George  Collier  was  much  criticised  for  the  course  he  pursued 
on  this  occasion.  It  was  certainly  a  mistake  to  call  off  more  than 
one  ship  to  chase  the  Levant,  though  the  position  of  the  Leander  in 
the  fog,  so  far  to  leeward  and  astern,  did  not  give  the  senior  officer 
the  best  opportunities  for  observing  the  course  of  events.  There  was 
certainly  every  prospect  of  the  Acasta's  bringing  the  Constitution  to 
action  in  the  course  of  the  night,  though  the  other  vessels  might  have 
been  left  so  far  astern,  as  still  to  render  the  result  doubtful. 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  management  of  the  enemy,  there 
can  be  but  one  opinion  of  that  of  Captain  Stewart.  The  promptitude 
with  which  he  decided  on  his  course,  the  judgment  with  which  he 
ordered  the  prizes  to  vary  their  courses,  and  the  steadiness  with  which 
the  Constitution  was  commanded,  aided  in  elevating  a  professional 
reputation  that  was  already  very  high. 

This  terminated  the  exploits  of  the  gallant  Constitution,  or  Old 
Ironsides,  as  she  was  affectionately  called  in  the  navy,  Captain 
Stewart,  after  landing  his  prisoners  at  Maranham,  and  learning  at 
Porto  Rico,  that  peace  had  been  made,  carrying  her  into  New  York, 
about  the  middle  of  May.  In  the  course  of  two  years  and  nine 
months,  this  ship  had  been  in  three  actions,  had  been  twice  critically 
chased,  and  had  captured  five  vessels  of  war,  two  of  which  were 
frigates,  and  a  third  frigate-built.  In  all  her  service,  as  well  before 
Tripoli,  as  in  this  war,  her  good  fortune  was  remarkable.  She  never 


1815.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  235 

was  dismasted,  never  got  ashore,  or  scarcely  ever  suffered  any  of  the 
usual  accidents  of  the  sea.  Though  so  often  in  battle,  no  very  seri 
ous  slaughter  ever  took  place  on  board  her.  One  of  her  commanders 
was  wounded,  and  four  of  her  lieutenants  had  been  killed,  two  on 
her  own  decks,  and  two  in  the  Intrepid;  but,  on  the  whole,  her  en 
tire  career  had  been  that  of  what  is  usually  called  a  "lucky  ship." 
Her  fortune,  however,  may  perhaps  be  explained  in  the  simple  fact, 
that  she  had  always  been  well  commanded.  In  her  two  last  cruises 
she  had  probably  possessed  as  fine  a  crew  as  ever  manned  a  frigate. 
They  were  principally  New  England  men,  and  it  has  been  said  of 
them,  that  they  were  almost  qualified  to  fight  the  ship  without  her 
officers. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Chase  and  capture  of  the  President,  Com.  Decatur,  by  a  British  squadron  off  New 
York — The  Hornet,  Capt.  Biddle,  captures  the  Penguin — is  chased  ineffectually  by  the 
British  ship  Cornwallis — Capture  of  the  cruiser  Nautilus,  by  the  Peacock — The  buy 
ing  or  building  of  two  squadrons  of  small  vessels  ordered — End  of  the  war — Character 
of  the  American  navy. 

WHEN  Commodore  Rodgers  left  the  President,  in  the  summer  of 
1814,  to  take  command  of  the  Guerriere,  Commodore  Decatur  was 
transferred  to  that  ship,  the  United  States  and  Macedonian,  then 
blockaded  in  the  Thames,  having  been  laid  up,  and  the  Hornet,  Cap 
tain  Biddle,  left  to  protect  them.  This  service  was  particularly  irk 
some  to  an  officer  of  the  spirit  of  the  last  named  gentleman,  and 
persevering  in  his  applications  to  be  released  from  it,  he  finally  re 
ceived  an  order  to  join  Commodore  Decatur  at  New  York,  where 
the  President  had  been  some  time  detained  to  make  part  of  the  defence 
of  the  port,  while  the  enemy  was  committing  his  depredations  on  the 
coast,  during  the  mild  weather.  No  sooner  did  Captain  Biddle  re 
ceive  this  welcome  command,  than  betook  the  first  favourable  occa 
sion  to  pass  out,  leaving  the  blockading  squadron  to  the  eastward, 
and  ran  down  to  New  York.  This  was  in  the  month  of  November, 
1814,  and  Commodore  Decatur  had  now  a  force  consisting  of  the 
President  44,  his  own  ship,.  Peacock  18,  Captain  Warrington,  Hornet 
18,  Captain  Biddle,  and  Tom  Bowline  store-vessel.  His  destination 
was  the  East  Indies,  where  it  was  thought  great  havoc  might  be  made 
among  the  valuable  trade  of  the  English. 

Owing  to  different  causes,  but  principally  to  the  wish  of  the  go 
vernment  to  keep  a  force  at  New  York  to  resist  the  depredations  of 
the  enemy,  Commodore  Decatur  did  not  go  to  sea  until  the  middle 
of  January,  1815.  The  President  dropped  down  to  Sandy  Hook 
alone,  leaving  the  other  vessels  lying  at  Staten  Island,  and  on  the 
night  of  the  14th,  she  made  an  attempt  to  cross  the  bar.  In  conse 
quence  of  the  darkness,  the  pilots  missed  the  channel  and  the  ship 


236  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1815. 

struck,  beating  heavily  on  the  sands,  for  an  hour  and  a  half.  About 
10  o'clock  the  tide  had  risen  to  its  height,  and  she  was  forced  into  deep 
water.  Although  the  vessel  had  received  considerable  injury,  it  was 
impossible  to  return,  and  a  strong  blockading  force  being  in  the  offing, 
it  became  necessary  to  carry  sail  to  get  off  the  coast  before  morning. 
It  had  blown  a  gale  the  previous  day,  and  Commodore  Decatur,  rightly 
judging  that  the  enemy  had  been  driven  to  leeward,  decided  to  run 
along  the  land  to  the  northward  and  eastward,  as  the  best  means  of 
avoiding  a  greatly  superior  force.  This  determination  was  judicious, 
and,  had  not  the  detention  occurred  on  the  bar,  it  would  have  been 
completely  successful.  After  running  off  in  a  northerly  direction 
for  about  5  hours,  the  course  of  the  ship  was  altered  to  S.  E.  by  E. 
Two  hours  later,  a  strange  sail  was  discovered  ahead,  within  gun 
shot,  and  two  others  being  soon  after  seen,  the  President  hauled  up 
and  passed  to  the  northward  of  them  all.  At  daylight,  four  ships 
were  in  chase,  one  on  each  quarter  and  two  astern.  The  nearest 
vessel  was  believed  to  be  the  Majestic  rasee,  which  fired  a  broadside 
or  two,  in  the  hope  of  crippling  the  American  frigate  as  she  passed, 
but  without  effect.  It  is  now  known  that  the  enemy  had  been  driven 
down  to  the  southward  by  the  gale,  and  that  he  was  just  returning 
to  his  station,  when  this  unlucky  encounter  occurred. 

The  chase  continued  throughout  the  forenoon,  the  wind  becoming 
lighter  and  baffling.  The  rasee  was  dropped  materially,  but  the  next 
nearest  ship,  the  Endymion  40,  a  twenty-four-pounder  frigate,  had 
closed,  and  as  the  President  was  very  deep,  being  filled  with  stores 
for  a  long  cruise,  Commodore  Decatur  commenced  lightening  her. 
Unfortunately  the  commander,  all  the  lieutenants,  and  the  master 
were  strangers,  in  one  sense,  to  the  ship,  most  of  them  never  having 
been  at  sea  in  her  at  all,  and  neither  in  any  responsible  situation. 
The  duty  of  lightening  a  ship  in  chase,  is  one  of  the  most  delicate 
operations  in  seamanship,  and  it  ought  never  to  be  attempted  except 
by  those  perfectly  acquainted  with  her  lines,  trim,  and  stowage.  Half 
a  dozen  more  water  casks  emptied  at  one  end  of  the  vessel  than  at 
the  other  may  injure  her  sailing;  and  the  utmost  care  is  to  be  observed 
lest  the  indiscretion  of  inferiors  in  the  hold,  defeat  the  calculations 
of  the  commander  on  deck.  On  the  other  hand,  Commodore  De 
catur  decided  to  undertake  this  delicate  operation  under  the  most 
favourable  circumstances  that  a  want  of  familiarity  with  his  ship  would 
allow,  as  the  wind  was  getting  to  be  light,  and  was  nearly  aft. 

It  is  not  certain,  however,  that  the  sailing  of  the  President  was  in 
jured  by  the  process  of  lightening,  for  she  is  supposed  to  have  suffered 
materially  while  ashore,  and  the  enemy  obtained  a  material  advan 
tage  by  a  change  in  the  wind.  While  it  was  still  light  with  the  Ame 
rican  ship,  the  British,  about  3  P.  M.,  were  bringing  down  with  them 
a  fresh  breeze.  Soon  after,  the  Endymion,  the  nearest  vessel,  having 
got  within  reach  of  shot,  opened  with  her  bow  guns,  the  President 
returning  the  fire  with  her  stern  chasers.  The  object  of  each,  was 
to  cripple  the  spars  of  the  other.  It  is  said,  that  on  this  occasion,  the 
shot  of  the  American  ship  were  observed  to  be  thrown  with  a  momen 
tum  so  unusually  small,  as  to  have  since  excited  much  distrust  of  the 


1815.]  NAVAL  HISTORY. 


quality  of  her  powder.     It  is  even  added,  that  many  of  these  s 
were  distinctly  seen,  when  clear  of  the  smoke,  until  they  struck. 

By  5  P.  M .,  the  Endymion  had  got  so  far  on  the  starboard,  or  lee 
quarter  of  the  President,  that  no  gun  of  the  latter  would  bear  on  her 
without  altering  the  course.  The  fire  of  the  English  ship  now  be 
came  exceedingly  annoying,  for  she  was  materially  within  point- 
blank  range,  and  every  shot  cut  away  something  aloft.  Still  it  was 
borne,  in  the  hope  that  she  would  range  up  alongside,  and  give  the 
President  an  opportunity  to  lay  her  aboard.  Finding,  however,  that 
the  enemy  warily  kept  his  position  by  yawing,  in  the  hope  of  gradu 
ally  crippling  the  American  ship,  Commodore  Decatur  decided  on 
a  course  that  singularly  partook  of  the  daring  chivalry  of  his  char 
acter. 

It  was  now  evident  that  the  sailing  of  the  President  was  much  im 
paired  by  some  cause  or  other;  either  by  injuries  received  on  the 
bar,  or  by  the  manner  in  which  she  had  been  lightened,  and  escape 
by  flight  had  become  nearly  hopeless. /Commodore  Decatur,  there 
fore,  determined  to  make  an  effort  to  exchange  ships,  by  carrying 
the  Endymion,  hand  to  hand,  and  to  go  off  in  the  prize,  abandoning 
his  own  vessel  to  the  enemy.  With  this  object  in  view,  he  determined 
to  keep  away,  lay  the  enemy  aboard  if  possible,  and  put  every  thing 
on  the  success  of  the  experiment.  The  plan  was  communicated  to 
the  people,  who  received  it  cheerfully,  and  just  at  dusk,  the  helm  of 
the  President  was  put  up,  bringing  the  wind  over  the  taffrail,  the  ship 
heading  south.  But  she  was  so  closely  watched,  that  the  Endymion 
kept  away  at  the  same  moment,  and  the  two  ships  soon  came  abeam 
of  each  other,  when  both  delivered  their  broadsides.  All  the  Presi 
dent's  attempts  to  close,  however,  were  defeated,  for  the  vessels  were 
about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  apart,  and  as  she  hauled  nearer  to  the  ene 
my,  the  latter  sheered  away  from  her.  Without  a  superiority  in  sail 
ing,  it  was  impossible  for  Commodore  Decatur  to  get  any  nearer, 
while  the  English  ship  chose  to  avoid  him,  and  he  was  now  reduced 
to  the  necessity  of  attempting  to  get  rid  of  the  Endymion  by  dis 
mantling  her.  The  two  frigates,  consequently  continued  running 
off  dead  before  the  wind,  keeping  up  a  heavy  cannonade  for  two  hours 
and  a  half,  when  the  enemy's  vessel  was  so  far  injured  that  she  fell 
astern,  most  of  her  sails  having  been  cut  from  the  yards.  The  Presi 
dent,  at  this  moment,  was  under  her  royal  studding-sails,  and  there 
is  no  doubt,  by  choosing  her  position,  she  might  easily  have  com 
pelled  her  adversary  to  strike;  but,  by  this  time,  though  the  night  was 
dark,  the  vessels  astern  were  in  sight,  and  she  was  obliged  to  resume 
her  original  course  to  avoid  them.  In  doing  this,  the  President 
hauled  up  under  the  broadside  of  her  late  antagonist,  without  receiv 
ing  any  fire  to  injure  her. 

It  was  now  half  past  eight,  arid  the  President  continued  to  run 
off  southward,  repairing  damages,  but  it  was  found  impossible  to 
prevent  the  other  vessels  of  the  enemy  from  closing.  At  1 1  P.  M. 
the  Pomone38,  got  on  the  weather  bow  of  the  American  ship,  and 
poured  in  a  broadside;  and  as  the  Tenedos,  of  the  same  force,  was 
fast  closing  on  the  quarter,  and  the  Majestic  was  within  gun-shot 

VOL.  II.  15 


238  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1815 

astern,  further  resistance  was  useless.  Commodore  Decatur  had 
ordered  his  people  below,  when  he  saw  the  two  last  frigates  closing, 
but  finding  that  his  signal  of  submission  was  not  at  first  understood, 
the  Pomone  continuing  to  fire,  an  order  had  been  given  for  them  to 
return  to  their  guns,  just  as  the  enemy  ceased.  The  Majestic  com 
ing  up  before  the  removal  of  Commodore  Decatur,  that  gentleman 
delivered  his  sword  to  her  captain,  who  was  the  senior  English  officer 
present. 

In  this  long  and  close  cannonade,  agreeably  to  the  official  reports, 
the  President  lost  24  men  killed,  and  56  wounded.  She  was  a  good 
deal  injured  in  her  hull,  and  most  of  her  important  spars  were  badly 
damaged.  By  one  of  those  chances  which  decide  the  fortunes  of 
men,  among  the  slain  were  the  first,  fourth,  and  fifth  lieutenants.* 

TheEndymion  had  11  killed,  and  14  wounded,  according  to  the 
published  reports.  As  it  is  known  that  an  order  was  given  to  aim  at 
the  rigging  and  spars  of  this  ship,  with  a  view  to  cripple  her,  which 
was  effectually  done,  it  is  probable  that  this  statement  was  accurate. 
It  is  believed,  however,  on  respectable  authority,  that  a  great  many 
shot  hulled  the  Endymion,  which  did  not  penetrate,  a  fact  which, 
coupled  with  other  observations  made  during  the  day,  has  induced  a 
distrust  of  the  quality  of  the  President's  powder.  Owing  to  one,  or 
to  both,  the  circumstances  named,  the  English  ship  lost  out  about  a 
third  as  many  men  as  the  American,  though  a  considerable  number 
of  the  President's  people  were  killed  and  wounded  by  the  unresisted 
fire  of  the  Pomone,  having  been  ordered  back  to  the  guns  before  the 
latter  ceased. 

The  President  was  carried  to  Bermuda,  and  both  she  and  the 
Endymion weredismasted  in  a  gale,  before  reaching  port.  The  latter 
also  threw  overboard  her  upper-deck  guns.  Commodore  Decatur 
was  shortly  after  parolled,  and  he  and  all  his  surviving  officers  and 
men,  were  subsequently  acquitted,  with  honour,  for  the  loss  of  the 
ship.  An  unhandsome  attempt  was  at  first  made,  on  the  part  of 
some  of  the  English  publications,  to  raise  an  impression  that  the 
President  had  been  captured  by  the  Endymion,  but  the  facts  were 
too  notorious  to  allow  it  to  succeed.  Nothing  would  have  been  easier 
than  for  the  President  to  have  chosen  her  position,  when  she  left  the 
Endymion,  and  probably  to  have  captured  her  without  any  material 
additional  loss  to  herself,  since  a  ship  virtually  without  canvass,  would 
evidently  have  been  at  the  mercy  of  one  that  went  out  of  action  with 

*  Messrs.  Babbitt,  Hamilton,  and  Howell.  Mr.  Fitz-Henry  Babbitt  was  a  native  of 
Massachusetts,  and  a  good  although  an  unfortunate  officer ;  this  being  the  second  time, 
in  which,  as  a  first  lieutenant  he  had  been  captured  during  this  war,  when  a  few  hours 
out  of  New  York.  He  was  standing  on  the  coamings  of  the  after-hatch,  working  the 
ship,  Commodore  Decatur  being  seated  on  the  hammock-cloths  giving  directions,  when 
the  Endymion's  first  broadside  was  received.  A  twenty-four-pound  shot  struck  Mr. 
Babbitt  on  the  knee,  and  he  fell  down  the  hatch,  fracturing  his  skull  by  the  fall.  He 
died  in  half  an  hour.  An  order  was  sent  below  for  Mr.  John  Templar  Shubrick,  the 
second  lieutenant,  to  come  on  deck  and  take  the  trumpet.  As  this  gentleman  passed  aft, 
along  the  gun-deck,  he  asked  Mr.  Hamilton,  who  commanded  the  after-guns,  and  who 
was  his  townsman,  how  he  was  getting  on.  While  in  the  act  of  making  a  cheerful  reply, 
the  latter  was  nearly  cut  in  two,  by  a  heavy  shot.  Mr.  Hamilton  was  from  South  Caro 
lina,  and  a  son  of  a  former  Secretary  of  the  navy.  Mr.  Howell,  a  son  of  the  late 
Governor  Howell  of  New  Jersey,  was  killed  on  the  quarter-deck,  by  a  spent  grape-shot 
which  fractured  his  skall. 


1815.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  239 

royal  studding-sails  set.  The  difference  in  loss  between  the  two  ships 
is  easily  explained.  The  first  two  or  three  broadsides,  are  usually 
the  destructive  broadsides.  The  President  suffered  more  in  the  first 
half  hour  she  was  engaged  with  the  Endymion,  than  in  the  succeed 
ing  two  hours  ;  and  this  was  the  time  when  her  own  fire  was  directed 
at  her  antagonist's  spars.  The  fact  that  the  Endymion  did  not  join 
the  other  ships  until  three  or  four  hours  after  the  President  struck, 
when,  if  able  to  have  done  so,  there  was  every  motive  for  her  to  have 
acted  otherwise,  is  perfectly  conclusive  as  to  the  condition  of  the 
two  vessels,  so  far  as  the  power  of  motion  was  concerned.  Having 
the  power  of  motion,  by  bringing  a  fresh  broadside  to  bear  on  the 
Endymion,  her  capture  would  have  been  made  certain,  a  well  con 
ditioned  frigate  seldom  lying  long  near  an  adversary,  without  making 
a  serious  impression  on  her  hull,  when  the  latter  is  not  able  to  return 
her  fire.* 

The  commanders  of  the  Peacock,  Hornet,  and  Tom  Bowline  brig, 
ignorant  of  the  capture  of  the  President,  followed  her  to  sea,  about 
the  22d,  taking  advantage  of  a  strong  northwester,  to  pass  the  bar  by 
daylight.  The  enemy  was  seen  lying-to  at  the  southward  and  east 
ward,  but  was  disregarded.  A  few  days  out  the  Hornet  parted  com 
pany  in  chase  of  a  neutral,  when  all  three  vessels  made  the  best  of 
their  way  to  the  island  of  Tristan  d'Acunha,  the  place  of  rendezvous 
appointed  by  Commodore  Decatur.  The  Peacock  and  Tom  Bowline 
arrived  about  the  middle  of  March,  but  bad  weather  coming  on,  they 
were  driven  off  the  land.  On  the  morning  of  the  23d  of  the  same 
month,  the  Hornet  came  in,  with  the  wind  fresh  at  S.  S.  W.,  and  was 
about  to  anchor,  having  let  go  her  topsail  sheets  to  clew  up,  when 
the  men  aloft  discovered  a  sail  to  windward.  The  stranger  was 
standing  to  the  westward,  and  was  soon  shut  in  by  the  land.  Cap 
tain  Biddle  immediately  sheeted  home  his  topsails  again,  and  made 
a  stretch  to  windward,  and  towards  the  chase,  which  was  shortly 
after  seen  running  down  before  the  wind.  There  being  little  doubt 
as  to  the  character  of  the  stranger,  the  Hornet  hove-to,  in  waiting  for 
him  to  come  down,  and  when  he  had  got  near  enough  to  render  it 
prudent,  the  main-topsail  was  filled,  and  the  ship  was  kept  yawing, 
occasionally  waring,  both  to  allow  him  to  close  and  to  prevent  him 
giving  a  raking  fire. 

At  I  40  P.  M.,  the  stranger  having  got  within  musket-shot,  came 
to  the  wind,  set  English  colours  and  fired  a  gun.  On  this  challenge 
the  Hornet  luffed  up,  showed  her  ensign,  and  returned  a  broadside. 
For  15  minutes  both  vessels  kept  up  a  sharp  cannonade,  that  of  the 
American  ship,  in  particular,  being  very  animated  and  destructive, 
the  enemy  gradually  drifting  nearer,  when  the  latter,  finding  it  im 
possible  to  stand  the  Hornet's  fire,  put  his  helm  up  and  ran  down 
directly  on  the  starboard  broadside  of  the  latter,  to  lay  her  aboard. 
The  enemy's  bowsprit  came  in  between  the  main  and  mizen  rigging 
of  the  Hornet,  affording  a  perfectly  good  opportunity  to  attempt 
effecting  his  purpose,  but,  though  his  first  lieutenant  made  a  gallant 

*  The  Macedonian,  a  merchant  brig,  that  sailed  in  company  with  the  President,  easily 
escaped. 


240  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1815. 


effort  to  lead  on  his  men,  the  latter  could  not  be  induced  to  follow. 
Captain  Biddle  had  called  away  boarders  to  repel  boarders,  and  his 
people  now  manifested  a  strong  wish  to  go  into  the  English  vessel, 
but  perceiving  his  great  advantage  at  the  guns,  that  intrepid  officer, 
who  had  been  so  free  to  adopt  this  expedient,  when  it  was  his  duty 
to  lead  in  his  own  person,  judiciously  refused  his  permission. 

The  vessels  lay  in  this  position  but  a  minute  or  two,  the  American 
raking,  when  the  sea  lifted  the  Hornet  ahead,  carrying  away  her 
mizen  rigging,  davits,  and  spanker-boom,  the  enemy  swinging  round 
and  hanging  on  the  larboard  quarter.  At  this  moment,  Captain 
Biddle  sent  the  master  forward  to  set  the  foresail,  with  a  view  to  part 
the  vessels  when  an  officer  on  board  the  English  ship  called  out  that 
she  surrendered.  The  positions  prevented  any  other  firing  than  that 
of  small  arms  ;  this  was  ordered  to  cease,  and  Captain  Biddle  sprang 
upon  the  taffrail  to  inquire  if  the  enemy  submitted.  While  putting 
this  question,  he  was  within  thirty  feet  of  the  forecastle  of  the  English 
vessel,  and  two  marines  on  board  her  discharged  their  muskets  at 
him.  The  ball  of  one  just  missed  the  chin  and  passing  through  the 
skin  of  the  neck,  inflicted  a  severe,  but  fortunately  not  a  dangerous 
wound.  This  incident  drew  a  discharge  of  muskets  from  the  Hor 
net,  which  killed  the  two  marines ;  the  American  ship  drew  ahead 
at  that  instant,  and  the  enemy  lost  his  bowsprit  and  foremast  as  the 
vessels  separated. 

The  Hornet  now  wore  round,  with  a  fresh  broadside  to  bear,  and 
was  about  to  throw  in  a  raking  fire,  when  twenty  men  appeared  at 
the  de  and  on  the  forecastle  of  the  enemy,  raising  their  hands  for 
quart  ,  and  eagerly  calling  out  that  they  had  struck.  The  excite 
ment  on  board  the  American  ship,  however,  was  so  great,  in  conse 
quence  of  the  manner  in  which  their  gallant  captain  had  received 
his  wound,  that  it  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty  Captain  Biddle  and 
his  officers  could  prevent  the  people  from  pouring  in  another  broad 
side.* 

The  prize  was  H.  B.  Majesty's  brig  the  Penguin  18,  mounting  19 
carriage  guns  ;  viz.,  16  thirty-two-pound  carronades,  two  chase  guns, 
and  a  shifting  carronade  on  the  topgallant  forecastle.  She  was  a 
vessel  of  the  Hornet's  class,  size,  and  metal,  and  is  represented  as 
having  had  a  spare  port  forward,  by  means  of  which  she  could  fight 
ten  guns  in  broadside.t  Her  complement  of  men  was  132,  of  whom 
12  had  been  put  on  board  her  for  the  express  purpose  of  engaging  a 
very  heavy  American  privateer  called  the  Young  Wasp,  a  fact  that 
is  known  by  a  letter  found  in  her,  from  the  Admiral  at  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope,  to  which  station  the  Penguin  belonged.  Captain  Bid- 
die  stated  the  loss  of  his  prize  at  14  killed  and  28  wounded.  As 
respects  the  latter,  there  could  be  no  mistake,  though  it  was  the 

*  Though  this  feeling  was  natural,  the  wound  of  Captain  Biddle  was  probably  tbe  result 
of  one  of  those  accidental  occurrences,  which  are  inevitable  in  the  confusion  of  a  combat. 

tOn  an  accurate  computation  of  the  real  (not  nominal)  metal  of  the  two  vessels,  the 
Hornet  would  appear  to  have  thrown,  at  a  broadside,  about  nine  pounds  more  shot  than 
the  Penguin,  the  latter  not  using  her  spare  port.  As  respects  the  crews,  the  American 
ship  had  some  ten  or  fifteen  the  most  men  at  quarters.  In  tonnage  tbe  vessels  were  very 
nearly  equal. 


1815.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  241 

opinion  of  the  officer  in  charge  of  the  English  vessel,  that  more  men 
had  been  slain.  Some  time  previously  to  this  capture,  the  enemy 
had  ceased  to  publish  the  official  accounts  of  his  nautical  defeats,  but 
a  letter  purporting  to  be  the  one  written  on  this  occasion,  has  found 
its  way  before  the  world,  in  which  the  English  loss  is  stated  at  only 
10  killed  and  28  wounded.  The  Penguin  was  completely  riddled 
with  the  Hornet's  shot,  lost  her  foremast  and  bowsprit,  and  her  main 
mast  was  too  much  injured  to  be  secured.  Among  her  slain  was  her 
commander,  Captain  Dickinson,  and  the  boatswain  ;  and  among  the 
wounded  a  lieutenant,  two  midshipmen,  and  the  purser. 

The  Hornet  had  but  1  man  killed,  and  10  wounded.  Among  the 
latter,  in  addition  to  Captain  Biddle,  was  the  first  lieutenant,  Mr. 
Conner,*  a  young  officer  of  high  promise,  whose  life  was  con 
sidered  in  great  danger  for  some  time.  Not  a  round  shot  touched 
the  Hornet's  hull,  nor  did  her  spars  receive  any  material  injury, 
though  she  was  a  good  deal  cut  up  in  her  rigging  and  sails. 

The  combat  between  the  Hornet  and  the  Penguin  was  one  of  the 
most  creditable  to  the  character  of  the  American  marine  that  occur 
red  in  the  course  of  the  war.  The  vessels  were  very  fairly  matched, 
and  when  it  is  remembered  that  an  English  flag-officer  had  sent  the 
Penguin  on  especial  service  against  a  ship  believed  to  be  materially 
heavier  than  the  vessel  she  actually  encountered,  it  is  fair  to  presume 
she  was  thought  to  be,  in  every  respect,  an  efficient  cruiser.  Yet, 
with  the  advantage  of  the  wind,  this  ship  was  taken  in  22  minutes, 
including  the  time  lost  while  she  hung  on  the  Hornet's  quarter,  and 
while  the  latter  was  waring.  The  neatness  and  despatch  with  which 
the  American  sloop  did  her  work,  the  coolness  with  which  she  met 
the  attempt  to  board,  and  the  accuracy  of  her  fire  and  handling,  are 
all  proofs  of  her  having  been  a  disciplined  man-of-war,  and  of  the 
high  condition  of  that  service  in  which  she  was  one  of  the  favourites. 
It  is  by  such  exploits  that  the  character  of  a  marine  is  most  effectu 
ally  proved. 

A  few  hours  after  the  action  a  strange  and  suspiciously-looking 
sail  heaving  in  sight,  a  cable  was  taken  from  the  Penguin,  and  the 
Hornet  towed  her  some  distance  off  the  land.  After  thoroughly  ex 
amining  the  prize,  and  getting  out  of  her  all  the  stores  and  provis 
ions  that  were  wanted,  before  daylight,  on  the  morning  of  the  25th, 
Captain  Biddle  scuttled  her.  The  Hornet  then  stood  m  towards  the 
island  to  look  for  the  strange  sail,  which  was  found  to  be  the  Pea 
cock,  having  the  Tom  Bowline  in  company.  An  arrangement  was 
now  made,  by  which  the  latter  was  converted  into  a  cartel,  and  was 
sent  into  St.  Salvador  with  the  prisoners. 

As  soon  as  he  was  released  from  this  incumbrance,  and  from  the 
great  drain  on  his  supplies,  Captain  Biddle  was  ready  to  continue 
his  cruise.  This  spirited  officer  did  not  consider  the  capture  of  a 
vessel  of  the  same  class  of  his  own,  a  reason  of  itself  for  returning  to 
port;  but,  it  having  been  ascertained,  by  means  of  the  Macedonian, 
a  brig  which  sailed  with  the  President,  that  the  latter  ship  was  pro- 

*Since  Commodore  Conner. 


242  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1815. 

bably  captured,  Captain  Warrington  determined  to  proceed  on  the 
original  cruise,  with  the  remaining;  vessels.  They  sailed,  accordingly, 
on  the  13th  of  April,  having  remained  at  the  island  the  time  directed 
in  the  instructions  of  Commodore  Decatur. 

While  making  the  best  of  their  way  towards  the  Indian  seas,  on 
the  morning  of  the  27th  of  April,  the  two  ships  then  being  in  lat.  38° 
30'  S.,  long.  33°  E.,  the  Peacock  made  the  signal  of  a  stranger  to 
the  southward  and  eastward.  Both  the  sloops  of  war  made  sail  in 
chase.  Though  the  wind  was  light,  before  evening  it  was  found  that 
the  stranger  was  materially  nearer.  It  now  fell  calm,  and  the  chase 
was  in  sight  in  the  morning.  The  wind  coming  out  at  N.  W.,  the 
ships  ran  down  before  it,  with  studding-sails  on  both  sides,  the 
stranger  hauling  up,  apparently,  to  look  at  them.  The  Peacock  was 
the  fastest  vessel,  and  being  two  leagues  ahead  at  half  past  2,  P.  M., 
she  \vas  observed  to  manifest  some  caution  about  approaching  the 
stranger,  when  the  Hornet  took  in  her  starboard  light  sails,  and 
hauled  up  for  her  consort.  It  was  now  thought,  on  board  the  latter 
ship,  that  the  stranger  was  a  large  Indiaman,  and  that  the  Peacock 
was  merely  waiting  for  the  Hornet  to  come  up,  in  order  to  attack  her. 
But  an  hour  later  Captain  Warrington  made  a  signal  that  the  vessel 
in  sight  was  a  line-of-battle  ship,  and  an  enemy.  The  Hornet  im 
mediately  hauled  close  upon  the  wind,  the  stranger  then  on  her  lee 
quarter,  distant  not  quite  two  leagues,  the  Peacock  passing  ahead 
and  soon  getting  clear  of  him. 

It  was  now  seen  that  the  English  ship  sailed  very  fast,  and  was 
unusually  weatherly.  The  Hornet  being  more  particularly  in 
danger,  about  9  P.  M.,  Captain  Biddle  felt  it  necessary  to  begin  to 
lighten,  his  vessel  being  crowded  with  stores  taken  from  the  Penguin. 
Twelve  tons  of  kentledge,  a  quantity  of  shot,  some  heavy  spars,  and 
the  sheet  anchor  and  cable,  were  thrown  overboard.  By  2  A.  M., 
the  enemy  had  drawn  forward  of  the  lee-beam,  when  the  Hornet 
tacked  to  the  westward,  the  enemy  immediately  following.  At  day 
light  on  the  29th,  the  English  ship  was  on  the  lee  quarter  of  the 
American,  and  within  gun-shot.  At  7  o'clock  she  had  English 
colours  flying,  with  a  rear-admiral's  flag  abroad,  and  she  commenc 
ed  firing.  The  shot  passing  over  the  Hornet,  the  launch  was  cut  up 
and  gotten  rid  of,  the  other  anchors  and  cables,  more  shot,  as  many 
heavy  articles  as  could  be  come  at,  and  six  of  the  guns  were  also 
thrown  overboard.  By  9  o'clock,  the  enemy  had  dropped  so  far 
astern  that  he  ceased  firing,  the  concussion  produced  by  his  guns 
having  deadened  the  wind. 

By  11  A.  M.,  however,  it  was  found  that  the  enemy  was  again 
closing,  when  the  Hornet  threw  overboard  all  the  remaining  guns 
but  one,  the  boats,  most  of  her  shot,  all  the  spare  spars,  and  as  many 
other  articles  from  off  deck  and  from  below,  as  could  be  got  at.  She 
also  cut  up  her  topgallant  forecastle,  and  threw  the  pieces  into  the 
ocean.  At  meridian,  the  enemy  had  got  within  a  mile,  and  he  began 
again  to  fire,  his  shot  flying  far  beyond  the  ship.  Fortunately  but 
three  struck  her.  One  passed  through  her  jib,  another  plunged  on 
her  deck,  glancing  and  lodging  forward  and  a  third  also  hulled  her. 


1815.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  243 

Still  Captain  Biddle  held  on,  determined  not  to  give  up  his  ship 
while  there  was  a  ray  of  hope,  for  it  was  seen  that  the  enemy  was 
dropped  while  firing.  About  2  P.  M.  the  breeze  freshened,  and  got 
more  to  the  westward.  Previously  to  this,  the  wind,  by  backing  to 
the  southeast,  had  greatly  favoured  the  chase,  but  it  now  brought  the 
Hornet  more  to  windward,  and  she  began  to  get  brisk  way  on  her. 
At  sunset  the  stranger  was  more  than  a  league  astern,  and  the  ship 
was  running  nine  knots  throughout  the  night,  it  blowing  in  squalls. 
The  enemy  was  seen  at  intervals,  carrying  sail  in  chase,  but  at  day 
light  he  was  nearly  hull  down  astern.  At  half  past  9  A.  M.,  he  took 
in  his  studding-sails,  reefed  his  topsails  and  hauled  off  to  the  east 
ward,  and  two  hours  later,  his  upper  sails  had  dipped.  The  Hornet 
had  now  no  anchor,  cable,  or  boat,  and  but  one  gun,  and  she  made 
the  best  of  her  way  to  St.  Salvador,  for  the  relief  of  the  wounded. 
Here  Captain  Biddle  heard  of  the  peace,  when  he  sailed  for  New 
York,  which  port  he  reached  on  the  30th  of  July. 

Captain  Biddle  gained  nearly  as  much  reputation  for  the  steadi 
ness  and  skill  with  which  he  saved  his  ship,  on  this  occasion,  as  for 
the  fine  manner  in  which  he  had  fought  her  a  few  weeks  earlier.  In 
the  promptitude  with  which  he  had  continued  his  cruise  after  captur 
ing  a  vessel  of  equal  force,  the  nation  traced  the  spirit  of  the  elder 
officer  of  the  same  name  and  family,  who  had  rendered  himself  so 
conspicuous  in  the  Revolution.  He  had  been  promoted  to  the  rank 
of  captain,  though  it  was  unknown  to  him,  before  he  took  the  Pen 
guin,  but  he  received  the  other  marks  of  approbation  usual  to  such 
occasions.  His  conduct  in  the  chase  will  be  better  appreciated,  when 
it  is  added  that  his  ship  was  as  near  the  enemy,  as  the  United  States 
got  to  the  Macedonian,  until  the  latter  was  fairly  crippled.  The 
vessel  that  chased  the  Hornet  was  the  Cornwallis  74,  bearing  the 
flag  of  an  officer  proceeding  to  the  East  Indies. 

The  Peacock  continued  her  cruise,  and  on  the  30th  of  June,  i>i 
the  Straits  of  Sunda,  she  fell  in  with  the  East  India  Company's  cruiser, 
Nautilus  14,  Captain  Boyce,  and,  in  consequence  of  Captain  War- 
rington's  having  no  knowledge  of  the  peace,  broadsides  were 
exchanged,  when  the  Nautilus  struck.  This  unfortunate  mistake 
occurred  a  few  days  after  the  period  set  for  the  termination  of  hostil 
ities,  and  having  ascertained  that  a  treaty  of  peace  had  bieen  ratified 
in  March,  Captain  Warrington  gave  up  the  Nautilus  the  next  day. 
The  latter  vessel  had  6  killed  and  8  wounded,  but  no  person  was 
hurt  on  board  the  Peacock,  which  ship  immediately  returned  home. 

The  combat  between  the  Hornet  and  Penguin  was  the  last  regular 
action  of  the  war,  and  the  rencontre  between  the  Peacock  and  Nau 
tilus,  the  last  instance  of  hostilities  between  the  belligerents.  When 
the  Peacock  got  in,  every  cruiser  that  had  been  out  against  the  Eng 
lish  had  returned  to  port. 

The  burning  of  the  frigate  Columbia,  at  Washington,  and  the 
blockade  of  the  Java  in  the^Chesapeake,  had  induced  the  government, 
in  the  autuian  of  1814,  to  purchase  or  build  two  squadrons  of  small 
vessels,  one  of  which  was  to  be  commanded  by  Captain  Porter,  and 
the  other  by  Captain  Perry.  The  former  succeeded  in  buying  five 


244  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [18 15. 

brigantines,  or  schooners,  and  he  was  about  to  sail  with  them>  when 
the  news  of  peace  reached  the  country.  The  vessels,  which  formed 
one  of  these  flying  squadrons,  were  the  Firefly,  Captain  Porter ; 
Spark,  Lieutenant  Commandant  Gamble  ;  Torch,  Lieutenant  Com 
mandant  Chauncey ;  Spitfire,  Captain  Cassin,*  and  Flambeau, 
Lieutenant  Commandant  J.  B.  Nicholson.  The  first  destination  of 
this  force  was  the  West  Indies,  and  it  was  understood  that  it  was  to 
sail  with  orders  to  burn,  sink,  and  destroy,  without  attempting,  except 
in  very  extraordinary  cases,  to  get  any  thing  in. 

Captain  Perry  was  less  successful  in  finding  suitable  vessels,  and 
three  stout  brigs,  called  the  Boxer,  Saranac,  and  Chippewa,  were 
laid  down,  though  built  with  green  timber.  Another,  called  the  Es 
cape,  was  purchased  and  named  the  Prometheus  ;  but  it  would  seem 
that  a  fifth  vessel  had  not  been  found  when  peace  was  proclaimed. 
The  Boxer  was  given  to  Lieutenant  John  Porter,  the  Chippewa  to 
Lieutenant  G.  Campbell  Read,  the  Saranac  to  Lieutenant  Elton,  and 
the  Prometheus  to  Lieutenant  Joseph  J.  Nicholson.  The  fifth  ves 
sel  would  have  been  Captain  Perry's  but  that  officer  returned  to  the 
Java,  as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  the  Flying  Squadrons  would  not 
be  used  as  originally  intended. 

Thus  terminated  the  war  of  1812,  so  far  as  it  was  connected  with 
the  American  marine.  The  navy  came  out  of  this  struggle  with  a 
vast  increase  of  reputation.  The  brilliant  style  in  which  the  ships 
had  been  carried  into  action,  the  steadiness  and  rapidity  with  which 
they  had  been  handled,  and  the  fatal  accuracy  of  their  fire,  on  nearly 
every  occasion,  produced  a  new  era  in  naval  warfare.  Most  of  the 
frigate  actions  had  been  as  soon  decided  as  circumstances  would  at 
all  allow,  and  in  no  instance  was  it  found  necessary  to  keep  up  the 
fire  of  a  sloop  of  war  an  hour,  when  singly  engaged.  Most  of  the 
combats  of  the  latter,  indeed,  were  decided  in  about  half  that  time. 
The  execution  done  in  these  short  conflicts  was  often  equal  to  that 
made  by  the  largest  vessels  of  Europe,  in  general  actions,  and  in 
some  of  them,  the  slain  and  wounded  comprised  a  very  large  pro 
portion  of  the  crews. 

It  is  not  easy  to  say  in  which  nation  this  unlooked-for  result  cre 
ated  the  most  surprise,  America  or  England.  In  the  first  it  produced 
a  confidence  in  itself  that  had  been  greatly  wanted,  but  which,  in  the 
end,  perhaps,  degenerated  to  a  feeling  of  self-esteem  and  security 
that  was  not  without  danger,  or  entirely  without  exaggeration.  The 
last  was  induced  to  alter  its  mode  of  rating,  adopting  one  by  no  means 
as  free  from  the  imputation  of  a  want  of  consistency  as  that  which 
it  abandoned,  and  it  altogether  changed  its  estimate  of  the  force  of 
single  ships,  as  well  as  of  the  armaments  of  frigates.  The  ablest 
and  bravest  captains  of  the  English  fleet  were  ready  to  admit  that  a 
new  power  was  about  to  appear  on  the  ocean,  and  that  it  was  not 
improbable  the  battle  for  the  mastery  of  the  seas  would  have  to  be 
fought  over  again.  In  short,  while  some  of  the  ignorant,  presuming, 
and  boastful  were  disposed  to  find  excuses  for  the  unexpected  nauti- 

*  This  officer  had  been  promoted  for  his  gallantry  in  the  battle  of  Plattsburg-  Buy. 


1815.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  245 

cal  reverses  which  Great  Britain  had  met  with  in  this  short  war,  the 
sagacious  and  reflecting  saw  in  them  matter  for  serious  apprehension 
and  alarm.  They  knew  that  the  former  triumphs  of  their  admirals 
had  not  so  much  grown  out  of  an  unusual  ability  to  manoeuvre  fleets, 
as  in  the  national  aptitude  to  manage  single  ships,  and  they  saw  the 
proofs  of  the  same  aptitude,  in  the  conduct  of  the  Americans  during 
this  struggle,  improved  on  by  a  skill  in  gunnery,  that  had  never  be 
fore  been  so  uniformly  manifested  in  naval  warfare.  In  a  word,  it 
may  be  questioned  if  all  the  great  victories  of  the  last  European  con 
flicts  caused  more  exultation  among  the  uninstructed  of  that  nation, 
than  the  defeats  of  this  gave  rise  to  misgivings  and  apprehensions, 
among  those  who  were  able  to  appreciate  causes  and  to  anticipate 
consequences  in  a  matter  so  purely  professional,  as  the  construction, 
powers,  and  handling  of  ships. /^Many  false  modes  of  accounting  for 
the  novel  character  that  had  been  given  to  naval  battles  was  resorted 
to,  and  among  other  reasons,  it  was  affirmed  that  the  American  ves 
sels  of  war  sailed  with  crews  of  picked  seamen.  £lhat  a  nation  which 
practised  impressment,  should  imagine  that  another  in  which  enlist 
ments  were  voluntary,  could  possess  an  advantage  of  this  nature, 
infers  a  strong  disposition  to  listerv  to  any  means  but  the  right  one  to 
account  for  an  unpleasant  truth./It  is  not  known  that  a  single  ves 
sel  left  the  country,  the  case  of  the  Constitution  on  her  two  last  cruises 
excepted,  with  a  crew  that  could  be  deemed  extraordinary  in  this 
respect.  No  American  man-of-war  ever  sailed  with  a  complement 
composed  of  nothing  but  able  seamen;  and  some  of  the  hardest 
fought  battles  that  occurred  during  this  war,  were  fought  by  ship's 
companies  that  were  materially  worse  than  common.  The  people 
of  the  vessels  on  Lake  Champlain,  in  particular,  were  of  a  quality 
much  inferior  to  those  usually  found  in  ships  of  war.  Neither  were 
the  officers,  in  general,  old  or  very  experienced.  The  navy  itself 
had  existed  but  fourteen  years,  when  the  war  commenced;  and  some 
of  the  commanders  began  their  professional  careers,  several  years 
after  the  first  appointments  had  been  made.  Perhaps  one  half  of  the 
lieutenants,  in  the  service  at  the  peace  of  1815,  had  gone  on  board 
ship,  for  the  first  time,  within  six  years  from  the  declaration  of  the 
war,  and  very  many  of  them  within  three  or  four.  So  far  from  the 
midshipmen  having  been  masters  and  mates  of  merchantmen,  as  was 
reported  at  the  time,  they  were  generally  youths  that  first  quitted  the 
ease  and  comforts  of  the  paternal  home,  when  they  appeared  on  the 
quarter-deck  of  a  man-of-war. 

That  the  tone  and  discipline  of  the  service  were  high,  is  true  ;  but 
it  must  be  ascribed  to  moral,  and  not  to  physical  causes  ;  to  that  ap 
titude  in  the  American  character  for  the  sea,  which  has  been  so  con 
stantly  manifested  from  the  day  the  first  pinnace  sailed  along  the  coast 
on  the  trading  voyages  of  the  seventeenth  century,  down  to  the 
present  moment. 


APPENDIX  TO  VOLUME  II. 


Note  A.  referred  to  page  15. 

"By  the  honourable  George  Cranfield  Berkeley,  Vice-Admiral  of  the 
White, and  Commander-in-Chief  of  his  Majesty's  ships  arid  vessels 
employed  in  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  along  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia, 
the  island  of  St.  John,  and  Cape  Breton,  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  and 
at  and  about  the  island  of  Bermifda,  or  Somers'  Island. 


"Belisle, 

Bellona, 

Triumph, 

Chichester, 

Halifax, 


•"Whereas,  many  seamen,  subjects  of  His  Bri 
tannic  Majesty,  and  serving  in  his  ships  and  ves- 
^sels,  as  per  margin,  while  at  anchor  in  the  Chesa 
peake,  deserted,  and  entered  on  board  the  United 
States'  frigate,  called  the  Chesapeake,  and  openly 


Zenobia,  cutter."  J  paraded  the  streets  of  Norfolk,  in  sight  of  their 
officers,  under  the  American  flag;  protected  by  the  magistrates  of  the 
town,  and  the  recruiting  officer  belonging  to  the  above-mentioned 
American  frigate,  which  magistrates  and  naval  officer  refused  giving 
them  up,  although  demanded  by  His  Britannic  Majesty's  consul, 
as  well  as  the  captains  of  the  ships  from  which  the  said  men  had 
deserted. 

"The  captains  of  His  Majesty's  ships  and  vessels  under  my  com 
mand,  are  therefore  hereby  required  and  directed,  in  case  of  meeting 
with  the  American  frigate,  the  Chesapeake,  at  gea,  and  without  the 
limits  of  the  United  States,  to  show  to  the  captai«i  of  her  this  order, 
and  to  require  to  search  his  ship  for  the  deserters  from  the  before- 
mentioned  ships,  and  to  proceed  and  search  for  the  same,  and  if  a 
similar  demand  should  be  made  by  the  Americans,  he  is  to  be  per 
mitted  to  search  for  any  deserters  from  their  service,  according  to 
the  customs  and  usage  of  civilised  nations  on  terms  of  peace  and 
amity  with  each  other. 

"  Given  under  my  hand  at  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia,  the  1st  June,  1807. 

Signed  "G.BERKELEY. 

"To  the  respective  captains  and  commanders 

of  His  Majesty's  ships  and  vessels  on  the 

North  American  Station. 

"  By  command  of  the  Vice-Admiral. 
Signed  "  JAMES  BACKIE." 

No.  I.— COPY. 

The  captain  of  His  Britannic  Majesty's  ship  Leopard,  has  the 
honour  to  enclose  the  captain  of  the  United  States'  ship  Chesapeake, 


APPENDIX.  247 


an  order  from  the  honourable  Vice-Admiral  Berkeley,  Commander- 
in-Chief  of  His  Majesty's  ships  on  the  North  American  station,  re 
specting  some  deserters  from  the  ships  (therein  mentioned)  under  his 
command,  and  supposed  to  be  now  serving  as  part  of  the  crew  of 
the  Chesapeake. 

The  captain  of  the  Leopard  will  not  presume  to  say  any  thing  in 
addition  to  what  the  commander-in-chief  has  stated,  more  than  to 
express  a  hope  that  every  circumstance  respecting  them  may  be  ad 
justed  in  a  manner  that  the  harmony  subsisting  between  the  two 
countries  may  remain  undisturbed. 

H.  M.  ship  Leopard,  at  sea,  June  22 d,  1807. 
True  copy, 

CHAS.  W.  GOLDSBOROUGH, 

Chief  Clerk  N.  Department. 

No.  II.— COPY. 

I  know  of  no  such  men  as  you  describe.  The  officers  that  were 
on  the  recruiting  service  for  this  ship  were  particularly  instructed  by 
the  government,  through  me,  not  to  enter  any  deserters  from  his  B. 
M.  ships,  nor  do  I  know  of  any  being  here.  I  am  also  instructed 
never  to  permit  the  crew  of  any  ship  that  I  command  to  be  mustered 
by  any  other  but  their  own  officers.  It  is  my  disposition  to  pre 
serve  harmony,  and  I  hope  this  answer  to  your  despatch  will  prove 
satisfactory. 

Signed  JAMES  BARRON. 

At  sea,  June  22d,  1807. 

To  the  commander  of  His  B.  M.  ship  Leopard. 
True  copy, 

CHAS.  W.  GOLDSBOROUGH, 

Chief  Clerk  N.  Department. 

No.  III.— COPY. 

SIR, — I  consider  the  frigate  Chesapeake  your  prize,  and  am  ready 
to  deliver  her  to  any  officer  authorised  to  receive  her.  By  the  return 
of  the  boat  I  shall  expect  your  answer. 

And  have  the  honour  to  be  yours,  etc. 
Signed  JAMES  BARRON. 

Chesapeake,  at  sea,  June  %2d,  1807. 
To  the  commander  of  His  B.  M.  ship  Leopard. 
True  copy, 

CHAS.  W.  GOLDSBOROUGH, 

Chief  Clerk  N.  Department. 

No.  IV.— COPY. 

SIR, — Having,  to  the  utmost  of  my  power,  fulfilled  the  instructions 
of  my  commander-in-chief,  I  have  nothing  more  to  desire,  and  must 
in  consequence  proceed  to  join  the  remainder  of  the  squadron;  re 
peating  that  I  am  ready  to  give  you  every  assistance  in  my  power, 


248  APPENDIX. 


and  do  most  sincerely  deplore  that  any  lives  should  have  been  lost 
in  the  execution  of  a  service  which  might  have  been  adjusted  more 
amicably,  not  only  with  respect  to  ourselves,  but  the  nations  to  which 
we  respectively  belong. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 
Signed  S.  P.  HUMPHREYS. 

Leopard,  at  sea,  <22d  June,  1807. 
To  the  commander  of  the  U.  S.  ship  Chesapeake. 
True  Copy, 

CHAS.  W.  GOLDSBOROUGH, 

Chief  Clerk  N.  Department. 


END    OF    VOLUME    II. 


HISTOEY 


THE   NAVY 


OF    THE 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA, 


FROM  1815  TO  1856. 


FROM  MANUSCRIPTS  OF  J.  FENIMORE  COOPER,  AND 
OTHER  AUTHENTIC  SOURCES. 


G.    P.    PUTNAM   &    CO.,    321    BROADWAY. 

1856. 


CONTENTS  TO  VOL  III. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Declaration  of  war  against  Algiers— Causes  of  the  war — Com.  Decatur  sails  with  his  squadron- 
Captures  an  Algerine  frigate  and  brig — Treaty  with  Algiers — Loss  of  the  Epervier — Settlei 
difficulties  with  Tunis  and  Tripoli — Squadron  of  Com.  Bainbridge — Com.  Shaw  left  in  com 
mand — Organization  of  the  Navy  Board— Increase  and  improvement  of  the  Navy — Employ 
ment  of  ships  on  various  stations — Death  of  Com.  Perry — Death  of  Com.  Decatur,  -  Page  1 

CHAPTER  II. 

Mexican  and  South  American  Revolutions — Paper  blockades — Piracies  in  the  West  Indies — 
Vessels  ordered  there — Captures  by  Lieutenants  Kearney  and  Ramage  —Com.  Biddle  sent 
with  an  increased  force— Captures  by  Lieut.  Gregory— Death  of  Lieut.  Allen— Alligator 
wrecked — Captures  by  Capt  Cassin— Difficulty  of  suppressing  piracies — Com.  Porter  takes  the 
command — Affair  at  St.  John's — Arrangement  of  Com.  Porter's  force — Various  captures  by 
Captain  Cassin,  Lieuts.  Stribling,  Newell,  Watson,  Kearney,  Skinner  and  Paine— Affair  at 
Foxardo  and  Porter's  recall— Com.  Warrington  supersedes  him  — Loss  of  the  Ferret — Cap 
tures  bv  Lieuts.  Sloat  and  McKeever — Suppression  of  the  system  of  piracy,  -  -  -  20 

CHAPTER  III. 

Potomac  under  Com.  Downes  ordered  to  the  East  Indies — Attack  of  Malays  on  the  crew  of  the 
ship  Friendship — Potomac  arrives  at  Quallah  Battoo — Landing  of  the  forces  and  attack  upon  the 
town  under  Lieut.  Shubrick — Sharp  encounters  at  the  several  forts — Malays  defeated  and.  pun 
ished— Death  of  Com.  Bainbridge— Deaths  of  several  of  the  older  Commodores,  -  -  31 

CHAPTER  IV. 

United  States  Exploring  Expedition — Lieut.  Wilkes  appointed  to  the  command — Sails  in  Augiut, 
1838 — Progress  to  Cape  Horn — First  Antarctic  cruise— Loss  of  the  Sea  Gull — Progress  to  Syd 
ney—Second  Antarctic  cruise — Perils  and  escapes — Peacock  among  the  ice— Return  to  the 
northward — Extensive  explorations  among  the  South  Sea  islands — Attack  upon  SuaLib— Mur 
der  of  Lieut.  Underwood  and  Midshipman  Henry— Severe  punishment  of  the  natives — Arrival 
at  the  Sandwich  Islands— Cruisings  among  various  island  groups — Arrival  and  surveys  upon 
the  north-west  coast — Cruise  of  the  Peacock — Her  wreck  at  the  Columbia  river — Return  of 
the  vessels  across  the  Pacific — Rendezvous  at  Singapore — Course  homeward — Mutiny  on  board 
U.  S.  brig  Somers, 33 

CHAPTER  V. 

Capture  of  Monterey  by  Com.  Jones — Relations  of  United  States  and  Mexico — Commencement 
of  hostilities  —  Cora.  Sloat's  movements  in  the  Pacific  —  Com.  Stockton  assumes  the  command 
of  Pacific  squadron  —  Co-operates  with  Major  Fremont  —  Enters  Los  Angelos  —  Los  Angelos 
retaken  by  the  Mexicans — Com.  Stockton  forms  a  junction  with  Gen.  Kearney — Battles  of  San 
Gabriel  and  Mesa— Recapture  of  Los  Angelos — Com.  Shubrick  assumes  the  command  of  the 
squadron  —  Guaymas,  La  Paz,  and  San  Jose  taken  —  Capture  of  Mazatlan  —  Affair  at  Muleje 
and  Guaymas  —  First  defence  of  San  Jose  by  Lieut.  Hey  wood — Various  movements  on  the 
coast  —  Second  siege  and  defence  of  San  Jose  —  Garrison  relieved  by  Commander  Du  Pont  — 
Quiet  restored  in  Lower  California, ------55 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Com.  Conner  on  the  east  coast  of  Mexico — Blockade — Expedition  against  Tobasco  and  Alva- 
rado — Plan  of  attack  on  Vera  Cruz — Minor  towns  taken — Loss  of  the  Somers — Landing  of 
the  American  army — Com.  Perry  relieves  Com.  Conner — Bombardment  of  Vera  Cruz  — 
Capture  of  Alvarado,  Tuspan  and  Tobasco,  and  occupation  of  Mexican  ports — Skirmishes — 
Services  of  marine  corps— Gen.  Quitman— Death  of  Major  Twiggs,  -  -  78 

«  CHAPTER  VII. 

Lieutenant  Lynch's  expedition  to  tho  Dead  Sea — The  Arctic  expeditions  of  Lieutenant 
I)n  Haven,  Dr.  Kane,  and  Commander  Hartstene — Tsipan  expedition — Difficulties  in  China — 
Affair  at  Smyrna — Darien  expedition — Various  occupations  of  Navy.  -  -  -  -  94 


NAVAL   HISTORY 


OF   THE 


UNITED  STATES. 


CONTINUED  FROM  1815. 


CHAPTER  I. 


Declaration  of  war  against  Algiers — Causes  of  the  war — Com.  Decatur  sails  with  his  squadron — 
Captures  an  Algerine  frigate  and  brig — Treaty  with  Algiers — Loss  of  the  Epervier — Settles 
difficulties  with  Tunis  and  Tripoli— Squadron  of  Com.  Bain  bridge— Com.  Shaw  left  k:  com 
mand—Organization  of  the  Navy  Board— Increase  and  improvement  of  the  Navy — Employ 
ment  of  ships  on  various  stations — Death  of  Com.  Perry— Death  of  Com.  Decatur. 

THE  proclamation  of  the  treaty  of  peace  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain,  was  issued  by  President  Madison  on  the  18th  of  Feb 
ruary,  1815.  On  the  23d  of  the  same  month,  the  President  transmitted 
to  the  House  of  Representatives,  a  report  from  Mr.  Monroe,  secretary  of 
state,  on  the  relations  of  the  United  States  to  the  Barbary  powers.  On 
the  same  day  the  President  also  recommended  to  Congress  "the  expedi 
ency  of  an  act  declaring  the  existence  of  a  state  of  war  between  the 
United  States  and  the  Dey  of  Algiers:  and  of  such  provisions  as  may 
be  requisite  for  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  it  to  a  successful  issue."  Con 
gress  complied  with  this  recommendation,  and  declared  war.  The 
aggressions  of  Algiers  date  back  to  the  year  in  which  war  was  declared 
against  Great  Britain;  but  as  American  commerce  was  entirely  shut  out 
of  the  Mediterranean  in  consequence  of  that  war,  and  as  an  adequate 
naval  force  could  not  be  sent  to  that  sea,  nor  operate  safely  against  both 
Algiers  and  the  British  cruisers,  it  was  neither  important  nor  possible,  at 
that  time,  to  take  notice  of  the  hostile  proceedings. 

The  spirit  of  the  Dey  of  Algiers  was  sufficiently  manifest  from  his 
acts.  In  the  month  of  July,  1812,  he  pretended  to  take  offence  at  the 
quality  and  quantity  of  certain  military  stores  which  were  sent  him  by 
the  United  States  in  accordance  with  the  treaty  of  1795.  He  refused 
to  receive  the  stores.  He  threatened  to  imprison  the  American  consul- 
general,  and  to  make  slaves  of  all  Americans  in  his  dominions;  and  by 
these  threats,  extorted  from  the  consul  a  large  sum  of.  money,  which  he 
claimed  as  arrearages  of  treaty  stipulations,  but  which  the  United  States 
denied  to  be  due.  And  in  the  end,  he  compelled  the  consul  and  all 
Americans  suddenly  to  leave  the  country,  much  to  the  injury  of  their 
affairs,  and  in  plain  violation  of  the  existing  treaty. 

He  then  extended  his  aggressions  to  the  sea.     On  the  25th  of  August, 


8  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1815 

an  Algerine  corsair  captured  the  American  brig  Edwin,  of  Salem,  Cap 
tain  George  Smith,  bound  from  Malta  to  Gibraltar.  The  brig  was  taken 
into  Algiers  as  a  prize,  and  the  captain  and  his  crew,  consisting  of  ten 
men,  were  retained  as  captives. 

A  vessel,  bearing  the  Spanish  flag,  was  seized  and  condemned  in  the 
port  of  Algiers,  on  the  pretence  of  being  an  American  vessel.  In  this 
vessel  was  an  American  citizen,  Mr.  Pollard  of  Virginia,  who  was  also 
retained  as  a  captive. 

Efforts  were  made  to  redeem  these  captives,  the  government  offering 
for  ransom  as  high  as  three  thousand  dollars  per  man.  But  the  Dey 
refused  to  accept  the  offer,  and  avowed  his  intention  of  increasing  as 
much  as  possible  the  number  of  his  captives,  in  order  to  compel  the 
United  States  to  come  to  his  own  terms.  It  was  thus  manifest  that  the 
Dey  had  ventured  upon  a  violation  of  the  treaty  for  the  satisfaction  of 
his  own  rapacity,  probably  led  on  by  the  plausible  hope  of  impunity, 
inasmuch  as  the  United  States  were  involved  in  a  war  with  the  most 
mighty  maritime  power  of  the  world.  There  is  also  sufficient  evidence 
for  the  belief,  that  agents  of  the  British  government  incited  him  to  this 
course,  flattering  him  with  the  assurance  that  in  a  short  time  the  armed 
vessels  of  the  United  States  would  be  swept  from  the  ocean.  The  wars 
of  continental  Europe  had  almost  entirely  destroyed  the  commerce  of 
all  the  states  but  Britain.  Her  triumphant  naval  power  afforded  a  free 
ocean  to  her  merchant  fleets.  She  could  afford  to  pay  tribute  to  the 
Barbary  pirates,  while  their  depredations  made  commerce  unsafe  under  the 
flag  of  weaker  maritime  nations,  and  thus  threw  into  her  own  hands  the 
great  proportion  of  the  trade  which  was  subject  to  these  exposures.  Her 
statesmen  by  no  means  feared  these  small  African  states,  but  they  humored 
and  endured  them  for  their  own  national  profit.  Her  navy,  which  had 
in  these  very  seas,  off  the  Nile  and  off  Trafalgar,  won  the  most  brilliant 
renown  and  indisputable  supremacy,  would  have  deemed  it  a  mere  inci 
dental  skirmish  to  drive  every  freebooting  corsair  from  the  highway  of 
commerce,  and  to  compel  these  lawless  powers  to  be  most  timid  and 
faithful  observers  of  the  laws  of  nations:  but  this  would  not  have  been 
politic.  These  long-indulged  pirates  could  be  advantageously  used  to 
frighten  feebler  nations  from  the  track,  over  which  British  commerce 
might  pass  unmolested.  And  the  humiliation  of  tribute  was  but  a  small 
price  for  such  an  advantage.  This  charge  of  mercenary  selfishness  must 
be  admitted  in  order  to  account  for  England's  long  endurance  of  such  an 
annoyance  and  outrage.  It  was  far  more  of  an  annoyance  and  an  injury 
to  others  than  it  was  to  her;  she  could  therefore  contemplate  it  with 
considerable  complacency.  The  great  competitor  with  her  for  the  trade 
of  the  world  had,  for  some  time,  been  the  United  States.  The  motive, 
therefore,  was  strong  and  enticing  for  inducing  a  rupture  between  this 
competitor  and  the  Barbary  powers,  at  a  time  when  the  distant  govern 
ment  in  America  could,  by  no  display  of  force,  protect  its  assailed 
commerce. 

As  soon,  however,  as  the  war  with  Great  Britain  was  concluded  by  a 
satisfactory  peace,  the  American  government  turned  its  attention  to  the 
work  of  reopening  the  important  avenue  for  our  commerce,  which 
stretched  along  under  the  very  citadels  of  these  treacherous  Algerines.  It 


1815.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  9 

took  the  most  efficient  means  to  punish  their  perfidy,  and  to  enforce 
respect  for  its  treaties  and  accredited  representatives. 

The  peace  had  left  the  entire  navy  at  the  disposal  of  the  government 
for  this  purpose.  And  after  all  the  losses,  hazards,  and  casualties  of  the 
late  struggle,  there  was  still  an  effective  force  fully  adequate  to  the  pro 
posed  undertaking.  Orders  were  promptly  issued  for  fitting  out  two 
squadrons,  one  at  Boston  under  Commodore  Bainbridge,  and  another  at 
New  York  under  Commodore  Decatur.  Com.  Bainbridge  was  appointed 
commander-in-chief  of  the  united  squadrons.  The  selection  of  these  two 
officers  for  this  service  was  peculiarly  appropriate.  It  was  an  honor 
deserved  by  both,  in  view  of  their  distinguished  achievements  in  the  war 
just  closed.  It  was,  moreover,  an  act  of  wisdom  and  policy  to  appoint 
to  the  command,  officers  whose  names  could  not  but  recall  to  the  mem 
ories  of  the  rulers  of  these  predatory  states,  the  former  prowess  and  suc 
cesses  of  the  Americans  on  this  same  coast,  and  whose  previous  acquaintance 
would  qualify  them  more  perfectly  to  deal  with  these  old  enemies,  either 
in  arms  or  in  negotiations. 

The  second  division  of  the  main  squadron  was  first  ready  for  sea. 
Decatur,  honorably  acquitted  of  all  fault  in  the  loss  of  the  President  in 
the  January  preceding,  and  honored,  with  this  mark  of  the  continued 
confidence  of  the  government,  proceeded  to  his  command.  The  vessels 
under  his  orders  were,  the  frigate  Guerriere  44,  Captain  Lewis,  on  board 
which  vessel  the  commodore  hoisted  his  broad  pennant;  the  frigate 
Constellation  36,  Captain  Charles  Gordon;  the  frigate  Macedonian  36, 
Captain  Jacob  Jones;  sloop  of  war  Ontario  22,  Commander  Jesse  D. 
Elliott;  brig  Epervier  18,  Lieutenant  Commanding  John  Downes;  brig 
Firefly  14,  Lieut.  Com.  George  W.  Rodgers;  brig  Flambeau  12,  Lieut, 
Com.  J.  B.  Nicholson;  brig  Spark  12,  Lieut.  Com.  T.  Gamble;  schooner 
Spitfire  11,  Lieut.  Com.  A.  J.  Dallas;  schooner  Torch  10,  Lieut.  Com. 
W.  Chauncey. 

This  squadron  sailed  from  New  York  on  the  20th  of  May,  1815,    ' 
When  a  few  days   out,  a   gale   was   experienced,  in  which   the    brig 
Firefly  was  so  unfortunate  as  to  spring  her  masts,  and  was  obliged  to 
return  to  port  for  repairs.     She  afterward  joined  the  squadron  of  Com. 
Bainbridge,  and  was  in  the  Mediterranean  under  him. 

Decatur  stood  directly  across  the  Atlantic,  making  a  rapid  passage  for 
a  squadron.  Considering  it  possible  that  the  Algerine  squadron  might 
be  cruising  in  the  Atlantic,  he  cautiously  approached  the  coast  of  Africa, 
speaking  every  vessel  coming  in  his  way,  and  seeking  all  the  information 
attainable.  His  desire  was  to  come  upon  the  whole  fleet  by  surprise;  for 
the  preparations  had  been  so  rapidly  made,  that  no  rumor  of  hostilities, 
and  of  the  sailing  of  a  naval  force,  had,  as  yet,  reached  Algiers.  On  the 
15th  of  June,  Decatur  touched  at  Tangiers,  and  from  the  American 
consul,  learned  that  the  Algerine  admiral  had  been  off  that  port  only  the 
day  before,  and  had  sailed  for  Carthagena,  at  which  port  he  intended  to 
touch. 

He  sailed,  immediately  on  receiving  this  information,  to  the  eastward, 
entering  the  Mediterranean  wit.h  the  whole  squadron ;  a  part,  which  had 
separated  during  heavy  weather,  joining  off  Gibraltar. 

On  the  17th  of  June,  being  off  Cape  de  Gatte,  a  large  vessel  was 


10  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1815. 

discovered,  which  was  soon  determined  to  be  an  Algerine  frigate.  Chasa 
was  given,  but  very  cautiously,  lest  the  Algerine  should  take  the  alarm,  and 
escape.  It  is  probable  that  the  chase  at  first  supposed  the  squadron  to  be 
English ;  for  the  suspicion  could  hardly  have  been  formed  of  an  American 
force  of  such  a  size  being  in  these  seas,  just  at  the  close  of  a  long  naval 
war  with  Great  Britain.  By  a  mistake  of  one  of  the  vessels  in  hoisting 
American  colors,  the  Algerine  suddenly  perceiving  his  danger,  made  sail  in 
a  most  seaman-like  style,  and  tried  his  sailing  qualities  to  the  utmost,  in  a 
strenuous  effort  to  escape.  The  Constellation  had  the  advantage  in  this 
part  of  the  chase,  and  soon  opened  a  distant  fire.  In  obedience  to  a 
signal  from  the  commodore,  however,  she  sheered  off,  and  the  Guerriere 
passed  between  her  and  the  Algerine,  thus  enabling  the  flag-ship  to  en 
gage.  This,  Decatur,  with  his  usual  intrepidity  and  skill,  effected  by 
boldly  running  alongside,  so  as  to  decide  the  combat  by  a  close  action. 
As  he  was  executing  this  manoeuvre,  the  Algerine  poured  in  upon  the 
deck  of  the  Guerriere,  a  sharp  and  effective  discharge  of  musketry  from 
his  tops,  by  which  four  men  were  wounded.  Notwithstanding  this, 
Decatur  still  retained  his  fire,  and  steadily  held  on  his  course,  until  his 
whole  broadside  could  bear.  Then  ensued  one  of  those  terrific  discharges  for 
which  the  American  ships  had  become  famous,  and  which  had  commenced 
and  decided  so  many  bloody  encounters  on  the  sea.  This  produced 
dreadful  havoc  on  board  the  enemy,  and  was  but  feebly  returned. 
Another  broadside  followed,  which  drove  all  the  men  below,  with  tho 
exception  of  a  few  musketeers,  who  still  gallantly  continued  the  hopeless 
contest.  A  formal  surrender  was  not  yet  made,  and  there  was  an  evident 
attempt  to  escape.  But  the  Epervier,  light  as  she  was  in  comparison  with 
the  heavy  Algerine  frigate,  had  been  gallantly  brought  into  action  by 
Lieut.  Com.  Downes,  and  had  opened  her  fire,  which  had  an  effect  to 
check  this  attempt.  The  combat  was  now  at  an  end,  and  Decatur  took 
possession  of  the  prize.  She  proved  to  be  the  frigate  Mashouda,  of  46 
guns,  with  a  crew  of  between  four  and  five  hundred  men.  She  was 
commanded  by  Admiral  Rais  Hammida,  who  held  the  highest  rank  in 
the  navy  of  the  Dey  of  Algiers.  The  running  fight  continued  about 
twenty -five  minutes.  The  loss  on  board  the  Mashouda  was  considerable ; 
the  prisoners  stated  that  about  thirty  were  killed,  and  thrown  overboard. 
Four  hundred  and  six  of  the  crew  were  taken  prisoners.  The  Admiral, 
Hammida,  was  killed  in  the  commencement  of  the  action  on  the  part  of 
the  Guerriere,  being  cut  in  two  by  a  heavy  shot,  on  the  quarter-deck  of 
his  ship.  His  death  appeared  to  discourage  his  crew,  and  as  a  conse 
quence,  the  contest  was  decided  more  speedily  than  it  would  otherwise 
have  been.  He  was  a  man  of  great  personal  valor,  and  had  fought  his 
way  up  from  the  position  of  a  common  sailor  to  the  command  of  the 
fleet.  He  possessed  a  spirit  which  would  have  impelled  him  to  defend 
his  ship  to  the  very  last  effort  of  despair. 

A  very  sad  casualty  occurred  on  board  the  Guerriere  during  the 
broadside  firing.  A  gun  on  the  main-deck  bursted  on  its  first  discharge, 
breaking  up  the  spar-deck,  killing  five  men,  and  badly  wounding  and 
burning  about  thirty  others.  A  piece  of  the  bursting  gun  passed  close 
by  the  head  of  Lieutenant  John  T.  Shubrick,  but  did  him  no  injury. 
Decatur  warmly  commended  the  steadiness  of  the  men  during  this 


1815.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  11 

accident,  of  a  nature  so  likely  to  produce  confusion,  and  he  anxiously 
urged  upon  the  government  the  exceeding  importance  of  a  more  thorough 
testing  of  the  guns.  This  explosion  did  far  more  damage  than  was  effected 
by  the  fire  of  the  enemy.  A  prize  officer  and  crew  were  put  on  board 
the  captured  vessel,  and  she  was  sent  into  Carthagena,  under  convoy  of 
the  Macedonian. 

After  this  successful  opening  of  the  war,  Decatur  still  continued  his 
search  for  the  main  fleet.  On  the  19th  of  June,  off  Cape  Palos,  a  brig, 
showing  plain  signs  of  being  an  Algerine  corsair,  was  seen  and  chased  for 
three  hours.  She  ran  into  shoal  water,  where  it  was  not  safe  for  the 
larger  vessels  to  follow  her.  Decatur  directed  the  Epervier,  Spark,  Torch, 
and  Spitfire  to  continue  the  chase.  They  soon  opened  their  fire,  when 
the  Algerines  ran  their  brig  aground,  and  after  a  short  resistance,  surren 
dered.  The  vessel  was  called  the  Estedio,  carrying  22  guns,  and  one  hun 
dred  and  eighty  men.  On  boarding  her,  twenty-three  men  were  found 
dead,  and  eighty  were  taken  prisoners.  The  rest  escaped  in  boats  to  the 
shore :  one  boat,  however,  was  sunk  in  the  attempt,  by  shot  from  the  vessels. 
The  brig  was  got  off,  and  was  also  sent  into  Carthagena  as  a  prize. 

Having  learned  that  notice  of  his  arrival  in  the  Mediterranean  had 
been  sent  to  Algiers,  and  also  to  the  rest  of  the  Algerine  fleet,  in  conse 
quence  of  which  it  had  taken  refuge  in  Malta,  Decatur  concluded  that 
this  would  be  the  most  favorable  and  promising  juncture  for  him  to  ap 
pear  before  Algiers,  and  try  the  virtue  of  his  powers  as  negotiator. 

Commodores  Bainbridge  and  Decatur,  in  connection  with  William 
Shaler,  Esq.,  consul-general  to  the  Barbary  powers,  had  been  appointed 
commissioners  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Dey  of  Algiers. 

As  Mr.  Shaler  was  with  Com.  Decatur,  the  majority  of  the  commission 
were  at  liberty  to  take  advantage  of  favorable  circumstances,  without  waiting 
for  the  arrival  of  Com.  Bainbridge.  On  the  28th  of  June,  the  squadron 
rode  at  anchor  in  the  bay  of  Algiers.  It  may  be  supposed  that  its  formid 
able  appearance  awakened  both  surprise  and  apprehension  in  the  breast 
of  the  Dey.  He  saw  its  power,  but  he  had  not  yet  heard  of  its  successes. 
Little  did  he  imagine  that  his  favorite  admiral  was  killed,  and  his  best 
ship  was  a  prize.  The  captain  of  the  port  and  the  Swedish  consul  came 
on  board.  To  them  Decatur  delivered  a  letter  from  the  President  to 
the  Dey,  in  which  complaints  were  made  of  the  faithless  violations  of  the 
former  treaty,  and  the  barbarous  aggressions  against  the  persons  and 
property  of  American  citizens,  on  the  part  of  the  Algerine  government. 
The  letter  further  expressed  the  hope  of  an  amicable  adjustment  of 
difficulties,  without  a  continuance  of  war,  otherwise  the  utmost  power  of 
the  government  would  be  exerted  to  bring  the  Dey  to  terms.  The  cap 
tain  of  the  port  was  also  now  first  informed  of  the  captures,  the  account 
of  which  was  confirmed  to  his  satisfaction  by  the  prisoners  on  board.  The 
letter,  the  force  which  was  on  hand  to  sustain  its  doctrines,  the  losses 
already  experienced  and  keenly  felt,  soon  induced  in  the  Dey  a  more 
humble  and  conciliatory  spirit  and  demeanor,  than  he  was  accustomed  to 
manifest  toward  the  representatives  of  foreign  powers.  He  sent  an  in 
vitation  to  the  commissoners  to  visit  him  at  his  palace,  and  there  to  make 
arrangements  for  a  final  settlement.  His  policy  was  to  enter  into  a 
protracted  course  of  negotiations,  in  order  to  gain  time,  during  which  he 


12  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1815. 

might  take  advantage  of  some  more  favorable  change  in  his  affairs.  Such 
delays  Decatur  wisely  determined  to  avoid.  He  had  the  power  to  obtain 
the  recognition  of  American  rights,  and  he  knew  that  naught  but  sheer 
power  could  gain  the  respect  of  this  half-civilized  despot.  The  commis 
sioners,  after  consultation,  refused  to  go  on  shore,  and  declared  to  the 
captain  of  the  port  and  the  Swedish  consul,  who  were  authorized  to  act 
for  the  Dey,  that  negotiations  must  be  carried  on  on  board  the  Guerriere. 
They  also  presented  the  draft  of  a  treaty,  to  which  they  declared  the 
Dey  must  assent,  and  the  stipulations  of  which  would  not  be  essentially 
altered.  In  fine,  they  would  have  his  majesty  understand  that  they  were 
to  dictate  the  terms  of  peace,  and  not  he.  This  was  high  ground  to 
take  in  treating  with  these  states;  but  it  could  be,  and  was,  maintained. 

The  captain  of  the  port  now  desired  that  at  least  hostilities  should  cease 
while  negotiations  were  going  on.  To  this  request  Decatur  promptly 
replied,  "Not  a  minute;  if  your  squadron  appears  in  sight  before  the 
treaty  is  actually  signed  by  the  Dey,  and  sent  off  with  the  American 
prisoners,  ours  will  capture  it" 

After  further  discussion,  and  some  slight  alterations  in  the  terms,  the 
agents  of  the  Dey  carried  the  treaty  on  shore  to  obtain  his  consent  and 
signature.  In  the  mean  time,  a  corsair  hove  in  sight,  coming  in  toward  the 
harbor,  close  under  the  shore.  True  to  his  word,  that  hostilities  should 
not  cease  until  the  treaty  was  assented  to,  Decatur  made  signal  for  the 
squadron  to  chase.  This  movement  of  the  fleet  hastened  matters  on 
shore,  for  soon  the  boat,  with  a  white  flag,  was  seen  coming  off.  It  had 
been  agreed  that  this  should  be  the  signal  that  the  treaty  was  really 
signed.  When  discovered,  therefore,  making  all  haste  toward  the  Guer 
riere,  Decatur  felt  obliged  to  order  the  chase  to  be  relinquished. 

This  treaty  secured  for  the  Americans  advantages,  in  some  peints,  over 
all  other  nations,  and  in  all  respects  placed  them  on  a  footing  with  the 
most  favored.  Its  principal  articles  provided,  that  no  more  tribute  should 
be  paid ;  that  no  Americans  should  be  enslaved ;  that  all  American  vessels 
should  be  treated  hospitably,  and  their  wants  relieved  in  Algerine  ports; 
that  the  neutrality  of  the  Algerine  ports  should  be  maintained  in  case 
of  war;  and  that,  generally,  the  Regency  should  subject  itself  to  the  recog 
nized  law  of  nations.  The  captives  held  at  the  time  were  also  given 
up,  and  sent  on  board  the  flag-ship. 

The  prizes,  which  Decatur  had  made,  were  given  back  to  the  Dey,  at 
his  most  urgent  request,  as  it  was  found  that  they  required  considerable 
repairs  in  order  to  be  sent  home,  and  especially  because  it  was  urged  that 
such  restoration  of  the  vessels  would  go  far  toward  reconciling  the  people 
to  a  treaty,  which  withdrew  so  many  of  their  long-allowed  privileges. 
The  Dey  was  but  a  late  usurper,  and  sat  quite  uneasily  on  his  throne.  It 
was  policy  for  the  United  States  to  strengthen  his  position  with  his  people, 
as  this  would  be  more  likely  to  insure  the  observance  of  an  obnoxious 
treaty.  A  little  of  the  secret  history  of  this  despotic  court  is  revealed 
in  the  remark  of  the  Dey's  prime  minister  to  the  British  consul,  while 
this  work  of  justice  was  going  on, — "You  told  us  that  the  Americans 
would  be  swept  from  the  seas  in  six  months  by  your  navy,  and  now  they 
make  war  upon  us  with  some  of  your  own  vessels,  which  they  have  taken 
from  you ! " 


1815.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  13 

Thus,  by  decision  and  firmness,  justified  by  the  advantages  gained  and 
at  command,  Decatur,  in  the  space  of  twenty-four  hours  from  his  arrival, 
had  in  his  hands  a  treaty  such  as  had  never  been  obtained  from  any  of  the 
Barbary  powers  by  any  of  the  great  nations  of  Europe.  This  had  been 
accomplished  in  forty  days  from  the  time  of  his  departure  from  New 
York.  In  the  close  of  their  dispatch  to  the  government,  transmitting  the 
treaty,  Decatur  and  Shaler  say, — "  As  this  treaty  appears  to  us  to  secure 
every  interest  within  the  contemplation  of  the  government,  and  as  it  really 
places  the  United  States  on  higher  grounds  than  any  other  nation,  we 
have  no  hesitation,  on  our  part,  in  fulfilling  such  of  its  provisions  as  are 
within  our  power,  in  the  firm  belief  that  it  will  receive  the  ratification  of 
the  President  and  Senate." 

Decatur  deemed  it  advisable  to  send  home  one  of  his  vessels  with  the 
treaty,  and  an  account  of  his  cruise  thus  far.  He  selected  the  brig 
Epervier  for  this  service,  and  gave  the  command  of  her  to  John  Templer 
Shubrick,  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  Guerriere.  Captain  Lewis  was  desir 
ous  of  returning  home,  and  obtained  leave.  This  left  a  vacancy  in  Decatur's 
own  ship,  to  fill  which  he  transferred  Captain  Downes  from  the  Epervier. 
The  latter  vessel  sailed  immediately  on  these  changes,  and  the  termina 
tion  of  her  voyage  is,  up  to  the  present  time,  wrapt  in  mystery.  She 
passed  Gibraltar  about  the  12th  of  July.  A  brig,  resembling  her,  was 
seen  by  a  British  West-India  fleet,  during  a  very  heavy  gale,  and  in  a 
position  where  she  might  have  been ;  but  no  distinct  information  has  ever 
been  gained  respecting  her.  In  her  were  lost,  Captain  Lewis,  Lieutenant 
Neale,  Lieut.  Yarnall,  Lieut.  Drury,  and  other  officers,  and  also  the  cap 
tives  who  had  been  just  rescued  from  Algerine  servitude,  and  were 
embracing  this  early  opportunity  to  return  home.  Lieut.  Shubrick's 
appointment  to  this  command  was  an  evidence  of  Decatur's  high  appre 
ciation  of  his  character  as  an  officer.  He  had  served  much  under  Decatur, 
having  now  been  steadily  with  him  on  board  the  United  States,  the 
President  during  the  cruise  in  which  she  was  taken  by  the  British,  and 
the  Guerriere  during  the  present  cruise.  With  him  an  untimely  end 
terminated  a  highly  honorable  career. 

With  the  prestige  of  this  complete  and  rapid  success,  Decatur  now 
proceeded  to  visit  the  other  Barbary  states,  in  order  to  apply  the  same 
effectual  remedy  to  certain  evils  and  wrongs,  which  had  arisen  in  their 
relations  to  Americans.  He  appeared  in  the  Bay  of  Tunis  on  the  26th 
of  July.  Here  the  American  consul,  M.  M.  Noah,  Esq.,  laid  before  him 
an  account  of  certain  wrongs,  and  requested  his  interposition  for  their 
redress.  It  appears  that  during  the  war  with  Great  Britain,  an  American 
armed  brig,  the  Abellino,  had  captured  an  English  merchant  brig  and 
schooner,  which  she  carried  as  prizes  into  the  neutral  port  of  Tunis.  While 
they  were  lying  in  this  port,  and  under  the  protection  of  the  cannon  of 
the  Bey  of  Tunis,  the  English  brig  of  war  Lyra  ran  in,  cut  them  out, 
and  carried  them  to  Malta,  thus  boldly  violating  the  neutrality  of  the 
port.  The  Bey  took  no  measures  to  resist  this  aggression,  but  quietly 
suffered  it,  undoubtedly  receiving  in  some  form  an  adequate  remuneration 
for  his  indifference  to  his  own  rights,  and  to  the  insult  offered  to  his  own 
independence.  The  influence  of  British  agents  near  his  person  was  felt 
here  also,  as  well  as  at  Algiers. 


14:  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1815. 

When  the  facts  were  properly  set  forth  and  established,  Decatur  de 
cided  upon  his  course  with  characteristic  promptness.  He  sent  a  com 
munication  to  the  Bey,  by  the  hands  of  the  consul,  stating  the  facts  as 
they  had  been  recited  to  him,  and  demanding  full  indemnity  within  the 
space  of  twelve  hours,  under  penalty  of  a  declaration  of  war  and  an 
immediate  attack.  Mr.  Noah  landed  and  was  admitted  to  an  audience. 
His  interview  with  the  Bey  he  thus  relates — "  *  Tell  your  Admiral  to  come 
and  see  me,'  said  the  Bey.  *  He  declines  coming,  your  Highness,  until 
these  disputes  are  settled,  which  are  best  done  on  board  ship.'  '  But 
this  is  not  treating  me  with  becoming  dignity.  Hamuda  Pacha,  of  blessed 
memory,  commanded  them  to  land,  and  wait  at  the  palace,  until  he  was 
pleased  to  receive  them.'  'Very  likely,  your  Highness,  but  that  was 
twenty  years  ago.'  After  a  pause,  the  Bey  exclaimed,  'I  know  this 
Admiral ;  he  is  the  same  one  who,  in  the  war  with  Sida  Yusef  of  Trablis, 
burnt  the  frigate.'  'The  same.'  'Hum !  why  do  they  send  wild  young 
men  to  treat  for  peace  with  old  powers?  Then  you  Americans  do  not 
speak  the  truth.  You  went  to  war  with  England,  a  nation  with  a  great 
fleet,  and  said  you  took  their  frigates  in  equal  fight.  Honest  people 
always  speak  truth.'  'Well,  Sir,  that  was  true.  Do  you  see  that  tall 
ship  in  the  bay,  with  a  blue  flag,  the  Guerriere,  taken  from  the  British  1 
That  one  near  the  small  island,  the  Macedonian,  was  also  captured,  by 
Decatur,  on  equal  terms.  The  sloop  near  Cape  Carthage,  the  Peacock, 
was  also  taken  in  battle.'  The  Bey  laid  down  the  telescope,  reposed  on 
his  cushions,  and  with  a  small  tortoise-shell  comb,  set  with  diamonds, 
combed  his  beard.  A  small  vessel  got  under  way  and  came  near  the 
batteries ;  a  pinnace,  with  a  few  men,  rowed  toward  the  harbor,  and  one 
person,  dressed  in  the  garb  of  a  sailor,  was  taking  soundings.  It  was 
Decatur." 

After  this  conversation  and  due  meditation,  the  Bey  very  wisely  an 
nounced  his  willingness  to  repay  the  owners  the  value  of  the  retaken 
vessels  and  their  cargoes.  Decatur  then  landed,  and  paid  his  respects  to 
the  Bey.  The  money  claimed,  forty-six  thousand  dollars,  was  paid  in  his 
presence  to  the  agent  of  the  owners.  This  accomplished,  Decatur,  on  the 
5th  of  August,  showed  his  squadron  before  the  stern  old  batteries  of 
Tripoli,  with  the  features  of  which  he  was  so  perfectly  familiar.  With 
commendable  pride  might  he  survey  this  field,  whereon  had  been  gained 
the  early  brightness  of  his  renown.  That  reputation  was  now  of  service 
to  his  country  —  it  aided  the  display  of  physical  force.  Here  there  was 
a  similar  transaction  to  that  at  Tunis  to  be  attended  to.  The  Abellino  had 
also  taken  two  prizes  into  this  port,  under  the  presumption  of  an  efficient 
neutrality.  But  the  British  brig  Paulina,  acting  on  either  the  weakness 
or  the  willingness  of  the  Bashaw,  violated  his  neutral  rights,  and  retook 
the  prizes  from  under  his  own  eyes. 

The  usual  demand  having  been  made,  the  Bashaw  at  first  quite  boldly 
refused  to  comply  with  it.  He  even  took  steps  for  a  forcible  resistance, 
drawing  out  his  cavalry  upon  the  shore  and  manning  his  batteries.  All 
this  did  not  move  Decatsr  from  his  purpose,  but  merely  led  him  to  begin 
his  disposition  of  forces  for  a  regular  attack.  The  memories  of  the  past 
did  not  serve  to  stimulate  the  courage  of  the  Bashaw,  especially  the  fact 
that  Decatur  was  the  commander  of  the  fleet  now  assunrng  a  hostile 


1 8 15.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  15 

attitude  in  that  same  bay  which  had  been  illuminated  by  the  lurid  flames 
of  the  burning  Philadelphia,  and  where  even  Moslem  fanaticism  had 
proved  no  match  for  American  valor.  So  the  Bashaw  concluded  to  allow 
his  valor  to  practice  the  lessons  of  his  discretion,  and  to  yield  gracefully 
while  the  opportunity  for  such  a  demeanor  continued.  He  paid  the  claim 
of  twenty -rive  thousand  dollars,  and  gave  assurances  of  better  conduct 
for  the  future.  Decatur  also  had  the  pleasure  of  restoring  to  liberty  ten 
captives,  two  of  whom  were  Danish  boys,  and  the  rest  a  Sicilian  family. 

It  was  now  about  seventy  days  since  the  squadron  left  New  York,  and 
the  objects  of  the  cruise  had  been  fully  accomplished  in  this  short  space 
of  time.  The  actual  fighting  had  been  very  little,  and  the  loss  on  our 
part  trifling.  These  results  are  to  be  ascribed  in  part  to  the  efficiency 
and  decision  of  Decatur;  yet  the  best  qualities  in  a  commander  would 
have  been  of  little  avail  without  an  adequate  naval  force  to  sustain  him. 
The  mere  display  of  physical  power  is  ever  more  conclusive,  beyond  all 
comparison,  with  semi-civilized  states,  than  all  moral  considerations  and 
unsupported  reasonings  on  justice. 

It  is  honorable  to  the  United  States  that  they  first  placed  an  effectual 
restraint  upon  the  intolerable  encroachments  of  these  faithless  powers; 
that  they  compelled  the  recognition  of  their  maritime  rights^ithout  the 
continuance  of  tribute;  and  insisted,  with  the  needful  firmness,  upon  the 
careful  observance  of  treaties.  The  example  thus  given  was  soon  followed 
by  England  and  other  European  powers,  until  these  small  states,  once 
regarded  with  so  much  terror,  and  indulged  in  their  haughty  address 
toward  their  superiors  in  every  element  of  national  honor  and  greatness, 
have  declined  into  their  proper  insignificance. 

The  squadron  under  the  command  of  Commodore  Bainbridge,  which 
followed  the  one  under  Decatur,  arrived  in  the  Mediterranean  in  the  early 
part  of  August.  It  consisted  of  the  Independence  74,  which  had  been 
just  finished  at  Boston  under  the  superintendence  of  Bainbridge;  the 
frigate  Congress;  the  sloop  of  war  Erie;  the  brig  Chippewa;  and  the 
schooner  Lynx.  Another  detachment,  composed  of  the  frigate  United 
States,  the  brigs  Boxer,  Saranac,  Firefly,  and  Enterprise,  under  the  com 
mand  of  Commodore  John  Shaw,  joined  the  main  squadron  shortly  after. 
On  his  arrival  at  Gibraltar,  Bainbridge  of  course  learned  that  his  energetic 
predecessor  had  accomplished  all  the  objects  of  the  expedition.  He 
therefore  proceeded,  in  accordance  with  his  instructions,  to  exhibit  his 
force  off'  Algiers,  Tunis,  and  Tripoli,  that  he  might  furnish  the  most  con 
vincing  demonstration  of  the  ability  and  readiness  of  the  United  States 
to  protect  their  commerce  and  their  agents.  Interested  persons  had 
induced  the  belief  among  these  ignorant  people,  that  the  United  States 
were  bound  by  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  not  to  build  any  seventy-four 
gun  ships.  The  first  vessel  of  this  class  in  our  navy,  indeed,  which  was 
ever  taken  to  sea,  was  the  Independence,  Bainbridge's  flag-ship  on  this 
cruise.  Her  presence  in  these  waters,  therefore,  was  of  consequence,  as 
it  dissipated  this  false  belief;  and  this  large  fleet,  following  so  soon  in  the 
wake  of  Decatur's,  impressed  these  governments  and  their  people  with  the 
power  and  resources  of  the  United  States,  and  contributed  decidedly  to 
the  maintenance  of  peace,  and  the  strict  observance  of  treaties.  Since 
this  active  and  successful  expedition,  our  relations  with  the  Barbary  powers 


16  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1815 

have,  with  slight  exceptions,  been  highly  satisfactory.  -It  was  necessary, 
however,  for  several  of  the  immediately  subsequent  years,  to  maintain  an 
efficient  force  in  these  waters,  and  by  regular  visits  to  their  ports,  to 
remind  these  new  friends  that  they  were  under  a  close  surveillance. 

On  leaving  Tripoli,  Decatur  sailed  across  to  Sicily,  where  he  landed 
the  family  he  had  rescued  from  captivity,  and  thence  kept  along  the 
coast  of  Italy  to  Naples.  All  the  rest  of  the  squadron  were  directed  to 
join  Bainbridge,  while  he  followed,  more  at  his  leisure,  with  the  Guerriere. 
During  the  voyage  from  Italy  to  Spain,  he  fell  in  with  the  remainder  of 
the  Algerine  fleet,  consisting  of  four  frigates  and  three  sloops,  which  had 
escaped  him  during  the  war.  Thinking  that  they  might  be  tempted  to 
retaliate,  in  spite  of  the  treaty,  now  that  they  found  him  alone,  he  ordered 
his  ship  cleared  for  action,  and  the  men  beat  to  quarters.  Thus  prepared, 
he  stood  steadily  on,  and  passed  the  whole  fleet  unmolested.  As  he 
passed  the  admiral's  ship,  he  was  hailed  with  the  usual  question,  "Where 
are  you  bound  ? "  He  himself  took  the  trumpet,  and  discarding  nautical 
etiquette  with  his  old  foes  and  even  yet  uncertain  friends,  quite  in  defiance 
answered,  "  Where  I  please ! " 

In  October,  the  entire  naval  force  was  assembled  under  Commodore 
Bainbridge  at  Gibraltar.  It  formed  the  largest  fleet  that  had  ever  been 
collected  under  the  American  flag,  comprising  one  two-decked  ship,  the 
Independence,  five  frigates,  the  Guerriere,  Macedonian,  Constellation, 
Congress,  and  United  States,  two  sloops  of  war,  seven  brigs,  and  three 
schooners  —  in  all  eighteen  sail.  This  was  rather  an  unexpected  sight 
beneath  the  rock  of  Gibraltar,  but  a  few  months  after  the  close  of  the 
English  war. 

The  purpose,  for  which  this  large  force  had  been  sent  out,  having  been 
effected,  it  became  necessary  for  the  commander  to  make  a  new  disposition 
of  it.  Decatur  took  the  Guerriere  home,  arriving  at  New  York  on  the 
12th  of  November.  Bainbridge  also  sailed  for  home,  taking  with  him 
his  own  ship,  two  frigates,  and  all  the  brigs  and  schooners.  Commodore 
Shaw  remained  in  command  of  the  Mediterranean  squadron,  composed 
of  the  frigates  United  States  44,  the  Constellation  38,  and  the  sloops 
Ontario  and  Erie,  each  18.  In  a  short  time  also,  Captain  0.  H.  Perry, 
in  the  Java  44,  joined  the  latter  squadron.  Bainbridge  brought  his 
squadron  safely  into  Newport  on  the  15th  of  November.  In  his  letter 
of  instructions  to  Com.  Shaw,  Com.  Bainbridge  says:  "The  object  of 
leaving  this  force  is  to  watch  the  conduct  of  the  Barbary  powers,  partic 
ularly  that  of  Algiers,  to  guard  against,  as  far  as  the  force  under  your 
command  can  do,  any  depredations  they  may  be  disposed  to  commit, 
and  to  give  protection  to  the  commerce  of  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States."  Com.  Shaw  executed  these  duties  with  fidelity,  until  the  next 
year,  when  Com.  Chauncey,  in  the  Washington  74,  was  sent  out  to 
relieve  him. 

The  necessity  of  a  more  thorough  organization  of  the  Navy  Depart 
ment  had  long  been  felt,  and  it  was  especially  desirable  that  its  executive 
administration  should  be  in  the  charge  of  individuals,  whose  professional 
experience  qualified  them  for  its  practical  duties.  To  meet  this  necessity, 
Congress,  in  1815,  authorized  the  formation  of  a  board  of  navy  com 
missioners.  This  board  was  placed  under  the  superintendence  of  the 


1816-20.]  NAYAL  HISTORY.  17 

secretary  of  the  navy,  and  was  charged  with  all  the  ministerial  duties  of 
the  department,  relating  to  the  procuring  of  supplies  and  stores,  the 
collection  of  materials,  the  construction,  armament,  and  employment  of 
all  the  vessels.  Commodores  Rodgers,  Hull  and  Porter  were  appointed 
the  first  commissioners. 

After  the  close  of  the  war  with  Great  Britain,  an  arrangement  was 
effected  between  tha.t  country  and  the  United  States,  by  which  the  naval 
forces  of  both,  on  the  lakes,  were  reduced  to  an  equality.  It  was  agreed 
that  neither  nation  should  maintain  more  than  one  vessel  of  war  on  Lake 
Ontario  or  Lake  Champlain,  or  more  than  two  vessels  on  Lake  Erie  or 
any  of  the  upper  lakes,  and  that  each  of  these  vessels  should  carry  but 
one  gun. 

There  was  also,  about  this  time,  a  very  strong  disposition  manifested, 
both  in  and  out  of  Congress,  to  effect  a  still  greater  reduction  of  the 
navy,  to  lay  most  of  the  vessels  up,  to  place  the  officers  on  half-pay,  and 
to  dismiss  some  of  the  officers  of  each  grade.  Some  steps  were  taken 
toward  carrying  out  this  destructive  plan,  but  the  influence  of  more 
judicious  friends  of  the  navy  prevailed,  and  the  general  scheme  was 
abandoned.  On  the  other  hand,  the  character  which  had  been  so  nobly 
won  by  this  arm  of  the  national  service  in  the  late  war  with  England, 
had  established  the  conviction,  with  the  great  mass  of  the  nation,  of  the 
necessity  of  its  permanent  existence  as  a  part  of  the  means  of  government, 
especially  so  in  the  relations  of  government  to  foreign  states.  A  system, 
was  consequently  framed  for  the  improvement,  and  the  gradual  increase 
of  the  navy,  which  system  has  been  pursued,  since  that  time,  with  such 
emendations  as  enlarged  experience  and  progressive  science  have  sug 
gested.  The  plan  for  this  gradual  increase,  in  connection  with  a  special 
act  of  the  session  of  1819-20,  contemplated  the  formation  of  a  force  of 
twelve  line-of-battle  ships,  fourteen  first-class  frigates,  three  second-class 
frigates,  six  sloops,  and  a  proper  proportion  of  smaller  vessels.  The 
details  of  this  plan  have  been  carried  out,  in  a  good  degree,  respecting 
the  larger  vessels,  while  subsequent  enactments  have  added  largely  to 
the  number  of  the  sloops,  and  somewhat  to  that  of  the  brigs  and 
schooners. 

In  a  time  of  prolonged  peace,  the  services  of  the  national  vessels  must 
be  mainly  directed  toward  the  protection  of  commerce  in  the  various  seas 
which  invite  it.  With  but  few  exceptions,  this  has  been  the  occupation 
of  our  navy  since  the  close  of  the  war  with  Great  Britain,  and  the  settle 
ment  of  our  difficulties  with  the  Barbary  powers.  For  some  years  after 
the  period  mentioned,  it  was  necessary  to  maintain  a  careful  watch  over 
the  interests  of  commerce  in  the  Mediterranean,  since  nothing  but  the 
knowledge  of  the  presence  of  a  strong  force  could  restrain  the  predatory 
disposition  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  northern  coast  of  Africa;  and  during 
the  war  between  the  Turks  and  the  Greeks,  this  disposition  did  break 
forth  into  overt  acts  against  the  vessels  of  some  nations  Several  ships 
have  generally  cruised  along  our  own  coast,  and  in  emergencies  a  squadron 
of  some  size  has  been  retained  on  this  duty.  For  a  few  years  a  consid 
erable  force  was  engaged  in  the  West  Indies,  in  an  exterminating  war 
upon  bands  of  pirates,  who  abounded  there;  some  account  of  which  will 
be  hereafter  given.  From  about  1820,  some  vessels  have  been  stationed 


18  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1810-20. 

along  the  western  coast  of  Africa,  to  cooperate  with  the  cruisers  of 
England  in  the  attempt  to  suppress  the  slave-trade.  The  Pacific  has 
also  been  a  regular  cruising  ground  for  a  portion  of  the  national  marine, 
where,  especially  during  the  revolutions  of  the  South  American  States, 
it  has  rendered  essential  service  in  the  way  of  protecting  our  commercial 
rights.  In  1816,  it  was  determined  to  send  a  ship  of  war  to  the  Pacific, 
to  take  formal  possession  of  the  country  about  the  Columbia  river,  to 
collect  information  that  might  be  useful  to  commercial  operations,  and  to 
give  protection  to  those  which  had  already  been  undertaken  there  by  our 
citizens.  The  frigate  Congress,  Captain  Morris,  was  directed  to  be  pro- 
pared  for  this  service,  in  August,  1816.  When  nearly  ready  for  sea,  her 
destination  was  changed  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  to  protect  our  commerce 
against  any  improper  interference  by  the  cruisers  of  the  revolutionary 
governments  bordering  on  the  gulf,  and  on  the  Caribbean  sea. 

The  Ontario  sloop  of  war,  Captain  Biddle,  having  landed  agents  of  the 
government  at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  proceeded  to  the  Pacific.  After  touching 
at  the  ports  of  Valparaiso  and  Lima,  where  Captain  Biddle  rendered 
essential  services  to  American  vessels  and  citizens,  and  exemplified  in  a 
striking  manner  the  importance  of  a  naval  force  in  foreign  ports,  he  pro 
ceeded  to  Columbia  river,  and,  in  August,  1818,  took  formal  possession 
of  the  country  in  the  name  and  in  behalf  of  the  United  States. 

The  coast  of  Brazil,  also,  has  for  many  years  been  deemed  a  regular 
station.  In  1819,  Commodore  Perry  was  ordered  to  the  command  of 
the  squadron  on  this  station,  being  also  intrusted  with  the  discharge  of 
certain  delicate  diplomatic  duties.  The  Constellation  was  intended  for 
his  flag-ship,  but  not  being  ready  for  sea,  and  the  object  of  his  ap 
pointment  requiring  dispatch,  he  sailed  in  the  sloop  of  war  John  Adams. 
Arrived  off  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco,  he  transferred  his  pennant  to  the 
schooner  Nonsuch,  and  ascended  the  river  to  Angostura,  where  he  was 
detained  several  days  in  executing  the  duties  of  his  mission.  This  was 
in  midsummer,  and  during  the  most  sickly  part  of  the  season.  He 
contracted  the  yellow  fever,  and  died  as  the  schooner  was  approaching 
his  own  ship,  on  the  23d  of  August;  he  being  just  thirty-four  years  of 
age.  He  was  appointed  a  midshipman  in  April,  1799.  His  remains 
were  interred  at  Port  Spain,  but  were  afterward  brought  home  in  a  ship 
of  war,  and  deposited  in  the  soil  of  his  native  state,  Rhode  Island. 
Upon  the  receipt  of  the  news  of  the  death  of  Com.  Perry,  Com.  Morris 
was  directed  to  proceed  with  the  Constellation  and  John  Adams  to  the 
Rio  de  la  Plata,  and  perform  the  duties  connected  with  the  government 
of  Buenos  Ayres,  which  had  been  originally  assigned  to  the  former 
officer;  having  done  which,  he  returned  to  the  United  StatesinMay,  1820. 

But  a  few  months  after  the  death  of  Perry,  the  navy  experienced 
another  severe  loss,  the  attending  circumstances  of  which  were  so  melan 
choly,  as  to  affect  the  entire  nation  with  painful  emotions.  The  event, 
which  thus  awakened  general  regret  and  grief,  was  the  death  of  Com. 
Stephen  Decatur,  occasioned  by  a  wound  received  in  a  duel  with  Com. 
James  Barren.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Com.  Barren  had  been 
suspended  from  the  service  for  five  years,  in  consequence  of  his  conduct 
in  connection  with  the  attack  of  the  Leopard  on  the  Chesapeake  in  1807. 
During  his  suspension  he  engaged  in  mercantile  business,  and  remained 


1820.J  NAVAL  HISTORY.  19 

away  from  his  country  throughout  the  war  with  Great  Britain.  On  his 
return,  and  some  time  after  the  close  of  the  war,  he  sought  a  command 
according  to  his  rank  in  the  navy.  Com.  Decatur  opposed  his  application, 
and  expressed  his  opinion  very  freely  respecting  Barren's  absence  during 
the  war,  and  his  subsequent  conduct.  Reports,  as  usual  in  such  a  case, 
incorrectly  representing  Decatur's  language  and  feelings,  were  conveyed 
to  Bawon's  ears,  and  led  to  a  correspondence  between  them,  which  was 
opened  by  Barren  in  June,  1819,  and  continued  at  intervals  for  several 
months,  and  up  to  the  time  of  their  hostile  meeting.  The  course  of  this 
correspondence  evinced  increased  exasperation  of  feeling  on  both  sides; 
Decatur  still  reiterating  his  opinion,  that  Barron  had  rendered  himself 
unworthy  of  his  station  in  the  navy,  and  of  the  privilege  of  honorable 
service;  and  Barron,  while  defending  himself  against  Decatur's  severe 
charges,  refusing  to  explain  to  his  antagonist  the  real  cause  of  his  remain 
ing  abroad,  while  his  country  was  engaged  in  a  war  to  so  great  an  extent 
maritime  in  its  character.  It  afterward  appeared  that  pecuniary  embar 
rassment  was  the  real  reason  of  Barren's  singular  conduct.  Had  this 
been  known,  the  generous  Decatur  would  have  been  the  last  person  to 
taunt  a  fellow-officer,  who  had  already  endured  so  much  as  Barron  had. 
The  correspondence,  however,  led  to  a  challenge  from  Barron  to  Decatur; 
both  yielding  to  the  bloody  and  barbarous  maxims  of  a  most  fallacious 
code  of  honor,  which  they  admitted  was  repulsive  to  their  moral  senti 
ments  and  better  feelings.  Com.  Elliot  was  selected  by  Barron  as  his 
second,  and  Com.  Bainbridge  appeared  on  behalf  of  Decatur.  The 
arrangements  having  been  very  quietly  made,  the  parties  met  early  on 
the  morning  of  the  22d  of  March,  1820,  between  Washington  and 
Bladensburg,  near  the  latter  place.  When  they  had  taken  their  positions, 
and  were  ready  to  fire,  Barron  said  to  Decatur,  "  I  hope,  on  meeting  in 
another  world,  we  will  be  better  friends;"  and  Decatur  replied,  UI  have 
never  been  your  enemy,  sir."  Com.  Bainbridge  gave  the  word  to  fire, 
and  both  pistols  went  off  at  the  same  instant.  The  two  antagonists  fell, 
Barron  being  severely  wounded  in  the  hip,  and  Decatur  having  received 
a  mortal  wound  in  the  abdomen.  As  they  lay  upon  the  ground,  Decatur 
exclaimed,  "I  am  mortally  wounded,  at  least  I  believe  so,  and  wish  I  had 
fallen  in  defence  of  my  country."  Barron,  also  considering  his  wound 
mortal,  remarked  that  he  "  forgave  his  enemy  from  the  bottom  of  his 
heart."  Decatur  was  then  removed  to  his  residence  in  Washington,  and 
lingered  in  great  agony  until  half-past  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening,  when 
he  expired.  He  was  but  forty -one  years  of  age,  and  had  spent  twenty- 
two  years  of  his  life  in  the  naval  service,  his  warrant  as  a  midshipman 
bearing  the  date  of  April  30th,  1798.  Without  detracting  from  the 
high  merit  of  other  officers,  there  were  certain  very  favorable  circum 
stances  in  the  history  of  Perry  and  Decatur,  which  rendered  them 
peculiar  favorites  with  the  entire  nation ;  and  their  death,  occurring  in 
the  very  prime  of  their  days,  and  with  attending  incidents  of  a  very 
aggravating  character,  was  felt  with  universal  and  keen  regret  and  sorrow. 


20  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1820. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Mexican  and  South  American  Revolutions— Paper  blockades— Piracies  in  the  West  Indies- 
Vessels  ordered  there — Captures  by  Lieutenants  Kearney  and  Ramage  — Com.  Biddle  sent 

f  with  an  increased  force— Captures  by  Lieut.  Gregory— Death  of  Lieut.  Allen— Alligator 
wrecked — Captures  by  Capt  Cassin— Difficulty  of  suppressing  piracies — Com.  Porter  takes  the 
command — Affair  at  St.  John's — Arrangement  of  Corn.  Porter's  force — Various  captures  by 
Captain  Cassin,  Lieuts.  Stribling,  Newell,  Watson,  Kearney,  Skinner  and  Paine— Affair  at 
Foxardo  and  Porter's  recall— Com.  Warrington  supersedes  him— Loss  of  the  Ferret— Cap 
tures  by  Lieuts.  Sloat  and  Me Keever— Suppression  of  the  system  of  piracy. 

THE  example  of  the  North  American  colonies,  in  their  successful 
struggle  for  independence  of  English  rule,  in  time  extended  its  influence 
to  the  colonies  of  Spain.  A  relaxation  in  the  vigor  of  her  tyranny,  com 
pelled  by  the  dread  of  this  example,  did  not  hinder  the  spread  of  free 
ideas  throughout  these  distant  dependencies.  When  the  contest  came, 
it  was  marked  by  an  energy  and  a  determination  on  the  pail  of  the  col 
onies,  which  finally  resulted  in  wresting  from  the  crown  of  Spain  her 
most  extensive  and  valuable  possessions  on  this  continent.  This  series  of 
revolutions  necessarily  produced  a  serious  interference  with  the  regular 
course  of  commerce;  and  this  consequence  the  United  States  quickly  arid 
deeply  felt.  The  hindrance  to  commercial  intercourse  arose  from  two 
different  sources  —  the  establishment  of  blockades  and  the  ravages  of 
pirates.  The  right  of  belligerents  to  blockade  each  other's  ports,  our 
government  never  disputed.  But  in  vindication  of  the  rights  of  neutrals, 
it  maintained  that  the  blockade  should  be  actual  and  effectual ;  that  an 
adequate  naval  force  should  be  present  to  enforce  it,  and  to  render  it 
hazardous  in  a  merchant  ship  to  disregard  it.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  our  government  had  been  so  strenuous  regarding  this  principle,  as 
to  maintain  it  by  force  against  both  France  and  Great  Britain.  Spain, 
unable  to  enforce  a  strict  blockade,  now  sought  to  establish  one  along  an 
extended  line  of  sea-board,  by  mere  proclamation.  This  paper  blockade 
of  course  damaged  our  shipping  interests,  inasmuch  as  vessels  relying 
upon  the  American  doctrine  on  the  subject,  disregarded  a  proclamation 
which  was  not  supported  by  an  actual  adequate  force.  The  Spanish 
cruisers  and  privateers,  though  unable  to  prevent  this  practice  by  effectu 
ally  guarding  the  proscribed  ports,  were  able  occasionally  to  capture  an 
American  ship,  which  had  broken  this  paper  blockade,  and  were  even  in 
the  habit  of  making  captures  on  the  suspicion  of  such  an  intention. 
It  became  necessary,  therefore,  for  the  government  to  order  to  the  West 
Indies  a  squadron  capable  of  preventing  such  proceedings  against  our 
commerce,  and  of  showing  its  continued  determination  to  resist  the  ap 
plication  of  this  loose  principle  of  blockade.  The  display  of  our  naval 
force,  sustaining  the  reasoning  of  our  diplomatic  protests,  was  fully  suc 
cessful  in  accomplishing  the  object  in  view.  Our  doctrine  was  admitted 
by  the  Spanish  authorities,  and  American  merchantmen  pursued  their 
course,  without  regarding  imaginary  blockades. 

But  the  matter  of  piracy  involved  evils  not  so  easily  managed,  and 
remedied.  The  unsettled  state  of  affairs,  internal  revolutions,  feeble 


1821.]  tfAYAL  HISTORY.  21 

governments,  a  low  state  of  morality  in  surrounding  communities,  and 
the  debasing  influence  of  war  —  all  these  characteristics  of  the  times  and 
regions  conspired  to  foster  a  system  of  piratical  enterprises  in  the  West 
Indies.  It  is  unnecessary  to  describe  the  details  of  this  dark  and  de 
structive  system.  Vessels  were  plundered,  then  sent  adrift,  burnt,  or  taken 
possession  of,  as  fancy  or  interest  dictated ;  the  officers,  crews  and  passen 
gers  were  always  treated  with  indignity  and  violence,  very  frequently 
murdered  in  cold  blood,  and  in  some  instances,  their  bodies  after  death 
,  were  abused  with  disgusting  barbarity,  after  cruelty  had  exhausted 
ingenuity  in  contrivances  of  insupportable  torture.  Indeed,  the  worst 
imaginable  scenes  connected  with  the  idea  of  piracy,  were  realities  in  the 
career  of  these  lawless  bands.  It  must  not  be  understood  that  every 
instance  was  thus  marked  with  every  possible  horror;  but  that  the  enor 
mities  mentioned  formed  a  fearful  proportion  to  the  ordinary  outrages  of 
these  miscreants.  Some  of  the  freebooters  seemed  intent  only  on  plun 
der,  and  took  the  steps  necessary  to  their  object  with  quite  commendable 
decorum.  The  majority  delighted  in  the  opportunity  to  gratify  more 
bloody  and  cruel  dispositions,  and  when  rapacity  had  been  satisfied,  or 
hindered  in  its  desires,  they  gave  way  to  the  demands  of  fiercer  passions. 
Repeated  reports  of  such  outrages,  committed  on  our  very  borders,  at  a 
time  of  peace,  when  seamen  expected  no  more  than  the  usual  perils  of 
the  ocean,  soon  awakened  not  only  the  fears  but  the  indignation  of  the 
nation.  Merchant  ships  were  armed  to  some  extent^  and  in  some  in 
stances  successfully  repelled  the  attacks  of  pirates.  But  this  was 
insufficient.  Government  was  called  upon  to  afford  protection,  and 
promptly  responded  to  the  call.  Yet  in  estimating  the  credit  due  to 
the  government  and  the  navy,  on  account  of  their  exertions  in  this 
service,  we  must  remember  that  it  required  time  and  experience  to  dis 
cover  the  best  mode  of  operating  against  the  pirates,  and  that  our  entire 
naval  force  could  not  be  safely  or  wisely  directed  against  this  single  evil. 
This  must  account  for  the  time  which  it  actually  took  finally  and  fully  to 
suppress  these  lawless  aggressions. 

In  the  fall  of  1821,  the  first  accounts  of  piracies  were  received  in  the 
United  States.  The  administration  immediately  took  measures  to  capture 
and  bring  to  punishment  the  offenders.  The  sloop  of  war  Hornet,  brigs 
Enterprise  and  Spark,  and  schooners  Shark,  Porpoise  and  Grampus,  with 
three  gun-boats,  were  ordered  to  sail  directly  on  this  service. 

On  the  16th  of  October,  1821,  Lieutenant  Kearney,  commanding  the 
Enterprise,  while  cruising  off  Cape  Antonio,  Cuba,  discovered  four 
piratical  vessels  in  the  act  of  plundering  three  American  vessels  which 
they  had  just  captured.  They  were  quite  in  shore  in  shoal  water,  where 
the  brig  could  not  venture.  Five  boats  were,  therefore,  sent  in  pursuit 
The  pirates  being  hard  pressed,  set  fire  to  and  burnt  two  schooners.  The 
detachment,  however,  succeeded  in  capturing  two  schooners,  and  one 
sloop,  together  with  some  forty  pirates.  The  brig  then  carried  her  pris 
oners  into  Charleston,  to  be  tried  under  an  act  of  Congress,  passed  in 
1819,  for  the  punishment  of  the  crime  of  piracy. 

On  the  29th  of  October,  the  Hornet,  Captain  Robert  Henly,  captured 
a  schooner  named  the  Moscow,  which  he  sent  into  Norfolk.  On  the  21st 
of  December,  Lieut  Kearney  captured  a  schooner  of  about  thirty-six 


22  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1822. 

tons,  but  the  crew,  consisting  of  'twenty-five  men,  escaped.  He  also 
destroyed  the  rendezvous  of  the  pirates  at  Cape  Antonio. 

On  the  7th  of  January,  1822,  Lieutenant  Ramage,  commanding  the 
schooner  Porpoise,  attacked  and  captured  six  piratical  vessels  on  the  north 
coast  of  Cuba.  He  burnt  five  of  them,  and  manned  the  remaining  one 
for  the  purpose  of  cruising  against  the  pirates,  three  of  whom  were  taken 
prisoners.  He  also  landed  forty  men,  under  Lieut.  Curtis,  who  drove 
the  pirates  to  the  woods  and  broke  up  their  depot.  This  was  accom 
plished  without  loss  on  the  part  of  the  assailants,  while  the  loss  of  the 
enemy  must  have  been  severe,  though  it  could  not  be  ascertained. 

On  the  6th  of  March,  Lieut.  Kearney,  of  the  Enterprise,  made  another 
large  capture  off  Cape  Antonio.  It  consisted  of  three  launches  and  four 
barges,  with  their  crews,  numbering  about  one  hundred  and  sixty  men. 
These  were  the  principal  captures  effected  by  the  first  squadron  sent  out. 

These  successes  of  the  cruisers  gave  but  a  slight  check  to  the  operations 
of  the  freebooters.  They  still  committed  their  depredations  to  an  alarm 
ing  extent.  More  efficient  measures  were  consequently  adopted.  Com. 
James  Biddle  was  ordered  to  take  command  of  the  West  India  squadron, 
having  as  his  flag-ship  the  frigate  Macedonian.  An  addition  of  two 
hundred  marines  was  also  made  to  the  force.  The  Macedonian  proceeded 
to  her  station  in  the  month  of  April,  1822.  The  squadron  in  these  seas, 
during  this  year,  consisted  of  the  Macedonian  36;  the  frigate  Congress 
36;  sloops  of  war  John  Adams  24,  and  Peacock  18;  brig  Spark  12; 
schooners  Alligator,  Grampus,  Shark  and  Porpoise,  each  carrying  twelve 
guns.  The  Enterprise  was  at  home,  refitting.  The  principal  portion  of 
these  vessels  was  engaged  directly  in  the  suppression  of  piracy,  while  the 
remainder  was  occupied  in  the  general  protection  of  commerce,  and  in 
furnishing  convoy  to  merchantmen.  On  the  16th  of  August,  1822, 
Lieut.  Gregory,  commanding  the  Grampus,  gave  chase  to  a  brigantine. 
On  being  overtaken,  the  brig  showed  Spanish  colors.  But  Lieut.  Greg 
ory,  suspecting  her  to  be  a  pirate,  called  upon  her  commander  to  surren 
der.  This  demand  was  replied  to  by  a  fire  from  cannon  and  small-arms. 
The  Grampus  now  opened  her  fire  in  broadside,  and  in  three  minutes 
and  a  half  the  brig  struck.  When  boarded  she  was  found  to  be  a  complete 
wreck,  with  one  man  killed  and  six  wounded.  The  Grampus  sustained 
no  injury.  The  prize  proved  to  be  the  privateer  Palmira,  of  Porto  Rico, 
carrying  one  long  brass  eighteen,  and  eight  18ft>.  carronaJes,  with  a 
crew  of  eighty-eight  men.  The  officers  acknowledged  that  they  had 
robbed  the  American  schooner  Coquette,  complaint  of  which  had  been 
made  to  Lieut.  Gregory.  Though  carrying  the  papers  of  a  privateer,  she 
was  thus  really  doing  the  work  of  a  pirate.  And  her  capture  was  a 
warning  to  other  privateers,  which  class  of  vessels  had,  before  this  time, 
in  various  ways,  annoyed  and  interfered  with  American  merchantmen. 

During  the  month  of  November,  in  this  year,  the  Alligator,  commanded 
by  Lieut.  William  H.  Allen,  was  lying  in  the  harbor  of  Matanzas,  when 
information  was  brought  on  board,  of  late  acts  of  piracy  in  the  vicinity. 
Lieut.  Allen,  with  great  alacrity,  immediately  stood  out  of  the  bay,  and 
sailed"  in  pursuit.  When  about  fifteen  leagues  from  Matanzas,  he  came 
in  sight  of  a  piratical  force,  consisting  of  three  well-armed  vessels,  carrying 
some  three  hundred  men.  They  had  five  prize  vessels  in  their  possession. 


1822.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  23 

The  Alligator  being  unable  to  come  up  with  them,  an  attack  was  made 
upon  one  of  the  vessels  in  boats;  Lieut.  Allen  taking  the  lead.  One  of 
the  pirates  opened  a  heavy  fire  upon  the  boats,  which  continued  for  some 
time,  as  he  was  under  way,  and  the  boats  had  to  pull  hard  to  overtake 
him.  Thus  exposed  they  still  pressed  on ;  Allen's  boat  being  considerably 
in  advance  of  the  others,  and  the  gallant  commander  standing  up,  and 
encouraging  his  men  in  their  exertions.  While  in  this  position  he 
received  a  musket  shot  in  the  head,  and,  soon  after,  another  in  the  breast, 
which,  in  a  few  hours,  proved  mortal.  The  pirates,  however,  did  not 
wait  to  be  boarded,  but  deserted  their  vessel,  when  they  found  themselves 
unable  to  drive  oft' the  boats.  They  escaped  with  their  two  other  schooners, 
but  the  prizes  were  recaptured.  In  this  action  the  loss  of  the  Alligator 
was,  besides  Lieut.  Allen,  two  men  killed,  and  five  wounded;  two  mor 
tally.  It  was  supposed  that  some  fourteen  of  the  pirates  were  killed. 
The  schooner  taken  was  armed  with  one  long  twelve,  two  long  sixes,  two 
long  threes,  and  two  swivels.  The  others  were  also  fully  armed  and 
equipped. 

Lieut.  Allen  had  attained  a  high  reputation  in  the  navy,  for  so  young 
an  officer,  as  he  was  but  thirty  at  the  time  of  his  death.  He  was  the 
second  lieutenant  of  the  brig  Argus,  Captain  Allen,  when  she  was  taken 
by  the  Pelican,  on  the  coast  of  England,  in  1813,  and  commanded 
throughout  the  latter  part  of  the  action,  when  both  his  superior  officers 
had  been  carried  below  severely  wounded.  On  this  occasion  he  fought 
and  manoeuvered  the  brig  in  the  most  gallant  and  skillful  manner. 

Shortly  after  this  exploit,  on  the  night  of  the  19th  of  November,  the 
Alligator  was  wrecked  on  Carysford  Reef.  Her  officers  and  crew  were  all 
saved. 

On  the  28th  and  30th  of  September,  of  this  year,  five  piratical  vessels 
were  captured  by  Captain  S.  Cassin,  commanding  the  Peacock. 

The  vessels  of  the  squadron  acted  with  all  possible  efficiency  on  this 
difficult  service ;  still,  notwithstanding  the  captures  made,  these  ravages 
upon  our  commerce,  and  outrages  upon  our  citizens,  were  rather  on  the 
increase.  The  difficulties  of  thoroughly  checking  them  could  hardly  be 
appreciated ;  and  the  impatience  and  dissatisfaction  manifested  through 
the  public  journals  of  the  period,  evince  that  they  were  not  appreciated, 
even  by  the  best  informed.  But  few  of  the  pirates  kept  the  open  sea, 
so  as  to  fall  in  the  way  of  the  larger  cruisers.  This  class  of  ships  could, 
therefore,  effect  but  little  toward  their  extermination  by  regular  sea-fights. 
The  main  portion  of  the  pirates  were  established  on  the  coast,  in  the 
more  uninhabited  parts  of  the  various  islands,  and  issued  out  from  their 
retreats  on  short  excursions,  in  small  schooners,  barges  and  boats.  When 
found  on  shore,  unless  actually  taken  in  the  act  of  plunder  and  chased 
in,  it  was  oftentimes  difficult  to  find  evidence  to  identify  them  as  pirates, 
for  to  appearance  they  were  bu.t  fishermen  or  landsmen.  Others,  still,  were 
fitted  out  jdirectly  from  some  of  the  principal  Spanish  ports,  and  obtained 
their  information,  from  friends  on  shore,  as  to  the  sailing  of  vessels,  their 
cargoes,  and  other  items  of  importance;  and  instances  were  not  wanting, 
in  \vhich  the  connivance  of  the  authorities  was  apparent  to  the  least 
sagacious.  The  labor  imposed  upon  the  officers  and  seamen  of  our  navy, 
was  consequently  to  be  performed  very  much  in  open  boats,  under  a 


24  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1823, 

tropical  sun,  and  amid  the  intricacies  and  dangers  of  unknown  coasts; 
and,  when  they  were  fortunate  enough  to  drive  any  band  of  these  barba 
rians  on  shore,  they  were  not  permitted  by  the  Spanish  authorities  to 
pursue  them  on  land ;  and,  in  case  of  a  short  pursuit,  the  pirates  had  the 
advantage  of  a  local  knowledge,  through  which  they  could  find  numerous 
ways  of  escape.  It  was  apparent,  then,  that  the  force  on  this  service,  to 
be  made  efficient,  must  be  both  peculiar  and  numerous.  With  this  idea, 
the  government,  in  the  commencement  of  the  year  1823,  fitted  out  an 
expedition  which  was  more  adequate  in  its  construction  and  size  to  the 
emergency,  than  any  preceding  it.  Commodore  David  Porter  resigned 
his  office  as  commissioner  of  the  navy,  in  order  to  take  command  of  this 
expedition.  His  personal  attention  was  devoted  to  the  selection  of  vessels, 
and  their  preparation  for  the  service.  The  squadron,  when  fully  organized, 
comprised  the  Steam  Galliot  Sea  Gull;  eight  small  schooners,  viz.:  the 
Greyhound,  Jackall,  Fox,  Wildcat,  Beagle,  Ferret,  Weasel  and  Terrier; 
the  transport-ship  Decoy;  and  five  barges,  viz.:  the  Mosquito,  Gnat, 
Midge,  Sandfly  and  Gallinipper.  Besides  these,  the  vessels  already  on 
the  West  India  Station  were  the  John  Adams,  Peacock,  Hornet,  Spark, 
Grampus  and  Shark. 

Commodore  Porter  took  his  squadron  to  sea  on  the  14th  of  February, 
1823.  As  great  publicity  had  been  given  through  the  press  to  the 
preparation  and  constitution  of  this  expedition,  and  the  proximity  of  the 
United  States  to  the  scene  of  operations  could  not  but  favor  the  trans 
mission  of  this  published  information,  Com.  Porter  wisely  judged  that 
the  pirates  would  undoubtedly  change  their  ground  as  far  as  possible, 
and  therefore  an  immediate  cruise  near  their  old  haunts  would  be  fruit 
less.  He  consequently  sailed  to  the  windward,  intending  first  to  touch 
at  the  island  of  St.  Thomas.  His  broad  pennant  was  hoisted  on  board 
the  Peacock.  Arrived  off  Porto  Rico,  he  addressed  a  communication  to 
the  governor  on  the  subject  of  the  interruptions  to  our  commerce  on  the 
coasts  of  Mexico  and  Colombia  by  Porto  Rico  privateers,  and  also  on  the 
subject  of  the  blockade  of  these  coasts.  His  presence  and  communica 
tions  here  resulted  in  the  raising  of  the  blockade  of  the  main,  which  had 
nominally  existed  up  to  this  time,  and  in  effectually  checking  the  system 
of  licensed  piracy,  under  the  name  of  privateering,  which  had  long  been 
carried  on  from  the  ports  of  this  island. 

While  off  this  island,  a  very  unfortunate  occurrence  took  place,  in  re 
gard  to  which  the  conduct  of  the  authorities  was  wholly  indefensible.  On 
the  3d  of  March,  Commodore  Porter  dispatched  the  Greyhound,  Capt. 
John  Porter,  into  the  port  of  St.  John's,  with  the  above-mentioned  com 
munication  to  the  governor.  On  the  5th,  he  ordered  Lieut.  W.  H.  Cocke, 
in  command  of  the  Fox,  to  enter  the  same  harbor,  in  order  to  ascertain 
the  probabilities  respecting  an  answer.  As  the  latter  was  endeavoring  to 
execute  this  order,  he  was  killed  by  a  shot  from  the  castle,  which  suddenly 
opened  a  heavy  fire  upon  the  schooner,  and  obliged  her  to  come  to 
anchor  under  its  guns.  The  only  satisfaction  offered  for  this  insult  and 
catastrophe  was  the  plea,  that  the  character  of  the  squadron  was  sus 
pected  or  not  certainly  understood,  and  therefore  the  commandant  of  the 
port  had  issued  orders  that  no  more  of  the  vessels  should  be  permitted 
to  enter,  until  the  arrival  of  the  governor.  Com.  Porter  ably  refuted  this 


1823.]  NATAL  HISTORY.  25 

plea,  in  a  letter  to  the  governor,  and  immediately  left  the  island,  referring 
the  whole  matter  to  his  government.  There  is  reason  to  think  that  this 
hostile  act  was  designed  as  a  measure  of  retaliation  for  the  capture  of  the 
Palmira,  previously  noticed. 

Com.  Porter  now  divided  his  force  into  small  detachments,  and  in  this 
way  thoroughly  scoured  the  coasts  of  all  the  islands  to  the  north  of  Porto 
Rico,  including  St.  Domingo  and  Cuba.  Around  the  entire  coast  of  this 
last  island,  piracies  had  been  carried  on  to  a  vast  extent.  Every  bay 
and  inlet  and  key  of  all  this  region  was  thus  carefully  searched.  With 
out  doubt,  the  information  conveyed  to  the  pirates  of  the  fitting  out  and 
departure  of  the  expedition  had  thoroughly  alarmed  them,  for  the  actual 
captures  were  by  no  means  what  might  have  been  expected,  had  their 
hostile  acts  continued  to  the  extent  to  which  they  had  shortly  before 
been  prosecuted. 

Com.  Porter  then  proceeded  to  Thompson's  island,  now  Key  West, 
where  he  established  a  naval  depot,  and  reassembled  his  squadron.  This 
point  he  made  the  centre  of  his  operations,  and  the  rendezvous  of  his 
vessels  after  their  short  cruises.  These  vessels  were  kept  constantly  occu 
pied,  either  furnishing  convoy  to  the  merchantmen  passing  in  and  out 
of  the  gulf,  or  chasing  the  pirates  who  occasionally  dared  to  venture  out. 
Piracy  as  a  system  was  effectually  broken  up.  Under  date  of  April  24th, 
Com.  Porter  remarks:  "I  believe  I  can  now  say  with  safety,  that  there 
is  not  a  pirate  afloat  on  this  part  of  the  coast  of  Cuba,  (the  northern) 
larger  than  an  open  boat."  On  May  19th,  he  writes  to  the  secretary  of 
the  navy  to  this  effect :  "  I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you,  that  not  a 
single  piratical  act  has  been  committed  on  the  coast  of  Cuba  since  I 
organized  and  arranged  my  forces." 

It  must  be  remembered  that  at  this  time  there  was  also  a  considerable 
British  force  cruising  on  the  same  service,  and  that  the  Spanish  authorities 
were  also  affording  more  efficient  cooperation  than  formerly.  There 
seemed,  therefore,  a  cheering  prospect  that  an  end  would  soon  be  put  to 
these  crimes  upon  the  high  seas. 

Still,  the  force  under  Com.  Porter  was  so  small  for  the  service,  that  the 
labor  imposed  upon  the  officers  and  men  was  exceedingly  onerous;  per 
formed,  as  most  of  it  was,  in  small  vessels  and  open  boats,  by  day  and  by 
night,  thus  exposing  them  to  the  baneful  influences  of  the  climate,  and 
the  dangerous  consequences  of  over-exertion.  The  willing  endurance  and 
unceasing  vigilance  manifested  by  all,  were  deserving  of  very  high 
commendation. 

The  retreat  of  the  pirates  from  the  sea  was  soon  followed  by  their 
appearance  in  a  similar  dangerous  character  on  land.  In  the  neighbor 
hood  of  Matanzas  they  were  especially  bold  and  alarming,  roaming  over 
the  country  in  large  bands,  fully  armed,  and  plundering  and  murdering 
the  unprotected  inhabitants. 

With  this  general  view  of  the  operations  and  benefits  of  the  squadron, 
it  may  be  interesting  to  connect  a  more  detailed  account  of  some  of  the 
most  important  captures. 

Information  being  received  of  a  suspicious  looking  vessel  on  the  coast 
of  Cuba,  Capt.  Cassin  was  ordered  in  search,  taking  with  him  the 
schooners  Fox  and  Jackall,  and  the  barges  Gallinipper  and  Mosquito.  He 


26  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1823. 

went  off  Havana,  and  there  offered  convoy  to  a  large  fleet  of  merchant 
men,  while  Lieut.  Stribling,  in  the  Gallinipper,  was  dispatched  after  the 
pirate.  On  the  morning  of  the  8th  of  April,  this  officer  discovered  a 
schooner  about  three  miles  of^  working  in  toward  shore.  She  appeared 
full  of  men,  and  evidently  piratical.  Muskets  were  fired  to  bring  her  to. 
She  returned  a  smart  fire  of  round  shot,  grape  and  musketry,  and  still 
worked  hard  to  escape.  She  was  soon  run  on  shore,  and  the  crew,  with 
the  exception  of  one  man,  escaped.  Two  were  found  killed,  and  others 
must  have  been  severely  wounded,  as  the  captain  afterward  appeared  at 
Matanzas,  and  acknowledged  that  all  his  crew,  but  three,  were  killed. 
Pursuit  by  land  could  not  be  made,  so  the  party  were  contented  with 
getting  the  vessel  otf,  and  carrying  her  in  as  a  prize.  She  proved  to  be 
the  schooner  Pilot,  of  Norfolk,  a  very  fast  sailer,  and  a  craft  that  the 
pirates  had  long  wished  to  possess.  They  had  captured  her  but  eight 
days  before.  She  was  armed  with  a  long  twelve-pounder,  and  an  abund 
ance  of  blunderbusses  and  other  small-arms.  It  is  surprising  that  none 
in  the  assailing  party  were  injured  by  her  fire.  Her* commander  was  a 
notorious  buccaneer,  named  Domingo,  who,  notwithstanding  his  course 
of  life,  was  possessed  of  some  sentiments  of  honor;  for  there  were  letters 
for  Com.  Porter  and  his  officers  on  board  the  Pilot  when  Domingo  took 
her,  and  he  politely  forwarded  them,  with  the  message,  that  he  did  not 
wish  to  deprive  them  of  the  opportunity  of  hearing  from  their  friends; 
that  he  had  no  ill  will  against  them ;  that  they  were  only  engaged  in 
doing  their  duty. 

During  the  same  cruise  Capt.  Cassin  entered  a  harbor  noted  for  pirates, 
where  he  discovered  a  felucca  standing  out.  She  was  chased;  when  her 
crew  ran  her  ashore,  and  took  to  the  land.  Pursuit  was  made  for  a  short 
distance,  but  the  enemy  knew  the  ground  and  escaped.  The  felucca 
was  a  new,  well  coppered  boat,  pulling  sixteen  sweeps,  and  evidently  just 
starting  on  her  first  cruise.  Capt.  Cassin  also  broke  up  several  different 
establishments  where  the  pirates  were  harbored ;  and  the  latter  burnt 
three  of  their  own  schooners  on  his  approach. 

Lieut.  Newell,  commanding  the  Ferret,  discovered  a  large  armed  barge 
in  a  bay  not  far  from  Matanzas.  He  sent  an  officer  with  five  men,  all 
that  his  boat  would  hold,  to  reconnoitre.  Seven  boats  were  seen  on  the 
shore.  The  pirates  fired  upon  the  boat  with  muskets,  and  a  shot  taking 
effect  near  the  water  edge,  the  officer  was  obliged  to  retreat.  The 
schooner  then  stood  in  shore  as  close  as  possible,  and  commenced  firing, 
endeavoring  to  destroy  the  boats,  for  the  pirates  were  out  of  harm's  way 
behind  the  rocks.  As  she  could  fire  only  when  in  the  act  of  staying,  and 
it  was  blowing  hard,  she  hauled  off  and  went  to  Matanzas  for  a  suitable 
boat.  The  next  day  Lieut.  Newell  fell  in  with  an  English  brig,  from 
which  he  obtained  a  boat;  but  on  returning  to  the  bay,  the  pirates  were 
found  to  have  decamped.  On  landing,  two  boats  were  found ;  the  rest 
had  been  removed  up  a  lagoon  extending  some  miles  into  the  country. 
Being  unprovided  with  proper  boats,  Lieut.  Newell  could  not  follow. 

In  July,  one  of  the  most  desperate  contests  and  brilliant  victories  of 
the  expedition,  took  place  on  the  coast  of  Cuba.  In  June,  several 
piracies  were  reported,  as  having  occurred  on  the  south  side  of  the  island. 
Lieut.  Watson,  commanding  the  Gallinipper,  was  ordered  to  sail  round 


1823.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  27 

the  entire  island,  giving  its  shores  a  close  examination.  He  was  accom 
panied  by  the  Mosquito,  commanded  by  Lieut.  Inman.  These  barges 
carried,  in  all,  twenty-six  men  and  five  officers.  While  cruising  in  Si- 
quapa  bay,  near  the  very  spot  where  the  gallant  Allen  was  killed,  a  large 
top-sail  schooner,  with  a  launch  in  company,  was  seen  working  up  to  an 
anchorage,  where  several  merchantmen  were  lying.  The  appearance  of 
these  vessels  was  so  suspicious,  that  Lieut.  Watson  bore  up  in  order  to 
discover  their  character.  The  schooner  was  seen  to  be  well  armed,  and 
her  deck  rilled  with  men.  Lieut.  Watson,  therefore,  showed  his  colors. 
On  this  the  chase  ran  up  the  Spanish  flag,  brailed  up  her  foresail,  and 
commenced  firing  into  the  Gallinipper.  Lieut.  Watson  kept  away,  and 
ran  down  upon  her  weather  quarter,  in  order  to  board ;  the  Mosquito 
attempting  to  close  at  the  same  time.  But  the  pirates,  wishing  to  avoid 
a  close  action,  and  having  vessels  of  good  sailing  qualities,  set  all  sail,  and 
went  off  before  the  wind,  compelling  the  barges  to  enter  upon  a  long 
chase.  At  length,  having  run  quite  in  shore,  they  anchored  with  springs 
to  their  cables,  and  seemed  determined  to  make  an  obstinate  resistance. 
As  the  barges  now  stood  down  for  them,  the  pirates  fired  one  of  their 
heavy  guns;  but,  though  within  close  range,  no  injury  was  done.  They 
then  opened  with  small-arms,  which  the  barges  returned.  After  a  few 
volleys  the  order  was  given  to  board,  and  was  obeyed  with  a  loud  cheer, 
and  the  watchword  "  Huzza  for  Allen."  The  pirates  did  not  wait  for 
this  hand-to-hand  fight,  but  jumped  overboard,  and  sought  to  escape  by 
swimming  to  the  shore.  The  Mosquito  now  sailed  by  the  schooner,  and 
passed  through  those  that  were  swimming  in  the  water,  shooting  many 
of  them  as  she  went  by.  The  Gallinipper  also  pushed  on  to  cut  off 
their  retreat.  Some  reached  the  launch,  which  still  kept  up  her  fire. 
But  a  volley  of  musketry  soon  drove  her  crew  out  of  her.  The  men 
from  the  barges  landed,  and,  in  conrection  with  the  local  authorities, 
killed,  wounded,  or  took  prisoners,  all  who  reached  the  shore.  Many 
were  killed  in  the  water.  So  that  the  almost  total  destruction  of  the 
crews,  of  both  the  schooner  and  the  launch,  was  effected ;  amounting,  on 
the  best  information  that  could  be  gained,  to  some  seventy  or  eighty  men. 

What  is  certainly  remarkable,  not  a  person  on  our  part  was  even 
wounded.  When  we  consider  the  great  disparity  in  the  number  of  men, 
the  superiority  in  the  vessel,  and  all  the  advantages  which  existed  on 
the  part  of  the  pirates,  this  must  be  set  down  as  a  very  brilliant  naval 
exploit. 

The  schooner  was  called  the  Catalina,  mounting  one  long  nine-pounder 
and  three  sixes.  She  was  commanded  by  a  celebrated  pirate  named 
Diabolito,  or  Little  Devil,  who  was  killed  in* the  action.  Her  career  had 
been  short,  having  been  captured  from  the  Spaniards  just  before,  and  this 
being  her  first  piratical  cruise.  The  launch,  also  captured,  was  about 
equal  to  one  of  the  barges.  The  pirates  taken  prisoners  by  the  local 
authorities,  were  sent  to  Matanzas;  and  five  surviving  ones,  in  the  hands 
of  Lieut.  Watson,  were  taken  to  Havana  and  delivered  up,  to  be 
punished  under  Spanish  law. 

In  the  same  month,  Lieut.  Kearney,  commanding  the  Greyhound,  and 
Lieut.  Newton,  commanding  the  Beagle,  landed  with  a  force  at  Cape 
Cruz,  and  after  a  pretty  sharp  encounter,  broke  up  an  establishment  of 


28  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1824. 

the  pirates,  burning  several  houses,  and  capturing  some  ordnance,  which 
was  mounted  on  shore. 

In  the  month  of  August,  a  malignant  fever  broke  out,  and  spread 
greatly  among  the  vessels  at  Thompson's  Island.  Its  prevalence  became 
alarming.  Many  died,  and  Commodore  Porter  and  many  of  his  officers 
were  prostrated  by  it.  It  was  a  very  natural  result  of  their  exposures 
and  poor  accommodations.  When  information  of  it  reached  Washington, 
Com.  Rodgers  was  directed  to  proceed  without  delay  to  the  island,  taking 
with  him  a  board  of  competent  surgeons,  in  order  that  it  might  be  de 
termined,  whether  from  any  cause  the  island  itself  was  unhealthy.  In 
case  of  a  fatal  issue  of  Commodore  Porter's  attack,  Com.  Rodgers  was 
to  assume  the  command.  In  the  mean  time,  however,  Cora.  Porter  had 
determined,  for  the  safety  of  his  men,  to  come  to  the  northward,  and 
brought  most  of  his  squadron  home  shortly  after  Commodore  Rodgers 
had  sailed  for  the  island.  After  remaining  a  sufficient  time  to  obtain  the 
desired  benefit  of  a  change  of  air,  he  returned  with  his  vessels  to  his 
station. 

During  the  following  year,  1824,  piracies  were  carried  on  to  some  ex 
tent —  committed  mainly  in  small  boats,  which  were  concealed  in  shore, 
and  made  short  and.  rapid  excursions,  as  opportunities  occurred.  In  the 
early  part  of  the  day,  merchant  ships  were  very  liable  to  be  becalmed, 
when  near  the  coast  of  Cuba.  Pirates  in  these  boats  could  at  such  times 
issue  out,  and  easily  attack  them,  there  being  no  chance  of  escape  by  the 
use  of  their  sails.  The  absence  of  the  squadron,  during  the  latter  part  of 
the  previous  year,  had  tended  somewhat  to  revive  the  spirit  of  these  ruf 
fian  adventurers.  It  became  quite  apparent  also  that  these  desperadoes 
were  organized  into  a  secret  association,  which,  in  the  case  of  Cuba,  ex 
tended  entirely  round  the  island,  and  with  which  Spanish  merchants  of 
respectable  standing  had  connections  of  so  intimate  a  character,  as- to  make 
them  accessories  to  all  these  inhuman  crimes.  Nor  were  some  agents  of  the 
custom  service,  and  other  officials  of  the  governments  of  the  islands,  too 
upright  and  pure  to  make  their  share  of  profit  out  of  this  system  of  plunder. 
And  it  certainly  wore  an  air  of  suspicion,  that  the  Spanish  authorities,  when 
too  feeble  themselves  to  destroy  the  pirates  on  land,  would  not  accord,  to 
the  American  forces,  the  privilege  of  pursuit  into  their  territories.  A 
continued  grievance  also  existed  in  the  fact,  that  the  actual  outrages  of 
piracy  were  constantly  committed  by  vessels,  bearing  commissions  as  pri 
vateers  from  the  Spanish  authorities  of  Porto  Rico.  The  little  American 
squadron,  therefore,  had  all  these  difficulties  to  contend  against,  superadded 
to  the  physical  hardships  of  the  service.  The  actual  force  of  this  squadron 
should  also  be  borne  in  mind,  for  that  portion  specially  directed  to  this 
one  object  did  not  much  exceed  in  guns  and  men,  the  force  of  a  first  class 
frigate. 

Some  few  captures  were  made  during  this  year.  Lieut.  Commandant 
Skinner,  of  the  Porpoise,  captured  a  schooner,  the  crew  of  which  escaped 
to  the  shore.  Lieut.  Comd't  Paine,  of  the  Terrier,  recaptured  a  French 
ship  from  the  pirates,  and  chased  the  latter,  but  they  jumped  from  their 
boat  and  swam  to  the  shore. 

In  the  latter  part  of  October,  Lieut.  Platt,  commanding  the  Beagle, 
was  informed  of  the  robbery  of  an  American  mercantile  house  in  St. 


1824.]  NAVAL  HISTORY  29 


Thomas.  There  was  satisfactory  evidence  that  the  goods  had  been 
carried  by  the  pirates  into  a  small  port  on  the  east  end  of  Porto  Rico, 
called  Foxardo.  There  had  long  been  a  good  understanding  with  the 
pirates  on  the  part  of  the  inhabitants,  if  not  of  the  local  government 
of  this  town.  Lieut.  Platt  readily  agreed  to  afford  his  aid  in  recovering 
the  property.  He  set  sail  immediately,  and  anchored  in  the  harbor  of 
Foxardo.  He  then  waited  upon  the  proper  civil  officers,  who  treated  him 
roughly,  demanded  his  commission,  which,  when  sent  for,  thev  pronounced 
a  forgery;  charged  him  with  being  a  pirate,  and  finally  arrested  him,  and 
Lieut.  Ritchie,  who  was  with  him,  and  detained  them  under  guard  during 
the  day.  After  various  insults  on  the  part  of  the  officials  and  the  inhab 
itants,  they  were  permitted  to  return  to  their  vessel.  As  the  Beagle  was 
running  off  the  coast,  she  met  the  John  Adams  standing  in.  Lieut.  Platt 
went  on  board,  and  reported  the  treatment  he  had  received,  to  Com. 
Porter.  The  decision  of  the  latter  was  soon  formed :  he  deemed  this  an 
insult  to  the  flag  of  his  country,  which  must  be  atoned  for.  The  John 
Adams,  drawing  too  much  water  to  enter  the  bay,  was  ordered  to  a  safe 
anchorage.  The  Commodore  then  took  the  Beagle  and  Grampus,  with 
the  boats  of  the  John  Adams,  containing  a  part  of  her  crew  and  officers 
under  Captain  Dallas,  her  commander,  and  proceeded  toward  Foxardo. 
He  addressed  a  letter,  dated  November  12th,  to  the  alcalde  of  the  place, 
reciting  the  facts  of  the  injury,  demanding  explanation  and  atonement, 
and  threatening  in  case  of  refusal  to  make  the  town  responsible.  He 
gave  one  hour  for  a  decision.  This  letter,  on  landing,  was  sent  by  a 
lieutenant  with  a  flag  of  truce.  Previous  to  this,  as  the  vessels  were 
coming  to  anchor,  it  was  perceived  that  preparations  were  making  in  a 
shore  battery  to  fire  upon  them.  A  boat  was  immediately  sent  with  a 
detachment  of  seamen  and  marines,  who  took  the  battery  and  spiked  the 
guns,  the  Spaniards  fleeing  without  an  attempt  at  defence.  Commodore 
Porter  now  landed  with  two  hundred  men,  who  were  formed  in  marching 
order,  and  moved  toward  the  town.  A  battery  of  two  guns,  which 
raked  the  road  in  a  very  commanding  position,  was  also  deserted,  and  the 
guns  were  spiked  by  our  men.  In  half  an  hour  the  town  was  reached, 
and  was  found  prepared  to  make  a  defence.  The  party  halted  to  await 
the  return  of  the  white  flag.  The  authorities  concluded  to  endure  the 
humiliation  of  an  explanation,  rather  than  the  evils  of  a  contest.  The 
alcalde  and  the  captain  of  the  port  appeared,  and  in  the  most  humble 
manner  apologized  to  Lieut.  Platt  personally.  They  expressed  great 
penitence  for  the  wrong  they  had  done,  and  promised  thereafter  to 
respect  most  carefully  the  rights  of  American  officers.  This  apology 
was  accepted,  and  after  marching  through  the  town  the  party  returned 
to  their  vessels. 

Com.  Porter's  dispatch,  giving  an  account  of  this  affair,  produced  an 
immediate  order,  dated  27th  December,  for  his  return  home.  The  gov 
ernment  deemed  that  he  had  overstepped  the  limits  of  his  powers,  and  so 
also  did  the  court-martial  which  was  appointed  for  his  trial.  He  offered 
a  defence  based  on  three  grounds  —  the  law  of  nations,  American  prece 
dents,  and  the  orders  of  the  department.  He  was,  however,  sentenced  to 
be  suspended  from  the  service  for  six  months ;  and  the  President  approved 
the  sentence.  This  result  so  deeply  affected  the  feelings  of  Com.  Porter, 


30  NATAL  HISTORY.  [1825. 

that  he  resigned,  and  entered  into  the  Mexican  service,  where  he  received 
the  appointment  of  commander-in-chief  of  the  naval  forces,  with  a  salary 
of  twenty-five  thousand  dollars  a  year.* 

Captain  Lewis  Warrington  was  appointed  to  succeed  Com.  Porter  in 
his  command.  The  vessels  employed  in  the  West  Indies  during  the  year 
1825,  were  the  Constellation,  John  Adams,  Hornet,  Spark,  Grampus, 
Shark,  Fox,  the  Steam  Galliot  Sea  Gull,  the  store-ship  Decoy  and  the 
barges. 

The  schooner  Ferret  was  upset  in  a  squall,  on  the  4th  of  February, 
1825,  off  the  coast  of  Cuba,  and  five  of  her  crew  were  lost.  The  vessel 
sunk  soon  after  the  survivors  were  rescued  by  the  Sea  Gull  and  the 
Jackall. 

The  same  system  of  marine  police,  which  had  been  established  by 
Com.  Porter,  was  still  maintained  by  his  successor,  the  vessels  being  con 
stantly  occupied  in  watching  the  coasts,  and  affording  convoy  to  merchant 
men.  As  it  became  now  a  settled  purpose  with  our  government  to 
maintain  an  efficient  force  in  these  seas  so  long  as  the  danger  existed,  the 
depredations  and  cruelties  of  the  pirates  gradually  diminished,  as  they 
doubtless  found  that  their  business  was  growing  more  hazardous  and  less, 
profitable.  Consequently,  but  few  captures  were  reported  during  this 
year. 

In  the  month  of  March,  a  piratical  sloop  appearing  in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  island  of  St.  Thomas,  Lieut.  Sloat,  commanding  the  Grampus, 
cruising  in  that  quarter,  fitted  out  a  trading  sloop  with  two  lieutenants 
and  twenty-three  men,  and  dispatched  her  in  pursuit.  The  pirate,  unsus 
picious  of  the  character  of  the  sloop,  came  alongside,  and  at  half  musket 
shot  commenced  firing.  Having  thus  drawn  the  other  into  the  snare, 
the  sloop  now  opened  a  warm  and  unexpected  fire.  The  action  continued 
about  forty-five  minutes,  when  the  pirates  as  u^ual  ran  their  vessel  on  shore, 
and  took  to  the  land.  Two  of  them  were  killed,  and  ten  were  taken 
prisoners,  after  landing,  by  Spanish  soldiers.  It  was  a  subject  of  special 
satisfaction  that  among  the  prisoners  was  a  celebrated  chief  Colfrecinas, 
who  had  for  years  been  the  terror  of  the  vicinity.  They  were  all  exe 
cuted  by  the  government  of  Porto  Rico.  • 

In  the  month  of  March,  Lieut.  McKeever,  commanding  the  Sea  Gull, 
accompanied  by  the  barge  Gallinipper,  started  on  a  cruise.  Falling  in 
with  the  English  frigate  Dartmouth,  and  two  English  armed  schooners, 
he  entered  into  an  arrangement  for  cooperation  with  the  boats  of  the 
frigate,  on  condition  that  he  should  command  the  party.  On  the  after 
noon  of  the  25th,  in  approaching  a  key,  which  they  suspected  of  being 
a  rendezvous  of  pirates,  they  discovered  the  masts  of  a  vessel  concealed 
in  the  bushes.  When  hailed  she  hoisted  Spanish  colors,  and  ordered  the 
boats  to  keep  off,  at  the  same  time  training  her  guns  upon  them,  and 
making  some  ineffectual  attempts  to  fire.  Part  of  the  force  was  now 

*  He  remained  in  the  service  of  Mexico  until  1R29,  when  he  returned  to  his  native  country, 
and  was  appointed  by  President  Jackson,  consul-general  to  Algiers.  This  post  he  occupied  till 
the  French  conquest  of  Algiers,  when  he  was  transferred  to  Constantinople  in  the  capacity  of 
Charge  d'affaires.  He  afterward  came  to  this  country  on  a  visit,  and  returned  accredited  to  the 
Porte  as  a  full  minister.  He  proved  a  very  capable  and  worthy  representative  of  his  country, 
and  rendered  her  valuable  services  in  the  negotiation  of  important  treaties  with  the  Sultan.  His 
health,  however,  gradually  failed,  and  he  died  at  Pera,  a  suburb  of  Constantinople,  on  the  28th 
of  March,  1843,  at  the  age  of  sixty-three.  His  body  was  brought  home  and  interred  in  tb» 
grounds  of  the  Naval  Asylum  near  Philadelphia. 


1826-31.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  31 

landed,  while  one  boat  kept  on,  to  board.  The  commander  was  ordered 
to  come  on  shore,  which  he  did  after  much  hesitation,  but  then  attempted 
to  run  away.  The  cutter,  in  the  mean  time,  boarding,  and  resistance  being 
made,  a  general  firing  ensued  both  on  board  and  on  shore.  The  pirates 
were  finally  subdued,  with  a  loss  on  their  part  of  eight  killed  and  nine 
teen  taken  prisoners.  Several  escaped  by  taking  to  the  bushes.  The 
schooner  mounted  two  sixes  on  pivots,  and  four  large  swivels,  besides  arms 
for  thirty-five  men.  She  pretended  to  carry  Spanish  papers,  but  they 
were  evidently  false.  Cases  of  American  goods  were  also  found,  not  only 
in  the  vessel,  but  also  concealed  in  the  bushes  on  shore.  The  next  day 
they  chased  a  schooner-rigged  boat,  which  was  deserted  by  the  crew 
when  they  found  they  could  not  escape. 

Com.  Warrington,  in  discharging  the  duties  of  this  command,  gained 
a  well-deserved  reputation  as  a  vigilant,  active  and  zealous  officer.  More 
over  he  was  fully  successful  in  accomplishing  the  object  so  long  desired, 
the  freedom  of  the  seas  from  the  dangerous  presence  of  these  lawless  and 
inhuman  rovers.  In  his  message  of  December,  1826,  the  President  was 
able  to  report  to  Congress,  that  piratical  practices  had  been  totally  sup 
pressed.  At  the  same  time  the  secretary  of  the  navy  says  in  kis  report : 
"  The  view  of  our  interests  in  the  West  Indies,  so  far  as  they  are  con 
nected  with  the  services  of  the  navy,  is  more  gratifying  than  at  any  time 
during  the  last  four  years." 

It  was  of  course  still  necessary,  during  several  years,  to  keep  a  squadron 
in  these  waters,  until  the  permanent  conviction  that  the  United  States 
were  determined  to  protect  their  commerce  effectually,  was  so  thoroughly 
impressed  upon  this  unprincipled  and  reckless  class  of  men,  that  they 
abandoned  all  hope  of  a  revival  of  their  outlawed  trade.  In  late  years 
this  region  has  become  entirely  freed  from  this  source  of  annoyance  and 
danger,  and  its  maritime  interests  have  been  under  the  supervision  of  the 
home  squadron. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Potomac  under  Com.  Dowries  ordered  to  the  East  Indies— Attack  of  Malays  on  the  crew  of  the 
ship  Friendship — Potomac  arrives  at  Quallah  Battoo — Landing  of  the  forces  and  attack  upon  tho 
town  under  Lieut.  Shubrick — Sharp  encounters  at  the  several  forts — Malays  defeated  and  pun 
ished — Death  of  Com.  Bainbridge — Deaths  of  several  of  the  older  Commodores. 

The  frigate  Potomac  44,  was  selected,  in  1831,  to  be  the  flag-ship  of 
the  Pacific  squadron,  and  was  placed  under  the  command  of  Commodore 
John  Downes.  It  was  originally  intended  that  she  should  convey  the 
Hon.  Martin  Van  Buren,  lately  appointed  minister  to  the  court  of  St. 
James,  to  England,  and  then  proceed  by  way  of  Cape  Horn  to  her  sta 
tion.  But  intelligence  of  events  in  the  East  Indies,  received  at  this  time, 
altered  the  plan,  and  hastened  her  departure  in  a  more  direct  course 
toward  that  part  of  the  Pacific.  The  events  which  caused  this  change 
were  these.  The  ship  Friendship,  Captain  Endicott,  of  Salem,  Mass.,  was 
lying,  on  the  7th  of  February,  1831,  in  the  harbor  of  Quallah  Battoo, 


32  NAVAL  HISTORY. 


[1831. 


on  the  western  coast  of  the  island  of  Sumatra.  Her  officers  and  crew 
were  engaged  in  taking  on  board  a  cargo  of  pepper.  The  pepper  was 
purchased  of  the  Malays,  there  being  large  plantations  in  the  neighbor 
hood  devoted  to  its  cultivation ;  it  was  weighed  on  shore,  and  then  carried 
off  to  the  ship  in  her  own  boats  rowed  by  natives  hired  for  the  occasion. 
On  the  morning  of  the  day  mentioned,  Captain  Endicott,  his  second 
mate,  and  four  seamen  were  on  shore  as  usual,  attending  to  or  watching 
the  part  of  the  business  transacted  there.  The  depot  was  situated  a  short 
distance  up  a  river  which  ran  through  the  town  and  emptied  into  the 
harbor.  One  boat  received  its  load  and  was  rowed  to  the  mouth  of  the 
river,  where  it  stopped,  and,  as  the  captain  supposed,  received  some  more 
natives  on  board ;  but  in  reality  the  crew  was  changed,  a  body  of  armed 
men,  double  the  number  of  the  former  crew,  taking  their  place.  This 
attracted  the  notice,  but  did  not  awaken  the  fears  of  the  party  on  shore, 
and  two  of  them  were  directed  to  watch.  The  boat  proceeded  alongside 
the  ship,  and  commenced  unloading.  As  more  were  in  the  boat  than 
were  necessary  for  this  purpose,  the  larger  part  went  on  board  the  ship. 
The  mate  ordered  them  back,  but  they  lingered,  and  as  he  was  attending 
to  the  reception  of  the  pepper,  they  suddenly  approached  him  from  be 
hind,  stabbed  him  in  the  back  and  soon  dispatched  him.  They  also 
killed  two  seamen  and  wounded  three  others.  Four  seamen  jumped 
overboard  and  succeeded  in  reaching  the  shore,  though  they  swam  two 
miles  before  they  could  safely  land,  as  the  Malays  lined  the  beach.  The 
ship  was  now  in  the  possession  of  the  treacherous  and  murderous  assail 
ants,  and  many  more  began  to  push  off  in  boats  to  join  them. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  party  on  shore  perceived  that  there  was  trouble 
on  board  the  vessel,  and  were  able  to  step  into  their  other  boat  and  push 
out  into  the  river,  just  in  time  to  save  their  lives  from  an  assault  of  the 
natives,  who  were  exulting  with  delight,  as  *hey  saw  the  signals  of  capture 
flying  on  board  the  ship.  As  they  shoved  oft',  Po  Adam,  a  Malay  Rajah, 
who  was  peculiarly  favorable  to  the  Americans,  sprang  into  the  boat  and 
went  with  them.  The  captain  said,  "  What,  you  come  too,  Adam  ? " 
"  Yes,"  he  replied ;  "  if  they  kill  you,  they  must  kill  me  first,  captain." 
They  were  intercepted  by  a  boat  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  but  the  mate, 
brandishing  the  cutlass  of  Po  Adam,  the  only  weapon  indeed  they  had, 
kept  the  enemy  at  bay,  so  that  they  passed  out  uninjured. 

Seeing  such  numbers  of  Malays  on  board,  Captain  Endicott  concluded 
that  any  attempt  to  retake  the  ship  would  be  but  destruction  to  them 
selves,  and  therefore  steered  for  Muckie,  a  place  twenty  miles  to  the  south, 
to  obtain  assistance.  After  a  hard  row  they  reached  this  place  in  the 
night,  and  found  there  one  ship  and  two  brigs,  all  American,  the  captains 
of  which  resolved  to  undertake  the  recapture  of  the  Friendship.  They 
proceeded  to  Quallah  Battoo,  and  sent  a  demand  to  the  principal  Rajah 
for  the  restoration  of  the  vessel.  Pie  refused  to  give  her  up,  and  taunt 
ingly  sent  them  word  to  take  her  "  if  they  could."  The  Malays,  in  their  at 
tempts  to  get  her  to  the  shore,  had  run  her  upon  a  reef.  The  three  vessels 
ranged  as  near  as  possible,  and  opened  a  fire  upon  her.  This  was  returned 
both  from  the  ship,  and  from  the  forts  on  shore.  Finding  the  fire  was 
ineffective,  the  Americans  now  manned  their  boats,  and  pulled  toward  the 
ship,  with  the  intention  of  boarding.  This  the  Malays  did  not  care  to 


1832.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  33 

wait  for,  but  threw  themselves  into  the  water  and  made  for  shore.  Cap 
tain  Endicott  was  again  master  of  his  ship,  but  she  had  been  com 
pletely  rifled  of  all  valuables.  Twelve  thousand  dollars  in  specie  was 
stolen,  and  other  property  to  a  large  amount,  and  as  the  voyage  was 
abandoned,  the  entire  loss  to  the  owners  was  some  forty  thousand  dollars. 

This  account  plainly  discloses  distinct  evidences  of  a  concealed  plan  on 
the  part  of  the  Rajahs  and  people  to  become  possessed  of  this  ship. 
These  evidences  need  not  be  recapitulated. 

When  the  Friendship  arrived  home,  her  owners  laid  a  statement  of 
these  facts  before  the  government,  and  in  view  of  the  interests  of  commerce, 
it  was  deemed  exceedingly  important  that  a  vessel  of  war  should  show 
itself  in  these  seas,  and  obtain  redress  for  this  special  and  aggravated 
wrong.  Commodore  Downes  was  instructed  to  this  effect. 

The  Potomac  sailed  from  New  York  on  the  21st  of  August,  1831, 
having  a  complement,  of  all  ranks,  of  five  hundred  men.  She  touched 
at  the"  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  in  search  of  information.  No  very  certain 
or  extensive  knowledge  could  be  obtained  respecting  the  place  or  people, 
to  whom  this  first  visit  of  an  American  national  ship  was  to  be  made. 
Not  even  a  full  and  reliable  chart  of  the  coast  could  be  obtained.  The 
place,  named  Quallah  Battoo,  is  situated,  as  has  been  already  stated,  on 
the  western  shore  of  the  island  of  Sumatra.  It  lies  entirely  open  to  the 
sea.  The  navigation  in  the  vicinity  is  exceedingly  difficult  and  danger 
ous  ;  reefs  and  shoals  lining  the  shore.  The  town,  including  the  neighbor 
ing  pepper  plantations,  and  thus  embracing  those  who  may  be  regarded  as 
under  one  government,  may  have  had  a  population  of  four  thousand  souls. 
It  is  almost  perfectly  concealed  in  a  thick  growth  of  timber  and  jungle. 
Several  small  forts,  mounted  with  three  or  four  guns  each,  constitute  its 
defences ;  which,  indeed,  are  quite  effectual  against  the  attacks  of  neighbor 
ing  tribes. 

The  Quallah  Battooans  form  an  independent  community,  owing  no 
particular  allegiance  to  any  power.  They  pay  some  tribute  to  the  King  of 
Acheen,  but  he  does  not  hold  himself  responsible  for  any  of  their  acts.  They 
are  divided  into  various  clans,  at  the  head  of  each  of  which  is  a  Rajah  or 
chief.  They  are  a  treacherous  race,  acknowledging  none  of  the  laws  that 
govern  civilized  nations,  and  in  fact  cannot  be  considered,  in  the  light  of 
justice  and  morality,  as  any  better  than  pirates.  They  are  of  a  warlike 
disposition,  and  in  respect  to  courage  and  military  skill,  are  by  no  means 
to  be  despised. 

On  the  5th  of  February,  1832,  the  Potomac  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Su 
matra.  Commodore  Downes  disguised  the  frigate  as  a  merchantman, 
and  then  stood  in  and  anchored  about  three  miles  from  the  town.  Several 
officers,  dressed  as  citizens  and  sailors,  rowed  toward  the  shore  in  a  small 
boat,  with  the  intention  of  landing,  and  gaining  some  idea  of  the  localities. 
But  the  Malays  evidently  had  their  suspicions  aroused,  and  manifested 
such  signs  of  hostility,  that  it  was  not  deemed  prudent  to  attempt  to  land. 
Com.  Downes  being  convinced  that  any  mere  verbal  demand  for  satisfac 
tion  would  be  entirely  useless,  and  only  give  time  for  the  Malays  to  pre 
pare  better  for  their  defence,  determined  to  make  an  attack  as  soon  as 
possible,  in  hopes  of  taking  them  by  surprise,  and  securing  the  persons 
of  some  of  the  Rajahs ;  holding  whom  as  hostages,  he  might  gain  higher 


34  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1832. 

terms  of  satisfaction.  Preparations  to  land  the  same  night  were  therefore 
made.  Two  hundred  and  fifty  seamen  and  marines  were  detailed  for  the 
duty,  with  proper  division  officers,  and  the  whole  placed  under  the  com 
mand  of  Irvine  Shubrick,  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  ship.  Mr.  Barry, 
who  was  the  second  mate  of  the  Friendship  at  the  time  of  the  massacre, 
had  come  out  as  master's  mate  in  the  Potomac,  in  order  that  he  might 
render  service  as  a  guide.  He  had  a  general  knowledge  of  the  position 
of  the  forts,  and  rendered  invaluable  aid  in  directing  the  attacking 
parties. 

At  a  sufficient  time  before  daylight  to  be  unobserved,  the  boats  were 
hoisted  out,  and  the  men  stowed  away  in  them ;  when  they  quietly  and 
swiftty  pulled  toward  shore.  They  went  in  through  a  heavy  surf,  but 
were  all  safely  landed,  and  in  fifteen  minutes  were  formed  in  their  line 
of  march.  Lieut.  Edson  led  the  van  with  the  marines.  The  first  divis 
ion  of  the  seamen  was  commanded  by  Lieut.  Pinkham,  the  second  by 
Lieut.  Hoff,  and  the  third  by  Lieut.  Ingersoll.  A  six-pounder  followed 
under  the  charge  of  sailing-master  Totten.  The  boats  were  directed  to 
keep  company  just  outside  the  surf. 

When  the  dny  dawned,  the  march  commenced  along  the  beach.  The" 
Malays  were  anticipating  an  attack,  for  their  scouts  were  seen.  Lieut. 
Hoff  was  ordered  to  surround  the  first  fort,  which  was  the  most  northern 
one.  He  left  the  main  body  with  his  division,  and  soon  came  to  the 
outworks,  consisting  of  a  strong  stockade  of  timber.  Within  this  there 
was  still  a  citadel,  armed  with  small  cannon.  No  time  was  afforded  for 
parley  and  conciliation,  for,  as  soon  as  the  division  approached,  the  Malays 
commenced  the  action  by  a  sharp  fire  from  all  arms.  They  fought  with 
great  bravery  and  steadiness,  and  were  found  to  be  no  mean  adversaries. 
Lieut.  Hoff  succeeded  in  breaking  through  the  gateway  of  the  stockade, 
but  the  Malays  still  stood  the  attack  for  two  hours,  within  their  citadel. 
Finding  it  impossible  to  dislodge  them  by  a  distant  fire,  preparations  were 
made  to  take  the  citadel  by  storm.  It  was  necessary  to  tear  up  some  of 
the  palisades  and  to  form  a  bridge  of  them,  over  which  the  eager  seamen 
rushed,  carrying  the  work  which  had  so  long  held  them  in  check,  by  an 
assault,  which  the  Malays  could  not  withstand.  They  fled,  leaving  twelve 
dead,  but  carrying  their  wounded  with  them. 

Lieut.  Edson,  with  his  marines,  attacked  the  next  fort  situated  in  the 
rear  of  the  town.  The  Malays  behaved  with  the  same  spirit  here.  But 
they  could  not  face  the  marines,  as  with  steady  discipline  they  stormed 
the  fort,  and  forced  their  way  into  it.  The  contest  was  not  continued  so 
long  here  as  at  the  first  fort. 

Mr.  Barry  was  unable  to  find  the  other  fort  in  the  rear  of  the  town, 
so  thoroughly  was  it  concealed  in  the  trees;  so  that  Lieut.  Pinkham,  who 
had  been  sent  against  it  with  the  first  division,  led  his  men  through  the 
town,  and  rejoined  Lieut.  Shubrick.  The  latter  had  already  commenced 
his  attack,  with  the  third  division  under  Lieut.  Ingersoll,  aided  by  the 
six-pounder,  upon  the  principal  fort,  situated  at  the  southern  point  of  the 
town,  and  quite  near  the  beach.  Here  the  fight  was  long  and  gallantly 
maintained  on  both  sides.  The  six-pounder  was  brought  up,  and  being 
managed  with  admirable  precision  and  skill  by  Mr.  Totten,  did  great  ex 
ecution.  The  gate  of  the  outer  defences  was  soon  forced,  and  the  men 


1832.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  35 

rushed  in  without  reluctance,  anxious  to  come  to  closer  quarters  with  their 
foes.  But  the  severest  part  of  their  work  yet  remained  to  be  done.  The 
stronghold,  consisting  of  an  elevated  platform  mounted  with  several  cannon, 
still  held  out,  and  our  men  had  to  stand  the  fire  from  it  without  protection. 
The  ladder  to  the  platform  had  of  course  been  removed,  and  in  the  at 
tempt  to  climb  up  to  it  one  of  the  seamen  was  killed  and  several  wero 
wounded.  At  this  critical  moment  Lieutenants  HofF  and  Edson,  having 
secured  their  victories,  came  up  with  detachments  from  their  divisions, 
and  took  a  position  between  the  fort  and  the  water,  from  which  they 
poured  in  a  very  effective  cross  fire.  The  men  in  the  boats  were  also  near 
enough  to  make  their  fire  felt  in  the  contest.  The  battle  now  raged 
against  the  devoted  Malays  with  exterminating  severity.  Although  thus 
closely  invested,  and  numbers  falling  under  so  well  conducted  a  fire,  they 
yet  fought  with  desperation;  and  it  was  not  till  almost  all  were  killed, 
that  their  position  could  be  carried.  Their  guns  were  then  spiked  and 
dismounted. 

There  was  still  another  large  fort  upon  the  opposite  side  of  the  river. 
It  had  kept  up  an  annoying  fire  upon  our  troops  from  a  twelve-pounder, 
during  the  attack  upon  the  last  fort.  But  it  was  found  impracticable  to 
ford  the  river,  and  it  was  not  prudent  to  bring  the  boats  around  into  it, 
so  that  an  attack  upon  this  one  was  relinquished. 

The  town  was  now  fired  and  much  of  it  was  reduced  to  ashes.  The 
fort  which  Lieut.  Pinkham's  division  was  unable  to  find,  now  revealed  its 
position  by  opening  its  fire.  A  detachment  was  ordered  to  capture  it. 
The  Malays  as  usual  fought  fiercely.  But  success  had  animated  the 
Americans  with  even  unwonted  zeal  and  impetuosity,  and  after  a  short 
conflict  they  carried  this  work  by  assault.  The  Malays  suffered  greatly 
at  this  point  also.  Those  able  to  flee  escaped  through  secret  passages  in 
the  jungle,  into  which  it  was  worse  than  useless  to  follow  them. 

The  action  had  now  continued  about  two  hours  and  a  half,  and  with 
success  on  our  part  at  every  point  attacked.  The  surf  began  to  increase 
so  much  as  to  render  it  unsafe  for  the  boats  to  remain  longer  near  the 
shore.  Large  numbers  of  Malays  also  began  to  collect  in  the  rear  of  the 
town,  and  the  officer  in  command  wisely  judged  that  further  injury  even 
to  the  enemy  could  not  be  necessary  after  the  severe  retaliatory  measures 
just  inflicted.  The  order  was  therefore  given  to  re-embark,  and  soon  the 
victorious  troops  were  again  on  board  of  the  frigate.  This  success  was  pur 
chased  at  some  cost  to  our  own  brave  men,  though  it  was  comparatively 
small.  Two  men  were  killed ;  two  officers  and  nine  men  were  wounded. 
The  loss  of  the  enemy  must  have  been  very  severe;  for  it  was  known 
that  at  least  one  hundred  and  fifty  were  killed.  Among  those  killed  was 
the  Rajah  who  was  principally  concerned  in  the  capture  and  plunder  of 
the  Friendship.  Com.  Downes  in  his  report  of  the  affair,  remarks: 
"  Lieut.  Shubrick  has  my  warmest  acknowledgement  for  the  able  and 
gallant  manner  in  which  he  conducted  the  expedition."  In  his  report 
to  Commodore  Downes,  Lieut.  Shubrick  says:  "The  lieutenants,  com 
manding  the  different  divisions,  have  reported  to  me  the  entire  satisfaction 
they  derived  from  the  coolness  and  bravery  of  the  officers  and  men  under 
their  particular  commands." 

The  next  morning  the  Potomac  stood  in,  and  anchored  within -a  mile 


36  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1833. 

of  the  town,  bringing  her  broadside  to  bear  upon  it.  The  Malays  thought, 
or  pretended  to  think,  that  the  Americans  had  no  ships  of  war,  or  "  ships 
with  big  guns,'.'  inasmuch  as  none  had  ever  appeared  off  their  coast. 
Commodore  Downes  thought  it  would  be  an  impressive  lesson  for  them 
to  learn,  from  their  own  observation,  the  power  of  heavy  guns.  He  con 
sequently  opened  a  fire  with  thirty -two  pound  shot  upon  the  fort  on  the 
other  side  of  the  river,  which  had  been  so  troublesome  the  clay  before. 
As  the  shot  began  to  plough  their  way  through  the  wooden  structure^ 
the  Malays,  abundantly  convinced,  fled  from  its  slender  protection.  After 
cutting  up  the  fort  very  severely,  seeing  white  flags  raised  in  various 
places,  the  Commodore  ordered  hostilities  to  cease.  A  white  flag  shortly 
came  off  to  the  ship,  accompanied  by  several  of  the  inhabitants,  who 
expressed  the  greatest  penitence  for  their  misdeeds,  sued  most  humbly 
for  peace,  and  begged  especially  that  no  more  "  big  guns "  should  be 
fired. 

Com.  Downes,  through  an  interpreter,  addressed  them  respecting  their 
conduct  in  the  case  of  the  Friendship,  set  forth  its  enormity,  cautioned 
them  as  to  their  future  treatment  of  Americans,  and  threatened  them 
with  the  power  of  his  country  should  they  again  manifest  similar 
treachery  and  barbarity.  The  Potomac  then  proceeded  by  the  way  of 
China  to  her  station  in  the  Pacific.  After  a  full  account,  and  a  particular 
explanation  of  the  causes  which  induced  him  to  retaliate  by  force  without 
any  previous  demand  for  satisfaction  upon  the  Rajahs  of  Quallah  Battoo, 
the  course  of  Com.  Downes  met  the  approval  of  the  government. 

In  1833,  the  navy  was  called  upon  to  mourn  the  death  of  one  of  its 
long  distinguished  captains;  one  of  that  number  whose  personal  fame 
appears  identified  with  the  fame  of  the  service  itself.  On  the  28th  of  July 
in  this  year,  Com.  William  Bainbridge  expired  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia, 
in  the  sixtieth  year  of  his  age.  He  entered  the  navy  in  1798,  his  com 
mission  as  a  lieutenant  being  offered  him  by  the  secretary  without  any 
solicitation  on  his  part.  His  career  has  been  traced  in  the  preceding  his 
tory  up  to  the  time  of  his  return  from  the  Mediterranean  in  1815.  For 
several  years  after  this  he  remained  in  command  of  the  Boston  station, 
being  permitted  also  to  retain  on  board  of  his  favorite  ship,  the  Independ 
ence,  a  full  complement  of  officers  and  about  two-thirds  of  a  crew.  In 
November,  1819,  he  was  ordered  to  the  new  line-of-battle  ship  Columbus, 
and  again  sent  out  as  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  Mediterranean 
squadron.  He  returned  from  this,  his  last  cruise,  in  the  summer  of  1821. 
He  was  subsequently  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  Philadelphia 
station,  then  to  the  Boston  station,  and  then  for  three  years  was  president 
of  the  Navy  Board.  He  afterward  returned  to  the  Philadelphia  station, 
but  in  1832,  was  again  placed  in  command  at  Boston,  where,  however, 
he  remained  but  a  short  time,  as  the  climate  seriously  affected  his  now 
declining  health.  He  therefore  returned  to  his  family  in  Philadelphia, 
where  he  remained  until  his  death.  About  two  hours  before  he  died, 
his  mind  began  to  wander,  and  he  called  for  his  sword  and  pistols, 
which  not  being  attended  to,  he  raised  himself  partially  in  bed,  and  de 
manded  these  instruments  with  great  vehemence,  and  ordered  that  all 
hands  should  be  called  to  board  the  enemy ! 

Though  not  in  the  order  of  time,  we  will  here  mention  the  dates  of  the 


1833.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  37 

deaths  of  the  older  and  more  prominent  captains,  who  have  been  so  often 
mentioned  in  the  main  history.* 

Com.  John  Shaw  died  in  Philadelphia  on  the  17th  of  September, 
1823,  at  the  age  of  fifty.  He  returned  from  the  command  of  the  Medi- 
terrar^an  squadron  in  1817,  and  afterward  commanded  at  the  Boston 
and  Charleston  stations. 

Com.  John  Rodgers  after  the  close  of  the  war  with  Great  Britain, 
served  as  president  of  the  Board  of  Naval  Commissioners  for  twenty-one 
years,  with  but  an  interval  of  two  years,  when  he  was  in  command  of 
the  Mediterranean  squadron,  in  the  North  Carolina  74.  He  died  at 
Philadelphia  on  the  1st  of  Angust,  1838,  aged  sixty-seven  years. 

Com.  Isaac  Hull  wras  employed  at  various  stations  on  shore  and  also 
on  the  Navy  Board.  He  wore  a  broad  pennant  in  the  Pacific,  and  after 
ward  in  the  Mediterranean  on  board  the  Ohio  74.  His  death  occurred 
in  Philadelphia,  on  the  13th  of  February,  1843,  in  his  sixty-eighth  year. 

Com.  Jacob  Jones  commanded  in  1821  in  the  Mediterranean,  and  in 
1826  in  the  Pacific.  He  was  also  a  navy  commissioner,  and  commanded 
at  various  navy-yards.  He  died  at  Philadelphia  on  the  3d  of  August, 
1850,  in  the  eighty-second  year  of  his  age,  being  at  the  time  the  gover 
nor  of  the  Naval  Asylum. 

Com.  Isaac  Chauncey  succeeded  Bainbridge,  in  1816,  in  the  command 
of  the  Mediterranean  squadron.  He  was  never  at  sea  again,  but  per 
formed  the  usual  shore  service,  and  while  president  of  the  Navy  Board, 
died  on  the  27th  of  January,  1840. 

Com.  Jesse  D.  Elliot  was  employed  in  quite  constant  sea-service  after 
the  close  of  the  British  war.  He  commanded  the  Ontario  in  Decatur's 
squadron  in  the  war  against  Algiers,  and  was  successively  on  the  Brazil 
station,  and  in  command  of  the  West  India  and  of  the  Mediterranean 
squadrons.  On  charges  in  connection  with  this  last  command,  he  was 
sentenced  to  a  suspension  of  four  years,  but  was  restored  before  the  ex 
piration  of  the  time.  He  died  in  command  of  the  Philadelphia  navy- 
yard,  on  the  10th  of  December,  1845,  aged  fifty-six  years. 

Com.  Melancthon  T.  Woolsey,  who  performed  such  good  service  on 
the  lakes,  hoisted  a  broad  pennant  on  the  Brazil  station,  toward  the  close 
of  his  life,  and  died  soon  after  his  return,  in  1838,  he  being  about 
fifty-six  years  of  age. 

Com.  Levvig  Warrington  was  the  successor  of  Com.  Porter  in  the  com 
mand  of  the  naval  force  assembled  in  the  West  Indies  for  the  suppression 
of  piracy.  He  was  for  some  time  president  of  the  Board  of  Navy  Com 
missioners,  and  at  the  time  of  his  death,  was  chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Ord 
nance  and  Hydrography.  He  died  at  Washington  on  the  12th  of 
October,  1851. 

Com.  Thomas  M'Donough  earned  his  laurels  early.  After  his  great 
battle  on  Lake  Champlain,  he  was  continued  in  active  duty ;  but  his 
career  was  not  a  long  one.  He  died  on  the  10th  of  November,  1825, 
at  sea,  when  about  ten  days  from  Gibraltar,  being  on  his  return  from  the 
command  of  the  Mediterranean  squadron.  He  was  about  forty-two  years 
of  age  at  the  time  of  his  death. 

*  Biographies  of  several  of  those  whose  decease  is  here  mentioned,  will  be  found  hi  COOPHR'S 
LIVES  OF  NAVAL  OFFICERS,  which  includes  Bainbridge,  Shaw,  Preble,  Shubrick,  Soraers,  Paul 
Jones,  Woolsey,  Perry,  Dale,  Barry,  and  a  history  of  "  Old  Ironsides." 


38  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1833. 

Com.  James  Biddle,  it  will  be  remembered,  commanded  a  naval  force 
against  the  pirates  in  1822.  He  died  on  the  first  of  October,  1848,  at 
his  residence  in  Philadelphia,  not  being  in  any  command  at  the  time, 
but  having  recently  returned  from  the  command  of  the  East  India  squad 
ron  and  on  the  Pacific  station. 

Com.  James  Barron  never  was  sent  to  sea  by  the  government  after  his 
unfortunate  affair  in  the  Chesapeake.  His  suspension  lasted  five  years, 
and  at  different  times  he  was  in  command  at  Philadelphia  and  Norfolk. 
When  too  infirm  for  active  service,  he  retired  to  the  latter  place  to  reside, 
and  died  there  in  185],  at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty-three  years.  He 
held  a  commission  as  post-captain  since  1709,  and  headed  the  list  of 
captains  at  the  time  of  his  death. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

United  States  Exploring  Expedition— Lieut.  Wilkes  appointed  to  the  command — Sails  in  August, 
1838— Progress  to  Cape  Horn— First  Antarctic  cruise— Loss  of  the  Sea  Gull— Progress  to  Syd 
ney—Second  Antarctic  cruise — Perils  and  escapes — Peacock  among  the  ice — Return  to  the 
northward — Extensive  explorations  among  the  South  Sea  islands — Attack  upon  Sualib — Mur 
der  of  Lieut.  Underwood  and  Midshipman  Henry— Severe  punishment  of  the  natives — Arrival 
at  the  Sandwich  Islands — Cruisings  among  various  island  groups — Arrival  and  surveys  upon 
the  north-west  coast — Cruise  of  the  Peacock — Her  wreck  at  the  Columbia  river — Return  of 
the  vessels  across  the  Pacific — Rendezvous  at  Singapore — Course  homeward — Mutiny  on  board 
U.  S.  brig  Somers. 

The  entire  history  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  evinces  their  pe 
culiar  aptitude  for  maritime  pursuits.  The  enterprise  of  no  other  nation, 
ancient  or  modern,  has  so  rapidly  given  existence  to  so  vast  a  commerce. 
During  the  state  of  colonial  dependence,  and  in  the  very  infancy  of 
national  independence,  the  genius  of  the  nation  took  this  direction  so 
readily,  as  to  give  promise  of  some  future  unwonted  development.  That 
promise  has  been  abundantly  redeemed.  Every  sea  has  curled  its  foam, 
in  token  of  subjection,  under  the  conquering  prow  of  the  American 
merchantmen.  Yet  the  nation  had  Jived  a  half  century  in  the  power 
and  prosperity  of  its  separate  existence,  and  had  taken  rank  beyond  dis 
pute  beside  the  first  maritime  power  of  the  world,  before  the  government 
made  any  attempts  to  investigate  the  many  obscure  points,  and  the  many 
unknown  portions  of  that  great  element  of  the  earth,  upon  which  was 
risked  so  large  a  proportion  of  the  wealth  of  its  subjects. 

It  was  natural  that  even  for  so  long  a  period,  it  should  modestly  leave 
these  undertakings  to  such  older  nations  as  could  command  the  leisure, 
the  wealth,  and  the  science  necessary,  while  it  could  but  encourage  its 
seamen  in  the  practical  task  of  availing  themselves  of  the  labors  of  ex 
perienced  and  scientific  navigators.  Still  it  must  certainly  be  perceived, 
that  bare  justice  to  so  important  a  branch  of  national  industry,  as  well  as 
a  noble  spirit  of  emulation  in  the  career  of  scientific  discovery,  would  at 
some  period  demand  that  a  government,  representing  so  much  mental 
vigor  and  physical  greatness  in  the  people,  should  perform  some  generous 
and  efficient  service  in  the  cause  of  nautical  exploration.  Such  consider 
ations  have  prevailed,  and  such  a  demand  has  been  responded  to  on  the 


1838.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  39 

part  of  the  government.  *  As  the  officers,  seamen,  and  vessels  of  the  navy 
were  employed  in  this  expedition,  it  comes  properly  within  the  scope  and 
intention  of  this  work,  to  give  a  succinct  account  of  its  course  and  its 
results. 

Congress,  by  a  law  of  the  18th  of  May,  1836,  authorized  the  equip 
ment  and  employment  of  a  portion  of  the  national  marine,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  exploring  those  seas  in  which  the  whale-fisheries,  as  well  as  other 
branches  of  commercial  enterprise,  were  pursued.  The  appropriations 
of  money  were  liberal,  and  the  expenditures  for  the  numerous  items  of 
outfit,  necessary  for  so  unusual  a'voyage,  were  made  on  the  most  lavish 
scale.  But  for  various  reasons,  which  need  not  here  be  set  forth  or  dis 
cussed,  the  organization  and  departure  of  the  expedition  were  delayed 
from  month  to  month,  until,  indeed,  years  began  to  settle  upon  the 
abortive  plan,  and  the  very  mention  of  its  ambitious  title  would  provoke 
ridicule.  Different  officers,  appointed  to  the  command,  successively  re 
signed,  and  finally  all  but  one  of  the  vessels  of  the  number  originally 
selected  were  changed.  This  state  of  things  continued  until  the  spring 
of  1838.  On  the  20th  of  March,  1838,  Charles  Wilkes,  lieutenant  in 
the  navy,  was  directed  to  assume  the  command  of  the  expedition. 

The  instructions  issued  to  him  by  the  Navy  Department,  dated  the 
llth  of  August,  1838,  indicated  the  following  objects  to  be  aimed  at: 
"  To  explore  and  survey  the  Southern  Ocean,  having  in  view  the  import 
ant  interest  of  our  commerce  embarked  in  the  whale-fisheries,  as  well  as 
to  determine  the  existence  of  all  doubtful  islands  and  shoals;  and  to 
discover  and  accurately  fix  the  position  of  those  which  lie  in  or  near  the 
track  pursued  by  our  merchant  vessels  in  that  quarter,  and  which  may 
have  hitherto  escaped  the  observation  of  scientific  navigators." 

"  Although  the  primary  object  of  the  expedition  is  the  promotion  of 
the  great  interests  of  commerce  and  navigation,  yet  all  occasions  will  be 
taken,  not  incompatible  with  the  great  purpose  of  the  undertaking,  to 
extend  the  bounds  of  science,  and  to  promote  the  acquisition  of  knowl 
edge.  For  the  more  successful  attainment  of  these  objects,  a  corps  of 
scientific  gentlemen,  for  the  departments  of  philology,  zoology,  conch- 
°l°gy>  ge°l°gy>  mineralogy  and  botany,  with  artists  and  a  horticulturist, 
will  accompany  the  expedition,  and  are  placed  under  your  direction.  The 
hydrography  and  geography  of  the  various  seas  and  countries  you  may 
visit  in  the  route  pointed  out  to  you,  will  occupy  your  special  attention; 
and  all  the  researches  connected  with  them,  as  well  as  with  astronomy, 
terrestrial  magnetism,  and  meteorology,  are  confided  exclusively  to  the 
officers  of  the  navy,  on  whose  zeal  and  talents  the  department  confidently 
relies  for  such  results  as  will  enable  future  navigators  to  pass  over  the 
track  traversed  by  your  vessels,  without  fear  and  without  danger." 

The  track  marked  out  in  the  instructions  required  a  circumnavigation 
of  the  globe,  with  a  divergence  quite  toward  the  southern  pole,  and  so 
far  toward  the  north  as  the  western  possessions  of  the  United  States  ex 
tended,  with  frequent  crossings  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  and  extensive 
cruisings  among  its  countless  islands.  This  course  it  will  be  seen  was 
very  fully  and  faithfully  pursued  through  a  space  of  three  years  and  ten 
months. 

The  vessels  composing  the  squadron  were,  the  sloop  of  war  Vincennes, 


40  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1838. 

Lieutenant  Wilkes,  commanding  the  expedition*;  the  sloop  of  war  Pea 
cock,  William  L.  Hudson,  Lieutenant  commanding;  the  brig  of  war 
Porpoise,  Cadwalader  Ringgold,  Lieutenant  commanding;  store-ship 
Relief,  A.  K.  Long,  Lieutenant  commanding;  tenders  Sea  Gull  and 
Flying  Fish,  commanded  by  Passed-midshipmen  Reid  and  Knox.  The 
tenders  were  originally  New  York  pilot  boats,  purchased  and  altered  for 
this  service.  The  officers  throughout  were  volunteers. 

The  larger  portion  of  the  summer  was  consumed  in  the  necessary 
preparations,  and  even  then  the  outfit  was  by  no  means  complete.  On 
the  8th  of  August,  1838,  the  vessels  dropped  down  to  Hampton  Roads, 
and  on  the  19th  of  the  same  month  they  put  to  sea. 

In  the  body  of  this  work  many  instances  are  cited  to  enforce  tho 
nautical  principle  of  the  necessity  of  an  approximate  equality  in  the 
sailing  capacity  of  the  several  vessels  of  a  squadron  amid  actual  hostilities; 
as  the  most  unprofessional  must  perceive  that  the  fastest  sailing  vessels 
must,  for  concert  of  action,  conform  their  progress  to  the  attainments  of 
the  dullest  sailer.  This  expedition,  which,  from  the  nature  of  its  objects, 
required  a  precision  and  an  attainable  harmony  in  the  movement  of  all 
its  members  upon  a  given  point,  was  embarrassed  by  a  violation  of  the 
same  valuable  principle. 

The  store-ship  Relief  was  soon  found  to  be  a  dull  sailer,  and  incapable 
of  acting  with  the  rest  of  the  squadron ;  she  was  therefore  ordered  to 
proceed  alone  to  Rio  Janeiro.  Subsequently  she  proved  so  much  of  a 
hindrance,  that  from  Callao  she  was  dispatched  home,  leaving  her  sup 
plies  at  the  Sandwich  Islands  and  Sidney,  and  so  no  longer  formed  a  part 
of  the  expedition. 

The  squadron  first  sailed  for  Madeira,  stopping  there  a  week ;  then  it 
took  a  southerly  course,  touched  at  the  Cape  de  Verde  Islands,  and  ar 
rived  at  Rio  on  the  24th  of  November.  In  passing  over  portions  of  the 
ocean  where  shoals  or  reefs  were  supposed  to  exist,  the  vessels  sailed  in 
open  order,  from  three  to  five  miles  apart;  thus  giving  the  opportunity 
of  examining  carefully  a  space  of  about  twenty  miles  in  breadth,  and 
affording  means  of  fully  determining  many  obscure  points  in  hydro 
graphy.  This  course,  pursued  in  all  similar  cases,  gave  many  valuable 
results,  and  furnished  reliable  data  for  the  science  of  navigation.  After 
certain  observations,  surveys,  and  repairs,  on  the  6th  of  January,  they 
left  Rio;  stopped  at  the  Rio  Negro,  41°  south  latitude,  for  the  purpose 
of  ascertaining  the  resources  of  the  country,  and  the  inducements  it 
offered  for  trade;  doubled  Cape  Horn  on  the  16th  of  February,  and 
shortly  after  entered  Orange  Harbor,  which  had  been  appointed  as  the 
place  of  rendezvous. 

From  this  point  was  made  the  first  attempt  at  Antarctic  discovery. 
For  this  purpose  it  was  advisable  not  to  proceed  in  squadron.  The  Vin- 
cennes  was  left  anchored  in  Orange  Harbor;  her  officers  employed  in 
making  surveys  and  recording  observations.  Lieut.  Com.  Wilkes  went 
on  board  the  Porpoise,  and  taking  the  Sea  Gull  with  him,  proceeded 
toward  the  South.  He  penetrated  as  far  in  that  direction  as  the  season 
would  permit.  The  weather  becoming  very  unpropitious,  the  vessels 
being  constantly  exposed  amid  fogs  and  icebergs,  and  the  equipments  of 
the  crew  proving  insufficient  for  such  severe  navigation,  he  was  unable  to 


183 9.J  NAVAL  HISTORY.  41 

prosecute  the  work  of  discovery  to  any  great  extent.  He  coasted  along 
Palmer's  Land  and  observed  its  course,  but  could  not  reach  a  high  south 
ern  latitude.  Here  they  gained  their  first  experience  of  the  exciting 
grandeur  presented  in  the  severer  forms  of  nature  in  the  polar  regions. 
Both  vessels  returned  safely  to  Orange  Harbor  about  the  close  of  March. 
The  Peacock,  accompanied  by  the  Flying  Fish,  bore  oft'  in  a  south 
westerly  direction.  They  soon  separated  in  a  gale.  They  cruised,  how 
ever,  mainly  in  the  same  direction,  their  object  being  to  attain  if  possible 
the  ne  plus  ultra  of  Captain  Cook,  and  to  observe  the  changes  which 
miVht  have  occurred  in  the  appearance  of  the  ice  since  his  time.  The 
Flying  Fish  did  reach  within  sixty  miles  of  the  desired  point,  and  it 
seemed  at  one  time  that  she  would  penetrate  beyond ;  but  the  fickle 
weather,  and  the  ever  shifting  islands  of  ice  soon  disappointed  that  hope. 
At  times  the  ice  fields  closed  around  her,  as  if  decreeing  her  destruction, 
but  bold  and  skillful  seamanship  accomplished  her  deliverance.  The 
Peacock  was  often  exposed  to  like  dangers,  and  her  escapes  were  alike 
wonderful.  Finding  the  season  too  far  advanced  for  useful  or  safe  navi 
gation,  and  the  crews  suffering  severely  from  the  unsuitable  character  of 
the  vessels  for  such  service,  they  both  turned  northward.  On  the  25th 
of  March,  to  their  mutual  joy,  they  fell  in  with  each  other,  and  sailed 
together  until  the  first  of  April,  when  the  Peacock  bore  up  for  Valparaiso, 
and  the  tender  made  her  way  to  Orange  Harbor. 

The  Relief,  in  the  mean  time,  taking  on  board  the  most  of  the  scien 
tific  gentlemen,  proceeded  toward  the  Straits  of  Magellan,  in.  order  to 
gain  information  respecting  the  country.  But  having  consumed  much 
time  on  the  passage,  and  having  lost  her  anchors  while  endeavoring  to 
ride  out  a  severe  and  long  gale  at  Noir  Island,  which  accident  came  very 
near  causing  the  wreck  of  the  vessel  on  a  reef  toward  which  she  drifted', 
it  was  concluded  at  a  council  of  officers,  to  steer  directly  for  Valparaiso. 
Thus  the  object  of  her  detachment  was  entirely  frustrated.  In  the  lat 
ter  part  of  May  the  Vincennes,  Peacock,  Porpoise  and  Flying  Fish  were 
together  in  the  harbor  of  Valparaiso.  Here  they  waited  in  vain  for  the 
arrival  of  the  Sea  Gull.  This  valuable  little  schooner  had  sailed  with 
her  consort,  the  Flying  Fish,  from  Orange  Harbor.  A  severe  gale  came 
upon  them  the  first  night  they  were  out,  when  they  lost  sight  of  each 
other.  The  latter  vessel  regained  the  Harbor,  and  rode  out  the  gale  safely. 
But  no  account  has  ever  been  received  of  her  companion.  It  is  probable 
she  was  lost  in  the  gale.  Passed-midshipmen  J.  W.  E.  Reid,  and  F.  A. 
Bacon,  with  a  crew  of  fifteen  men,  were  lost  by  this  disaster.  These  officers 
had  won  excellent  characters  in  the  service,  and  their  untimely  end  could 
not  but  cause  sadness  among  their  companions  in  adventure  and  danger. 
The  squadron  next  stopped  at  Callao.  Both  in  Chili  and  Peru,  the 
officers  and  scientific  corps  were  active  in  gaining  valuable  information 
in  the  various  departments  to  which  they  wyere  devoted.  But  our  limits 
will  allow  us  to  give  only  an  outline  sketch  of  even  the  strictly  maritime 
labors  and  results  of  the  expedition. 

In  accordance  with  instructions,  they  now  stretched  in  a  due  westerly 
course  across  the  Pacific,  leaving  Callao  on  the  12th  of  July.  They 
examined  various  island  groups  lying  in  their  course,  verified  some  doubtful 
points  in  hydrography,  added  largely  to  their  scientific  accumulations,  and 


42  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1840. 

arrived  at  Sidney,  New  South  Wales,  on  the  28th  of  November.  The 
commander  speaks  warmly  of  the  courtesy  with  which  they  were  re 
ceived  and  entertained  during  their  stay,  by  the  English  authorities  and 
residents. 

Preparations  were  now  made  for  another  and  more  extensive  cruise  in  the 
polar  seas.  After  all  that  could  be  done  in  the  form  of  repairs,  it  was  still 
apparent  that  the  vessels  were  but  imperfectly  fitted  for  the  trying  ordeal 
before  them.  The  Peacock,  indeed,  was  in  such  a  condition,  that  it  was 
involving  considerable  risk  to  take  her  on  so  perilous  a  voyage.  But  the 
reputation  of  the  expedition  and  the  honor  of  the  nation  were  deeply 
involved  in  the  venture,  and  properly  proved  preponderating  motives,  for 
persistence  through  painful  uncertainties. 

It  was  wisely  determined  that  the  members  of  the  scientific  corps  should 
pursue  their  researches  through  the  wide  field  opened  to  them  in  New 
Holland  and  New  Zealand,  during  the  absence  of  the  vessels. 

On  the  26th  of  December,  the  expedition  once  more  turned  toward 
the  extreme  south  which  forbids  man's  approach  by  the  savage  frown  of 
nature  and  the  gloomy  reign  of  death,  while  enticing  him  by  the  chances 
of  discovery  and  renown  amid  her  unknown  wonders.  Considerations 
relating  to  the  safety  of  the  vessels,  the  saving  of  time,  and  the  awakening 
of  a  more  active  and  promising  spirit  of  emulation,  induced  Lieutenant 
Corn.  Wilkes  to  direct  each  vessel  to  act  independently  of  her  consorts, 
when  arrived  in  the  region  of  the  designed  explorations.  The  Flying 
Fish  consequently  parted  from  the  squadron  on  the  2d,  and  the  Peacock 
on  the  3d  of  January.  The  Vincennes  and  the  Porpoise  remained  in 
company  until  the  12th.  The  day  previous,  they  came  in  sight  of  the 
solid  barrier  of  ice  in  latitude  64°  11'  S.,  longitude  164°  53'  E.  The 
Peacock  came  up  with  the  ice  on  the  15th,  and  the  Flying  Fish  on  the 
21st,  both  more  to  the  westward  of  the  former  vessels. 

No  doubt  now  remains  of  the  existence  of  land  within  the  Antarctic 
circle.  The  testimony  of  both  French  and  English  exploring  expeditions 
confirms  the  fact,  which  it  is  claimed  the  American  expedition  first  estab 
lished  as  a  part  of  geographical  knowledge.  This  fact  is  determined  by 
repeated  and  continuous  observations  made  separately  on  board  the 
Vincennes,  the  Peacock,  and  the  Porpoise.  And  the  discovery  was  made 
some  days  before  the  officers  of  the  French  expedition  claim  to  have 
made  the  same.  The  American  vessels  coasted  some  sixty-five  degrees 
of  longitude  along  the  impenetrable  barrier  of  ice,  observing  throughout 
most  of  this  distance,  highlands  evidently  reaching  thousands  of  feet  in 
altitude,  and  covered  with  perpetual  snow.  They  met  also  other  decisive 
signs  of  contiguous  land.  All  the  evidence  sustains  the  claim,  that  these 
elevated  points  of  land  are  not  portions  of  mere  detached  islands  inclosed 
within  a  frozen  sea,  but  are  the  visible  parts  of  a  vast  Antarctic  continent, 
the  main  extent  undistinguishable  from  the  resplendent  snow  fringe  skirt 
ing  its  ocean  boundary.  No  human  beings  inhabit  these  regions,  and 
the  representatives  of  any  animal  tribes  are  very  few. 

It  was  not  without  great  hardships  and  perilous  exposures,  that  the 
expedition  gained  these  honors  of  the  discoverer.  All  the  vessels  suffered 
from  severe  and  prolonged  gales,  heightened  in  their  fearfulness,  and 
armed  \vith  unusual  elements  of  destruction,  by  the  addition  of  vast  and 


1840.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  43 

innumerable  icebergs,  and  masses  of  floe-ice.  It  must  be  observed  also 
that  the  temperature  was  most  of  the  time  below  the  freezing  point,  and 
that  mists,  fogs,  sleet  and  snow  storms,  were  relieved  by  but  occasional 
clear  and  sunny  days. 

The  Flying  Fish  was  soon  compelled  to  return  northward.  Her  crew 
was  so  reduced  by  sickness  that  they  were  unable  to  reef  the  foresail, 
and  consequently  the  vessel  was  obliged  to  carry  the  whole  sail  during  a 
gale  of  several  days'  duration,  which  caused  her  to  labor  heavily  and  to 
leak  so  much,  that  it  was  necessary  to  keep  the  pumps  going  constantly. 
The  imperative  demands  of  safety,  constrained  the  officers  to  retrace  their 
steps  to  a  more  genial  clime. 

The  Peacock,  however,  ran  the  gauntlet  of  dangers  in  the  most  heroic 
and  successful  manner.  Her  commander,  in  order  if  possible  to  make 
more  accurate  determinations  respecting  the  land  seen  in  the  distance,  ran 
into  a  deep  bay  filled  with  a  large  number  of  icebergs.  He  obtained 
soundings  in  three  hundred  and  twenty  fathoms,  thus  clearly  establishing 
the  proximity  of  land.  The  dangers  which  now  brought  the  ship  to  the 
very  verge  of  destruction,  can  best  be  detailed  in  the  language  employed 
by  Lieutenant  Com.  Hudson,  in  his  report  to  the  department.  "  While 
further  pursuing  the  object  of  our  search  in  this  vicinity  on  the  morning 
of  the  24th,  and  endeavoring  to  clear  some  ice  ahead  of  us,  the  ship 
made  a  sternboard,  and  came  in  contact  with  a  large  piece  of  ice,  which 
carried  away  one  of  the  wheel-ropes,  wrenched  the  neck  of  the  rudder, 
and  rendered  it  useless. 

"  We  immediately  commenced  working  ship  with  the  sails  and  ice- 
anchors  into  a  more  open  sea.  In  this  we  were  successful  for  a  time, 
until  an  increase  of  wind  and  a  change  in  its  direction,  brought  in  upon 
us  masses  of  ice  for  miles  in  extent,  which  completely  beset  the  ship,  fin 
ished  the  work  of  destruction  on  our  rudder,  and  forced  us  into  the  im 
mediate  vicinity  of  an  ice-island  some  seven  or  eight  miles  in  extent,  with 
an  elevation  equaling  our  topgallant-masthead,  and  its  upper  portion  in 
clining  toward  the  ship.  In  this  situation  we  furled  all  but  the  fore-and- 
aft  sails,  and  hung  by  our  ice  anchors. 

"  Fortunately,  between  us  and  a  portion  of  this  island  lay  a  large  piece 
of  ice,  one  end  of  which  held  us  by  the  counter,  until  forced  beyond  it 
by  the  pressing  masses  of  ice  outside,  which  started  our  anchors  and  set  us 
stern  on  to  the  island,  carrying  away  our  spanker-boom  and  stern-davits, 
and  forcing  the  starboard  quarter-deck  bulwarks  in  end  some  three  or 
four  inches,  jamming  a  signal-gun  hard  and  fast  in  the  gangway,  and 
breaking  oft'  the  bulwark  stanchions  on  that  side  of  the  quarter-deck. 
We  took  this  occasion  to  cant  her  with  the  jib,  into  a  narrow  channel 
alongside  the  island,  and  with  the  help  of  other  sails,  passed  by  a  portion 
of  it  without  further  injury  to  our  spars,  until  an  opportunity  presented 
of  forcing  her  into  a  small  opening  in  the  ice,  with  the  head  toward 
the  sea. 

"  Our  rudder,  which  we  unshipped  and  got  in  upon  deck  while  wedged 
in  the  ice,  came  in  over  the  side  in  two  pieces,  the  head  and  neck  entirely 
broken  off,  with  the  two  midship  pintles,  and  we  shortly  afterward 
found  the  upper  and  lower  braces  gone  from  the  stern-post.  Toward 
midnight  the  sea  was  increasing,  accompanied  with  snow,  with  every 


44  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1840. 

indication  of  a  gale  from  seaward;  and  the  ice,  with  which  we  were  con 
tinually  in  contact,  or  actually  jammed,  more  formidable  in  character, 
rapidly  accumulating  outside  of  us,  and  forming  a  compact  mass.  I 
found,  as  we  were  nearing  the  open  sea,  that  we  had  been  carried  so  far 
to  leeward  by  the  ice,  as  to  be  in  great  danger  of  taking  up  our  last  resi 
dence  in  the  barrier,  amongst  bergs  and  islands  of  ice.  There  was  there 
fore  no  chance  left,  but  to  force  her  out,  or  grind  and  thump  the  ship  to 
pieces  in  the  attempt. 

"  Aided  by  a  kind  Providence,  we  reached  an  open  space  on  the  mor 
ning  of  the  25th,  after  having  beat  off  the  gripe  of  the  ship,  (fee.;  and 
at  meridian  the  carpenters  had  so  far  secured  our  rudder  that  it  was 
again  shipped,  in  the  two  remaining  braces  left  on  the  stern-post.  We 
were  yet  surrounded  by  ice  and  icebergs,  in  a  bay  some  thirty  miles  in 
extent,  from  which  no  outlet  could  be  seen  from  the  mast-head.  At  mid 
night,  however,  we  found  a  passage,  about  half  a  mile  in  width,  between 
some  bergs  and  field-ice.1' 

Though  having  gained  the  open  sea  in  safety,  the  ship  was  so  dam 
aged,  as  to  require  the  commander,  in  the  exercise  of  common  prudence, 
to  steer  directly  for  Sidney.  On  examination  for  repairs,  it  was  found 
that  the  action  of  the  ice  had  ground  the  stem  off  to  within  an  inch  and 
n,  half  of  the  wood  ends  of  the  planking;  thus  revealing  the  very  narrow 
escape  that  had  been  effected. 

The  Vincennes,  in  the  persevering  efforts  of  her  commander  to  reach 
and  examine  the  land,  also  became  repeatedly  involved  in  the  wide  fields 
of  floating  ice.  Gales  were  encountered  in  such  situations,  which  drove 
the  ship  along  the  borders  of  the  huge  moving  masses,  with  a  velocity 
which  would  have  caused  instant  destruction,  had  not  the  management 
been  both  skillful  and  fortunate.  The  Porpoise  also  encountered  the  same 
difficulties,  which  must  ever  characterize  polar  navigation,  but  was  able 
successfully  to  carry  out  her  instructions,  and  pushed  on  as  far  as  longi 
tude  100°  E.,  and  latitude  64°  15'  S.,  from  which  point  she  also  com 
menced  her  return.  During  the  cruise  along  this  lonely  coast,  her  com 
mander  reports  a  most  surprising  instance  of  national  envy  and  jealousy. 
On  the  30th  of  January  two  vessels  were  discovered,  which  proved  to  be 
French  discovery  ships  under  Captain  D'Urville.  Lieut.  Com.  Ringgold 
says:  "Desirous  of  speaking,  and  exchanging  the  usual  and  customary 
compliments  incident  to  naval  life,  I  closed  with  them,  designing  to  pass 
within  hail,  under  the  flag-ship's  stern.  When  within  short  musket-shot, 
my  intentions  too  evident  to  excite  a  doubt,  so  far  from  a  reciprocity  being 
evinced,  I  saw,  with  surprise,  sail  made  on  board  the  flag-ship.  With 
out  a  moment's  delay,  I  hauled  down  my  colors,  and  bore  up  on  my 
course." 

The  Vincennes  penetrated  as  far  as  longitude  97°  E.;  the  weather  then 
evincing  that  the'  short  and  doubtful  reign  of  the  Antarctic  summer  \vas 
over,  she  finally  turned  away  from  the  cheerless  coast, 

The  results  of  this  cruise  are  certainly  honorable  to  the  skill,  vigilance, 
enterprise,  and  prudence  of  the  officers,  and  to  the  cheerful  endurance 
and  prompt  obedience  of  the  crews,  of  all  the  vessels.  The  reputation 
of  the  American  navy  was  augmented  by  this,  the  first  attempt  in  a  new 
field  of  effort,  in  which  a  weighty  responsibility  was  met  by  a  vigorous 


1840.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  45 

exercise  of  those  moral  qualities,  which  had  been  developed  by  previous 
more  appropriate  trials. 

The  squadron  found  constant  occupation  during  the  ensuing  summer 
in  surveying  and  exploring  duties,  amid  the  numerous  islands  of  the 
Southern  Archipelago.  New  Zealand,  the  Friendly  Islands,  and  the 
Fejee  Group  were  visited  for  these  purposes.  The  extent  of  labor  per 
formed  may  be  estimated  when  the  commander  states,  that  one  hundred 
and  fifty-four  islands,  and  fifty  detatched  reefs  were  surveyed,  and  besides 
this,  numerous  harbors  were  surveyed  and  sounded.  Nor  was  there  any 
want  of  effort  and  success  in  gaining  useful  information  of  all  kinds  re 
lating  to  commerce,  in  enlarging  the  collections  illustrating  the  various 
branches  of  natural  science,  and  in  obtaining  full  acquaintance  with  the 
character,  the  manners,  the  modes  of  life,  and  the  moral  condition  of  the 
inhabitants,  thus  making  a  valuable  contribution  to  the  science  of 
Ethnology. 

Though  prosecuting  a  work  of  peace,  and  especially  desirous  of  estab 
lishing  permanent  relations  of  amity  with  the  barbarous  tribes  of  the 
Pacific,  in  order  to  the  greater  security  of  commerce,  still,  during  its  stay 
in  the  Fejee  Group,  the  expedition  was  under  the  necessity  of  twice  put 
ting  in  exercise  its  military  power.  In  July  a  surveying  party,  under 
Lieutenant  Perry  in  a  launch  and  Mr.  Knox  in  a  first  cutter,  ran  into 
Sualib  bay  for  shelter  during  a  storm.  In  endeavoring  to  beat  out  again 
the  cutter  ran  on  a  reef  at  low  tide,  and  it  was  found  impossible  to  ge>t 
her  off.  The  natives  in  great  numbers  and  well  armed,  soon  collected 
near,  and  commenced  a  serious  attack.  The  ammunition  in  the  cutter 
being  all  wet,  and  the  launch  being  unable  to  render  any  effective  assist 
ance  in  repelling  the  savages,  the  crew  abandoned  the  boat,  and  went  on 
board  the  launch.  On  the  12th  the  launch  rejoined  the  Vincennes  and 
Peacock.  Immediately  the  schooner  and  eight  boats  from  the  ships, 
with  an  extra  complement  of  men,  under  the  immediate  command  of 
Lieutenants  Wilkes  and  Hudson,  proceeded  to  inflict  merited  punishment 
upon  the  natives.  They  entered  the  bay  and  cautiously  marched  to  the 
principal  village,  meeting  with  no  resistance,  though  the  inhabitants  of 
this  island  were  unusually  well  supplied  with  fire-arms,  and  had  the  ad 
vantage  of  a  good  position,  from  which  they  might  have  inflicted  con 
siderable  injury  on  the  Americans.  The  town,  consisting  of  about  sixty 
Blender  huts,  was  burned,  and  the  savages  were  taught  a  salutary  lesson, 
without  the  loss  of  any  lives.  The  cutter  was  recovered,  but  property 
in  it,  to  the  value  of  a  thousand  dollars,  was  stolen. 

A  tragical  affair  occurred  during  the  latter  part  of  July,  at  Malolo,  an 
island  of  the  same  group.  Lieut.  Underwood  with  a  party  landed  on 
this  island,  during  a  survey  carried  on  in  two  of  the  boats  of  the  squad 
ron,  under  the  command  of  Lieut.  Alden,  for  the  purpose  of  ascending 
a  height  to  look  for  the  Porpoise.  He  was  soon  recalled,  in  consequence 
of  some  suspicious  movements  among  the  natives,  bringing  with  him  a 
young  native,  who  was  retained  as  a  hostage.  The  next  morning  the 
same  officer  landed  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  provisions.  The  natives 
for  some  reason  manifested  considerable  reluctance  to  trading,  and  Lieut. 
Underwood  and  party  remained  some  length  of  time  on  shore  in  unsuc 
cessful  attempts  at  negotiation,  In  the  mean  time  Midshipman  Henry 


46  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1840. 

desired,  and  was  allowed  to  join  those  on  shore.  The  natives  now  began 
to  collect  in  greater  numbers,  and  evidently  were  not  in  a  friendly  mood. 

The  symptoms  of  an  attack  became  so  manifest,  that  Lieut.  Under 
wood  called  his  party  together  and  ordered  a  retreat  to  the  boat.  At 
the  same  time  the  hostage  suddenly  jumped  out  of  Lieut.  Alden's  boat 
and  commenced  running  toward  the  shore.  A  midshipman  fired  over 
his  head,  but  this  did  not  stop  his  escape.  The  report  of  fire-arms  was 
heard  on  shore,  and  it  became  evident  to  those  in  the  boats  that  their 
companions  were  engaged  in  a  serious  conflict  with  an  overpowering 
number  of  savages.  They  pushed  for  the  land,  and  as  soon  as  their  fire 
arms  bore  effectively,  the  savages  disappeared  in  a  hasty  retreat.  But 
the  murderous  deed  had  been  consummated.  On  landing  they  found 
one  seaman  badly  wounded,  and  Lieut.  Underwood  and  Midshipman 
Henry  lying  prostrate  near  the  beach.  The  officers  in  a  few  moments 
expired  in  the  arms  of  their  friends;  and  their  bodies,  rescued  from  the 
revolting  horrors  of  cannibalism,  were  sadly  borne  off  to  the  Flying  Fish, 
which  was  a  few  miles  distant.  They  were  interred  on  one  of  the  small 
sand  islands  in  the  vicinity,  and  all  possible  precautions  adopted  to  save 
their  graves  from  being  violated  by  the  savages. 

This  unprovoked  massacre  called  for  stern  retribution ;  and  the  pun 
ishment  was  inflicted  with  certainly  adequate  severity.  Lieutenant  Com. 
Wilkes  was  himself  at  this  time  on  board  the  Flying  Fish,  and  the  brig 
Porpoise  was  also  now  in  company.  There  were  two  towns,  Sualib  and 
Arro,  situated  upon  opposite  sides  of  the  island.  The  party  which  was 
to  attack  and  destroy  these,  consisted  of  seventy  officers  and  men,  and 
was  placed  under  the  orders  of  Lieutenant  Commandant  Ringgold.  The 
party  in  the  boats,  intended  to  cut  oif  escape  from  the  island  and  to  co 
operate  with  the  former  party,  was  led  by  Lieutenant  Com.  Wilkes. 

The  first  party  landed  without  opposition  on  the  south-east  point  of 
the  island,  destoyed  the  plantations  in  their  course,  and  crossing  over  the 
high  land,  came  in  sight  of  Sualib,  situated  on  the  southern  shore.  Here 
it  was  found  that  the  natives  were  mostly  assembled  with  the  intention 
of  defending  themselves  by  all  means  possible  to  them ;  and  their  prep 
arations  and  position  were  not  to  be  despised,  even  by  disciplined  troops. 
They  evidently  expected  some  punishment  for  the  bloody  deed,  and  had 
retreated  to  their  stronghold.  The  village  was  surrounded  entirely  by  a 
strong  stockade  of  cocoa-nut  trees,  placed  a  few  feet  apart,  and  filled  be 
tween  with  exceedingly  close  and  substantial  wicker-work.  On  the 
outside  of  this  was  a  wide  ditch,  filled  with  water;  and  on  the  inside  a 
dry  ditch,  in  which  the  defenders  were  quite  safely  intrenched,  while 
they  shot  through  the  loopholes  in  the  palisade.  The  savages  were  very 
confident  in  the  impregnability  of  their  fortress,  for  they  received  the 
advancing  Americans  with  shouts  and  expressions  of  defiance.  They 
possessed  quite  a  number  of  muskets,  as  well  as  their  ordinary  weapons. 
Almost  the  entire  population  were  within  the  inclosure,  and  the  women 
and  children  were  as  defiant  and  active  in  defence  as  the  men.  Knowing 
that  an  assault  must  be  attended  with  some  loss,  even  though  conducted 
against  undisciplined  troops,  the  commander  wisely  attacked  from  such  a 
distance  as  his  means  would  permit.  A  sharp  contest  of  about  fifteen 
minutes  was  maintained,  during  which  a  chief  and  six  of  the  savages 


1840.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  47 

were  killed,  and  the  houses  within  were  fired  by  a  rocket.  The  natives, 
convinced  of  the  superiority  of  their  assailants,  and  terrified  at  a  confla 
gration  among  their  bamboo  huts,  which  they  could  not  extinguish,  began 
to  escape  through  a  gate,  leading  toward  the  sea,  in  the  utmost  conster 
nation  and  confusion.  They  were  allowed  to  retreat  without  further 
attack.  A  few  of  the  Americans  were  wounded,  but  only  one  severely. 
The  town  was  entirely  consumed. 

The  party  now  marched  northward  across  the  island  to  cooperate  with 
the  boat  party  against  Arro.  The  latter  reached  Arro  first,  and  without 
resistance  set  fire  to  and  destroyed  it.  While  these  operations  were  going 
on,  Lieutenant  Emmons  chased  five  canoes,  containing  about  forty  native 
warriors.  When  overtaken  they  offered  fight  and  made  a  resolute  resist 
ance.  But  four  of  them  were  finally  captured,  the  other  escaping.  The 
next  day  the  whole  force  from  the  vessels  assembled  on  a  hill,  and  received 
a  large  part  of  the  population  of  the  island,  who  came  to  sue  for  pardon 
in  the  most  beseeching  and  abject  manner,  thus  acknowledging,  according 
to  their  own  form  and  custom,  that  they  were  conquered,  and  were  justly 
punished  for  their  murder  of  the  officers. 

On  this  part  of  his  conduct,  Lieutenant  Com.  Wilkes,  in  his  narrative, 
makes  the  following  remarks,  which  are  entitled  to  careful  and  candid 
consideration:  "The  punishment  inflicted  on  the  natives  was  no  doubt 
severe:  but  I  cannot  view  it  as  unmerited,  and  the  extent  to  which  it  was 
carried  was  neither  dictated  by  cruelty  nor  revenge,  I  thought  that 
they  had  been  long  enough  allowed  to  kill  and  eat  with  impunity,  every 
defenceless  white  that  fell  into  their  hands,  either  by  accident  or  misfor 
tune,  and  that  it  was  quite  time,  as  their  intercourse  with  our  countrymen 
on  their  adventurous  voyages  was  becoming  more  frequent,  to  make  the 
latter  more  secure.  I  desired  to  teach  the  savages  that  it  was  not  weakness 
or  fear  that  had  thus  far  stayed  our  hands;  I  was  aware,  too,  that  they 
had  ridiculed  and  misunderstood  the  lenity,  with  which  they  had  hereto 
fore  been  treated  by  both  the  French  and  English  men-of-war." 

On  the  llth  of  August,  the  expedition  left  the  Fejee  Islands,  on  its 
way  to  the  Sandwich  Islands,  where  it  now  became  necessary  to  seek  the 
supplies,  which  had  been  left  by  the  store-ship  Relief,  the  crew  having 
been  already  on  short  allowance  for  some  time.  The  vessels  pursued 
separate  courses,  in  order  that  more  islands  might  be  examined  on  the 
way,  and  the  existence  of  some  doubtful  ones  be  determined.  In  October 
the  vessels  were  again  reunited  at  Honolulu,  island  of  Oahu.  As  the 
time  for  which  the  crews  had  enlisted  was  nearly  expired,  and  the  expe 
dition  in  order  to  accomplish  all  its  objects  must  be  absent  from  home 
longer  than  was  originally  intended,  it  became  necessary  to  enter  into 
new  arrangements  with  the  men.  The  most  of  them  re-entered  the 
service,  and  the  places  of  the  few  who  preferred  returning  home,  were 
supplied  by  natives,  under  the  sanction  of  the  governor. 

The  year  now  drawing  to  its  close,  it  was  deemed  useless  to  undertake 
the  exploration  of  the  north-west  coast  of  America,  which  was  a  part  of 
the  service  ordered,  until  the  ensuing  spring.  We  therefore  find  the 
vessels  employed  during  the  winter  in  surveys  of  various  groups  of  islands, 
of  importance  as  lying  in  the  track  of  the  whalers,  as  far  south  as  the 
Society  Islands,  and  westward  to  the  Kingsmill  Group;  while  the 


48  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1841. 

commander  with  the  Vincennes  and  accompanied  bj  the  scientific  corps 
made  extensive  tours  around  and  through  the  Sandwich  Islands. 

These  latter  islands  deserved  special  notice  at  the  hands  of  an  Ameri 
can  expedition,  because  they  constitute  the  most  natural  and  valuable 
stopping  place  for  American  shipping  in  the  Pacific,  and  because  a  moral 
bond  unites  them  most  happily  with  the  Western  Republic,  as  the  origin 
of  a  philanthropy  and  a  Christian  benevolence,  whence  have  arisen,  by 
the  blessing  of  God,  their  incipient  civilization,  their  recognized  national 
independence,  and  their  wondrous  religious  development.  In  prosecuting 
these  researches,  Lieutenant  Com.  Wilkes,  with  a  party  of  officers  and 
men,  accomplished  an  ascent  of  the  noted  volcanic  mountain,  Mauna  Loa, 
on  the  island  of  Hawaii.  On  the  very  summit  of  this  noble  mountain, 
at  an  altitude  of  upward  of  thirteen  thousand  feet,  an  observatory  station 
was  established  especially  with  reference  to  the  motions  of  the  pendulum, 
and  amid  the  barrenness,  the  snow  storms,  and  the  various  discomforts 
of  such  a  height,  and  unusual  fatigues  incident  to  a  rarefied  atmosphere, 
a  series  of  observations  was  continued  through  three  weeks.  But  all 
these  toils  were  amply  compensated  for,  in  the  sublimity  of  the  prospects 
enjoyed,  and  by  an  opportunity  of  examining  the  most  grand  and 
wonderful  volcanic  craters  in  the  world. 

The  Porpoise  having  returned  in  March,  and  been  subjected  to  neces 
sary  repairs,  sailed,  in  company  with  the  Vincennes,  from  the  harbor  of 
Honolulu,  on  the  5th  of  April,  1841.  In  twenty-two  days  these  ves 
sels  were  off  the  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  river ;  but  the  con 
dition  of  the  bar  at  the  time  induced  Lieutenant  Com.  Wilkes  to  proceed 
directly  to  the  north,  to  attend  to  contemplated  surveys  in  the  waters 
adjoining  the  southern  part  of  Vancouver's  Island.  These  surveying 
duties  were  very  thoroughly  performed.  Two  expeditions  were  also  fitted 
out  for  the  interior;  one  of  which  crossed  over  to  the  Columbia  river, 
and  visited  the  stations  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  at  Astoria  and 
Vancouver,  and  the  other  penetrated  through  the  country,  to  a  point 
higher  up  on  the  Columbia.  These  tours  have  added  much  to  the  knowl 
edge  of  a  portion  of  the  extensive  territory  of  Oregon. 

In  the  midst,  of  these  occupations  at  the  north>  the  commander  was 
recalled  to  the  Columbia  river  by  the  news  of  the  unfortunate  loss  of  the 
Peacock,  whose  course,  until  its  abrupt  termination,  we  must  now  trace. 
On  the  2d  of  December,  1840,  accompanied  by  the  tender  Flying  Fish, 
she  left  Oahu.  Her  cruise  extended  through  several  groups  lying  to  the 
south  and  west  of  the  Sandwich  Islands.  Besides  searching  for  uncer 
tain  and  detached  islands,  she  visited  the  Samoan  Islands,  Bowditch 
Island,  Ellice's  and  Kingsmill  Group,  and  by  this  circuitous  route  again 
reaching  Oahu  about  the  middle  of  June,  1841,  she  touched  for  supplies 
and  bore  away  for  Columbia  river.  On  this  cruise  she  sailed  over  nine 
teen  thousand  miles  of  ocean.  At  one  of  the  Samoan  Islands,  Lieut. 
Com.  Hudson  made  a  demand  for  the  surrender  of  a  native  who  had 
murdered  a  white  man.  In  violation  of  the  regulations  assented  to  dur 
ing  a  former  visit  of  the  expedition,  the  chiefs  refused  to  give  him  up,  and 
at  the  same  time  sent  insulting  messages  to  the  Americans,  and  bid  defi 
ance  to  their  military  power.  Hence  it  became  necessary  to  give  another 
of  those  painful  lessons,  which  had  already  been  repeated  twice  at  other 


1841.J  NAYAL  HISTORY.  49 

islands.  Lieut.  Com.  Hudson  brought  the  broadside  of  the  Peacock  to 
bear  upon  the  land,  to  cover  the  party  making  an  attack  in  the  boats. 
After  all  their  bravado  no  natives  were  to  be  found,  and  the  party 
having  landed,  burned  their  towns  without  opposition.  The  usual  in 
formation  respecting  the  condition  and  disposition  of  the  natives  was 
gathered,  the  prospects  for  commerce  were  observed,  and  surveys  calculated 
to  be  of  service  to  mariners  were  made. 

At  Drummond's  Island,  one  of  the  Kingsmill  Group,  a  serious  diffi 
culty  arose  with  the  treacherous  natives,  which  led  again  to  the  exercise 
of  military  force,  and  in  this  case  to  the  loss  of  life.  A  large  party, 
under  Lieut.  Com.  Hudson  himself,  was  on  shore  for  purposes  of  curiosity. 
The  natives  sought  to  separate  and  entice  the  men  in  different  directions. 
They  also  pilfered  loose  articles  about  the  persons  of  the  visitors,  and 
finally  made  actual  hostile  demonstrations.  Wishing  to  avoid  a  collision, 
Lieut.  Com.  Hudson  called  the  men  together  and  took  to  his  boats.  It  was 
now  found  that  one  man  was  missing.  Supposing  that  he  had  been  en 
ticed  away,  and  would  be  brought  back  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  a  liberal 
ransom,  Lieut.  Com.  Hudson  returned  to  his  ship.  The  next  day  nothing 
could  be  learned  respecting  the  missing  seaman,  and  offers  of  ransom  were 
not  regarded.  As  these  islanders  were  more  ferocious  and  less  hospitable 
than  any  previously  visited,  it  was  now  concluded  that  the  man  had  been 
treacherously  murdered.  It  was  determined,  therefore,  to  make  a  strong 
demonstration,  so  as  either  to  ransom  him  if  alive,  or  failing  in  this,  to 
inflict  a  severe  punishment.  Having  waited  another  day,  and  not  a  canoe 
from  this  part  of  the  island  corning  near  the  ship,  Lieut.  Corn.  Hudson 
ordered  the  tender  to  a  position,  where  she  could  cover  the  landing  of  the 
attacking  party.  This  consisted  of  eighty  men  in  seven  boats,  under 
the  command  of  Lieutenant  Walker. 

The  savages,  to  the  number  of  five  hundred  and  upward,  fearlessly 
awaited  their  approach  on  the  beach,  brandishing  their  weapons,  and 
showing  a  determination  to  stand  their  ground.  A  parley,  with  a  re 
newed  offer  of  ransom,  was  unavailing.  A  few  shots  were  then  fired, 
bringing  down  some  of  the  chiefs,  and  a  rocket  was  discharged  into  the 
crowd.  The  latter  weapon  caused  some  temporary  confusion,  but  they 
soon  rallied  and  showed  a  determination  to  offer  a  serious  resistance, 
being  evidently  naturally  warlike,  and  also  over  confident  in  their  num 
bers.  The  order  was  therefore  given  for  a  general  discharge  of  musketry. 
This  produced  the  desired  effect,  for  they  retreated,  though  somewhat 
reluctantly,  and  left  the  beach  open  to  the  landing  of  the  troops.  The 
council-house  and  town  were  soon  reduced  to  ashes,  and  the  party  re- 
embarked  without  any  loss.  Twelve  of  the  natives  were  killed,  and 
about  three  hundred  houses  burnt,  with  all  the  property  in  them,  which 
the  inhabitants,  over  sanguine  of  victory,  had  not  removed. 

Lieut.  Com.  Hudson,  finding  that  all  the  objects  of  his  cruise  could 
not  be  accomplished  in  the  time  at  his  disposal,  was  unable  to  proceed 
further  to  the  westward,  as  he  had  intended,  but  was  obliged  to  shape 
his  course  toward  the  coast  of  Oregon,  in  order  to  cooperate  in  the  sur 
veys  of  that  region.  On  the  18th  of  July  he  attempted  the  difficult 
task  of  entering  the  Columbia  river.  The  mouth  of  this  great  river  on 
the  western  slope  of  our  continent,  is  noted  for  the  difficulties  it  presents 


50  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1841. 

to  the  navigator.  The  distance  between  the  headlands  is  several  miles, 
making  it  well-nigh  impossible  to  indicate  any  exact  bearings;  an  exten 
sive  bar  stretches  across  the  entrance,  on  which  the  mighty  swell  of  the 
Pacific  is  constantly  breaking,  and  over  which  tides  and  cross-tides  rush 
with  unusual  strength  and  velocity;  and  at  the  time  the  Peacock  en 
deavored  to  enter,  there  were  no  pilots  worthy  of  the  name.  Lieut. 
Com.  Hudson  was  furnished  with  the  best  sailing  directions  which  could 
be  obtained,  and  himself  undertook  to  pilot  his  vessel  in.  Steering  for 
the  point  where  the  water  appeared  smooth,  the  ship  proceeded  for  a  few 
minutes,  when  she  struck  on  the  bar.  Every  effort  was  directly  made 
to  work  her  offj  but  the  sea  kept  driving  her  farther  on.  The  wind  now 
rose,  and  the  tide  began  to  ebb,  thus  producing  a  sea,  in  which  no  boat 
could  live,  and  which  threatened  soon  to  thump  the  ship  to  pieces  on  the 
bar.  It  became  necessary  to  work  the  pumps,  the  vessel  beginning  to 
leak  badly.  During  the  night  the  sea  made  complete  breaches  over  her, 
keeping  her  deck  constantly  flooded.  In  the  morning,  however,  it  went 
down  somewhat,  so  as  to  admit  of  hoisting  out  the  boats,  which  now 
began  to  cany  the  crew,  and  a  few  of  the  valuables  ashore.  They  made 
two  trips  during  the  morning,  and  landed  all  but  Lieut.  Com.  Hudson 
and  Lieut.  Walker  and  some  thirty  men.  By  noon  the  sea  rose  again, 
so  as  to  render  it  impossible  for  the  boats  to  reach  the  ship.  In  making 
this  attempt  one  of  them  was  turned  over  end  for  end,  and  the  crew 
rescued  only  through  the  nearness  of  the  other  boats.  Perceiving  this, 
Lieut.  Com.  Hudson  made  signal  for  the  boats  to  return  to  the  shore. 

The  ship  was  now  a  thorough  wreck;  her  masts  cut  away,  the  water 
up  to  her  berth-deck,  and  the  sea  beating  upon  the  helpless  hull  with 
blows  that  told  of  a  speedy  ruin.  At  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the 
officers  in  charge  of  the  boats  were  able  to  get  them  alongside  the  ship, 
when  Lieut.  Com.  Hudson  and  his  remaining  companions  were  borne 
joyfully  to  the  shore.  In  the  morning  no  more  could  be  seen  of  the 
Peacock,  which  had  survived  so  many  perils  amid  polar  ice-fields  and 
tropical  reefs.  The  crew,  of  course,  were  landed  in  a  very  destitute  con 
dition.  They  moved  up  to  Astoria  and  encamped,  where  the  stores  for 
the  squadron  had  been  deposited  in  advance,  which  furnished  them  with 
food;  while,  through  the  kindness  of  the  agent  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company,  they  were  provided  with  clothing. 

The  loss  of  so  important  a  vessel  necessarily  compelled  some  changes 
in  plans.  An  American  brig,  at  the  time  in  the  river,  was  purchased  on 
favorable  terms,  and  taken  into  the  service  under  the  name  of  the  Oregon. 
This  accommodated  a  portion  of  the  crew  of  the  Peacock,  while  the  rest 
were  distributed  among  the  other  vessels.  The  Vincennes  was  sent  to 
San  Francisco,  to  survey  that  harbor,  and  the  river  Sacramento.  A 
party  was  also  dispatched  over  land,  to  proceed  down  the  same  river  and 
rejoin  at  San  Francisco.  Lieutenant  Com.  Wilkes  transferred  his  flag  to 
the  Porpoise,  which,  with  the  Oregon,  engaged  in  the  survey  of  the 
Columbia  as  far  as  navigable.  This  survey  being  accomplished,  the 
vessels  were  again  reunited  in  the  spacious  harbor  of  San  Francisco.  In 
the  mean  time  the  boats  of  the  Vincennes  had  sailed  up  the  Sacramento, 
visiting  points,  which  have  since,  through  the  new  element  introduced 
into  the  history  of  California,  become  so  familiar  to  American  ears.  Tho 


1842.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  51 

party  which  undertook  the  land  journey  from  Oregon,  was  conducted 
with  great  skill  and  courage  by  Lieutenant  Emmons,  over  a  difficult 
route  and  through  hostile  tribes  of  Indians.  This  hostility  was  particu 
larly  unfortunate,  as  it  obliged  the  party  to  keep  more  closely  together, 
thus  preventing  those  excursions  which  would  have  furnished  a  more 
extensive  knowledge  of  the  country  and  of  the  condition  and  numbers 
of  the  inhabitants. 

On  the  21st  of  November  the  expedition  sailed  from  San  Francisco. 
Its  route  now  led  it  again  across  the  Pacific ;  the  1  jss  of  the  Peacock 
requiring  a  stop  at  the  Sandwich  Islands  for  supplies.  The  instructions 
allowed  a  visit  to  Japan ;  but  so  much  time  had  already  elapsed,  it  was 
found  impossible  to  accomplish  it.  On  leaving  Oahu,  the  Porpoise  and 
Oregon  sailed  in  the  direction  of  the  coast  of  Japan,  with  the  purpose 
of  examining  such  islands  and  reefs  as  lay  in  their  course.  The  Vin 
cennes  and  the  tender  kept  to  the  southward  of  the  course  of  the  former 
vessels,  still  in  the  general  westerly  direction,  passing  through  the  Ladrones 
Islands,  and  giving  particular  attention  to  the  settlement  of  some  doubtful 
positions  of  islands  and  reefs.  The  existence  of  several  of  these  was 
found  to  be  imaginary.  On  the  12th  of  January,  1842,  the  latter  vessels 
anchored  in  the  bay  of  Manilla.  Thence  they  sailed  into  and  through 
the  Sooloo  Sea,  making  a  careful  and  accurate  survey  of  it,  which  was 
greatly  needed,  the  existing  charts  being  incorrect  in  the  extreme. 
Another  good  service  was  accomplished  here  in  securing  a  treaty  between 
the  Sultan  of  Sooloo  and  the  United  States,  by  which  the  former  engaged 
to  afford  full  protection  to  the  commercial  vessels  of  the  latter,  and  all 
privileges  granted  to  the  most  favored  nations,  and  also  to  afford  aid  to 
the  shipwrecked  vessels  of  any  nations.  This  arrangement  was  effected 
with  a  noted  piratical  power. 

Lieut.  Com.  Kinggold  in  the  Porpoise,  and  Lieut.  Com.  Carr  in  the 
Oregon,  kept  to  the  westward  and  northward,  after  leaving  the  Sandwich 
Islands;  but  meeting  with  unfavorable  weather,  they  could  not  proceed 
to  the  coast  of  Japan,  and  therefore  turned  to  the  south,  and  ran  on 
nearly  the  same  track  as  the  Vincennes.  In  February  the  squadron 
again  met  at  Singapore,  where  at  the  same  time  were  the  United  States 
frigate  Constellation,  and  sloop  of  war  Boston.  The  Flying  Fish  was 
sold  at  Singapore;  it  not  being  deemed,  safe  to  undertake  the  voyage 
home  in  her.  On  the  26th  of  February  the  remaining  vessels  got 
under  way  for  their  homeward  voyage;  the  Porpoise  and  the  Oregon 
sailing  in  company  and  stopping  at  St.  Helena  and  Rio  de  Janeiro; 
the  Vincennes  alone  making  short  visits  at  Cape  Town  and  St.  Helena. 
During  the  month  of  June,  1842,  they  all  arrived  at  New  York,  and 
safely  terminated  their  long  cruise. 

The  results  of  the  expedition,  as  constituting  valuable  additions  to  the 
departments  of  knowledge  embraced  in  its  plan  and  purpose,  cannot  be 
questioned.  The  opportunity  for  discovery  of  a  brilliant  character  is  not 
in  this  age  furnished  to  any  navigator.  But  in  the  grand  work  for  the 
substantial  improvement  of  the  condition  of  mankind  in  the  way  of  pro 
moting  peaceful  intercourse  and  in  rendering  such  intercourse  more  safe 
and  expeditious,  the  American  exploring  squadron  has  done  good  service. 
The  character  of  the  results  in  a  commercial  aspect  may  be  gathered 


52  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1842. 

somewhat  from  the  imperfect  account  which  has  been  given ;  while  a  just 
idea  of  the  amount  of  information  collected  in  relation  to  the  various 
countries  visited,  can  only  be  gained  by  a  perusal  of  the  full  and  official 
account. 

The  scientific  corps  were  on  all  occasions  diligent  and  enthusiastic,  and 
their  labors  are  attested  by  the  large  collections  which  they  have  made, 
illustrating  the  natural  sciences,  and  by  the  observations  and  examinations 
on  all  subjects  intrusted  to  them,  which  they  have  patiently  accomplished. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  year  1842,  a  tragical  and  most  unhappy  occur 
rence  took  place  on  board  a  vessel  of  the  American  navy,  which,  for  various 
reasons,  produced  at  the  time  a  profound  sensation  throughout  the  coun 
try.  The  United  States  brig  Somers,  Commander  Mackenzie,  sailed  from 
New  York  on  the  13th  of  September,  with  dispatches  for  the  squadron 
on  the  coast  of  Africa.  She  left  Cape  Mesurado  on  the  10th  of  Novem 
ber,  on  her  homeward  voyage,  standing  across  to  the  Leeward  Islands,  so 
as  to  touch  at  St.  Thomas  on  her  return  to  our  own  coast.  Some  days 
before  reaching  the  latter  island,  on  the  26th  of  November,  a  midshipman 
was  arrested  on  the  charge  of  intended  mutiny.  The  events  which  led 
to  this  arrest  were  affirmed  to  be  as  follows :  On  the  preceding  evening, 
this  midshipman  disclosed  to  the  purser's  steward,  the  particulars  of  a  plan 
which  he  had  formed  for  seizing  the  brig,  and  converting  her  into  a 
pirate.  He  conveyed  to  the  mind  of  his  confidant  the  conviction  of  his 
seriousness  respecting  such  plan,  exacted  from  him  an  oath  of  secrecy,  and 
informed  him  that  about  twenty  of  the  crew  were  already  engaged  in  the 
project.  The  conversation  was  continued  for  some  time,  and  during  it, 
a  seaman  took  part  in  it,  evincing  that  he  was  one  of  those  already  en 
listed  in  the  enterprise.  The  next  day  the  particulars  of  this  plot  were 
conveyed  by  the  purser's  steward  to  the  first  lieutenant,  and  by  him  were 
laid  before  Commander  Mackenzie. 

After  his  arrest  the  suspected  midshipman  was  ironed,  and  placed  on 
the  quarter-deck,  under  charge  of  an  officer.  The  officers  assert  that 
symptoms  of  discontent  and  insubordination  now  began  to  be  manifested 
by  the  crew  —  that  they  collected  in  knots  upon  the  deck,  engaging  in 
conversation,  casting  frequent  glances  toward  the  quarter-deck,  and  sepa 
rating  on  the  approach  of  an  officer.  On  the  27th,  the  main-top-gallant- 
mast  was  carried  away,  in  executing  an  order.  This  injury  to  the  vessel 
the  commander  supposed  to  have  been  done  by  design  on  the  part  of  the 
mutineers,  that  in  the  confusion  they  might  effect  the  rescue  of  their 
leader,  and  carry  out  their  plan  of  seizing  the  vessel.  No  such  attempt, 
however,  was  made.  The  new  mast  was  rigged,  and  all  the  damage  was 
repaired  before  night.  This  done,  the  suspicions  of  the  officers  as  to  the 
fidelity  of  the  crew  being  greatly  increased,  two  more  arrests  wore  made. 
The  persons  arrested  were  the  boatswain's  mate,  doing  duty  as  boatswain 
in  the  brig,  and  the  seaman  mentioned  before  as  an  accomplice.  Theso 
men  were  also  heavily  ironed,  and  placed  upon  the  quarter-deck. 

The  officers  were  now  all  armed,  and  were  required  to  be  increasingly 
vigilant  in  watching  the  prisoners  and  the  crew.  Still  were  the  officers 
entirely  uncertain  as  to  the  extent  of  the  mutiny  and  the  general  dispo 
sition  of  the  men.  They  were  of  opinion  that  others  were  at  large -who 
should  be  confined;  but  as  the  vessel  was  destitute  of  marines,  they 


1842.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  53 

considered  themselves  inadequate  to  the  guarding  of  many  prisoners. 
The  28th  and  29th  passed  with  no  very  marked  events,  the  men  doing 
duty,  though,  as  the  officers  thought,  with  manifest  reluctance  and  dis 
content  on  the  part  of  some.  Yet  there  was  no  overt  act  of  mutiny,  and 
no  attempt  at  a  rescue  of  the  prisoners.  Certain  papers  were  found  in 
the  possession  of  the  midshipman  at  the  time  of  his  arrest,  which  con 
tained  in  Greek  characters  the  names  of  individuals  who,  he  had  pre 
tended,  were  certain  to  join  the  enterprise;  of  some  who  were  doubtful 
and  likely  to  take  part  or  acquiesce  in  it;  and  of  others  to  be  retained 
as  necessary,  even  against  their  wills.  Several  of  these  were  constantly 
watched,  and  some  of  them  were  supposed  to  evince  suspicious  signs. 
Attempts  at  communication  between  the  prisoners,  who  were  still  kept 
under  the  eye  of  officers  on  the  quarter-deck,  and  the  crew,  were  also 
observed.  The  commander  therefore  felt  constrained,  on  the  30th,  to 
make  more  arrests,  so  that  the  prisoners  now  amounted  to  seven. 

In  the  mean  time,  early  on  the  morning  of  the  30th,  the  commander 
addressed  a  communication  to  his  officers,  asking  for  their  opinion  as  to 
the  disposition  to  be  made  of  the  three  men  first  arrested,  whom  he  con 
sidered  the  main  conspirators.  A  council  of  officers  therefore  assembled 
in  the  wardroom,  composed  of  the  only  lieutenant  on  board,  the  surgeon, 
the  purser,  the  acting  master  who  was  a  passed-midshipman,  and  three 
midshipmen.  Three  younger  acting  midshipmen  were  not  included  in 
the  council,  but  during  its  sitting,  had  charge  of  the  vessel,  in  company 
with  the  commander.  This  council  examined  several  witnesses,  whose 
statements  and  opinions  were  duly  recorded.  Their  deliberations  did  not 
take  the  form  of  a  trial,  and  cannot  in  any  just  sense  be  called  one,  as 
the  accused  did  not  appear  before  them,  and  were  grafted  no  opportunity 
for  explanation  or  defence.  Indeed,  the  object  of  their  investigation  and 
consultation  was.  to  advise  their  commander,  whether  in  their  opinion  the 
necessity  of  the  case  was  so  extreme  and  urgent,  as  to  require  the  exer 
cise  of  that  arbitrary  power,  which,  without  question,  must  at  times  be 
within  the  discretion  of  military  authority.  That  this  necessity  did  now 
exist  was  the  unanimous  opinion  of  these  officers;  and  this  opinion  they 
reported  to  their  commander  on  the  morning  of  December  ^Lst.  They 
considered  that  in  the  state  of  the  crew,  as  they  viewed  it,  it 'was  impos 
sible,  with  any  good  hope  of  security  to  the  rightful  authority  of  the 
commander,  or  to  the  lives  of  those  loyal  to  the  flag,  to  carry  the  vessel 
into  the  nearest  port  of  the  United  States.  They  also  deemed  it  an  im 
portant  naval  principle,  that  a  ship  of  war  should  not  apply  for  assistance 
in  a  case  like  the  present  to  any  foreign  friendly  power.  In  these  views 
Commander  Mackenzie  coincided.  He  decided  that  it  was  not  his  duty 
to  run  for  the  nearest  friendly  port  in  order  to  obtain  assistance.  His 
desire  to  reach  even  the  island  of  St.  Thomas,  without  resorting  to  the 
stern  law  of  necessity,  was  caused  by  the  hope  that  he  might  there  find 
the  United  States  ship  Vandalia,  and  not  by  the  purpose  to  solicit  the 
interference  of  the  government  of  that  island.  But  in  his  opinion  this 
alternative  was  not  now  left;  the  safety  of  the  vessel  requiring  the  im 
mediate  execution  of  the  three  prominent  mutineers. 

On  the  morning  of  December  1st,  it  was  accordingly  announced  to 
them,  that  they  must  prepare  for  a  speedy  death.  Somewhat  more  than 


54  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1842, 

an  hour  elapsed,  during  which  the  unhappy  men  were  occupied  in  con 
versation  with  the  officers,  and  in  communicating  their  last  wishes  and 
messages  to  their  friends.  The  condemned  midshipman  and  the  seaman 
first  named  as  an  accomplice,  admitted  their  guilt,  and  the  justice  of  their 
punishment;  but  the  boatswain's  mate  died  protesting  his  innocence. 
The  midshipman  also  declared  that  the  latter  was  innocent.  All  hands 
were  called  to  witness  punishment,  and  the  men  were  stationed  at  the 
different  points  where  the  condemned  were  to  be  executed,  while  officers 
stood  over  them  with  drawn  cutlasses,  having  orders  to  cut  down  any 
who  faltered  in  inflicting  the  dreadful  penalty.  When  every  thing  was 
adjusted,  and  partings  had  been  exchanged,  the  commander  gave  the 
order,  the  signal  gun  was  fired,  the  national  colors  were  hoisted,  and 
simultaneously  the  three  condemned  men  were  swinging  at  the  vard-arrn. 
The  commander  then  addressed  the  men,  after  which  they  separated  and 
returned  to  their  respective  duties.  After  night  had  set  in,  the  solemn 
funeral  service  was  read  by  the  light  of  the  battle-lanterns,  and  the 
bodies  were  committed  to  the  sea.  It  need  hardly  be  said,  that  this  ex 
treme  act  of  discipline  had  its  designed  effect.  No  symptoms  of  a  mu 
tinous  or  disaffected  spirit  were  manifested  by  the  crew,  and  the  brig, 
after  touching  at  St.  Thomas,  arrived  at  New  York  on  the  14th  of 
December. 

As  soon  as  the  facts  of  this  most  painful  case  became  known,  it  pro 
duced  a  deep  excitement  in  the  public  mind.  A  court  of  inquiry,  con 
sisting  of  three  senior  captains,  was  convened  in  the  case  on  the  28th  of 
December,  and  sat  until  the  19th  of  January.  The  finding  of  this  court 
was  a  complete  justification  of  Commander  Mackenzie  and  his  officers. 
Notwithstanding  this  decision,  the  former  was  arrested,  and  a  court- 
martial  was  appointed  for  his  trial,  to  meet  at  New  York  on  the  1st  of 
February,  1843.  This  court  sat  for  forty  days,  and  finally  acquitted  him. 
An  attempt  was  also  made,  by  the  friends  of  the  boatswain's  mate,  to 
obtain  in  the  civil  court,  an  indictment  for  murder  against  the  commander 
of  the  vessel.  The  judge,  before  whom  the  question  was  argued,  charged 
the  grand  jury,  that  it  was  not  competent  for  a  civil  tribunal  to  take  up 
the  case  while  it  was  pending  before  a  naval  court.  This  was  while  the 
court  of  inquiry  was  investigating  the  affair.  It  remains  to  be  stated 
that  several  more  arrests,  from  among  the  crew,  were  made  after  the 
vessel  reached  New  York,  but  no  charges  were  ever  preferred  against 
any  of  the  prisoners,  and  they  were  all  dismissed  from  custody  without 
trial. 


1842.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  55 


CHAPTER  V. 

Capture  of  Monterey  by  Com.  Jones— Relations  of  United  States  and  Mexico— Commencement 
of  hostilities — Com.  Sloat's  movements  in  the  Pacific  Com.  Stockton  assumes  the  command 
of  Pacific  squadron — Co-operates  with  Major  Fremont—  Enters  Los  Angelos — Los  Angelos 
retaken  by  the  Mexicans — Com.  Stockton  forms  a  junction  with  Gen.  Keirney — Battles  of  San 
Gabriel  and  Mesa — Recapture  of  Los  Angelos— Coin  Shubrick  assumes  the  command  of  the 
squadron  —  Guaymas,  La  Paz,  and  San  Jose  taken— Capture  of  Mazatlan — Affair  at  Muleje 
and  Guaymas — First  defence  of  San  Jose  by  Lieut.  Heywood — Various  movements  on  the 
coast — Second  siege  and  defence  of  San  Jose — Garrison  relieved  by  Commander  Du  Pont — 
Quiet  restored  in  Lower  California. 

IN  the  year  1842,  Commodore  Thomas  Ap.  C.  Jones  was  in  command 
of  the  United  States  naval  force  in  the  Pacific.  During  the  lattter  part 
of  the  summer  of  that  year,  he  was  lying  in  the  port  of  Callao,  with  the 
flag-ship  United  States  44,  the  sloop  of  war  Cyane  20,  the  sloop  of  war 
Dale  16,  and  the  schooner  Shark  12.  While  at  this  place,  he  received 
a  Mexican  newspaper  containing  a  manifesto  from  the  Mexican  govern 
ment,  respecting  the  relations  between  that  country  and  the  United 
States,  from  which  he  considered  it  probable  that  war  existed  between  the 
two  nations.  In  an  American  newspaper  he  also  found  a  report  to  the 
effect  that  Great  Britain  had  made  purchase  of  California  from  Mexico. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  for  some  time  before  the  Mexican  war,  secret  nego 
tiations  had  been  carried  on  by  British  agents,  having  in  view  the  cession 
of  some  portion  of  Mexican  territory  to  the  latter  power;  Mexico  being, 
it  should  be  remembered,  largely  in  debt  to  British  citizens.  But 
nothing  of  this  kind  was  ever  really  effected.  At  the  same  time  that 
Com.  Jones  had  his  suspicions  awakened  by  these  rumors  of  cession,  there 
happened  to  be  an  English  squadron  of  some  force  concentrated  in  this 
part  of  the  Pacific ;  and  the  Dublin  frigate,  the  flag-ship  of  Rear  Admiral 
Thomas,  had  looked  into  Callao,  and,  after  a  short  stay,  had  suddenly 
departed  in  the  night,  without  giving  any  intimation  of  her  destination, 
but  bound,  it  was  supposed,  to  the  coast  of  North  America. 

The  American  commodore  had  evidently  been  put  upon  the  alert  by 
his  own  government;  the  question  of  the  annexation  of  Texas,  then  in 
agitation,  having  given  unusual  interest  and  prominence  to  Mexican 
affairs,  and,  in  the  event  of  a  war  between  the  two  countries,  it  being 
mainifestly  the  policy^  of  the  United  States  to  seize  upon  California.  It 
seemed  quite  liFely  to  Com.  Jones,  that  the  British  admiral  was  now  in 
tending  to  take  formal  possession  of  the  territory,  supposed  to  have  been 
ceded,  and  he  deemed  it  his  duty  to  forestall  or  resist  him  in  any  such 
plan.  He  consequently  sailed  suddenly  from  Callao  on  the  7th  of  Sep 
tember  with  the  entire  squadron,  standing  out  to  the  westward.  The 
Shark  was  soon  sent  back  to  Callao,  and,  shortly  after,  the  Dale  was 
detached  with  orders  to  proceed  to  Panama  and  land  a  special  messenger 
with  dispatches  for  the  home  government.  Previously,  however,  to  the 
separation  of  the  latter  vessel  from  the  squadron,  a  council  of  officers, 
consisting  of  Captain  Armstrong  of  the  United  States,  Commander 
Stribling  of  the  Cyane,  and  Commander  Dornin  of  the  Dale,  was  called 


56  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1842. 

by  Com.  Jones,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  their  advice  as  to  the  course 
proper  to  be  pursued. 

Their  decision  on  the  main  question  proposed,  was,  that  "in  case  the 
United  States  and  Mexico  are  at  war,  it  would  be  our  bounden  duty  to 
possess  ourselves  of  every  point  and  port  in  California,  which  we  could 
take  and  defend  without  much  embarrassment  to  our  operations  on  the 
ocean,"  and  that  "  we  should  consider  the  military  occupation  of  the 
Californias  by  any  European  power,  but  more  particularly  by  our  great 
commercial  rival,  England,  and  especially  at  this  particular  juncture,  as 
a  measure  so  decidedly  hostile  to  the  true  interest  of  the  United  States, 
as  not  only  to  warrant  our  so  doing,  but  to  make  it  our  duty  to  forestall 
the  design  of  Admiral  Thomas,  if  possible,  by  supplanting  the  Mexican 
flag  by  that  of  the  United  States,  at  Monterey,  San  Francisco,  and  any 
other  tenable  points  within  the  territory  said  to  have  been  recently  ceded 
by  secret  treaty  to  Great  Britain."  The  United  States  and  Cyane  then 
proceeded  to  the  northward,  crowding  all  sail  for  the  coast  of  Mexico. 
While  on  the  way,  Com.  Jones,  in  writing  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy, 
after  alluding  to  the  fact  of  having  received  no  communication  since  his 
sailing  orders  of  nine  months  previous,  says:  "In  all  that  I  may  do,  I 
shall  confine  myself  strictly  to  what  I  may  suppose  would  be  your  views 
and  orders,  had  you  the  means  of  communicating  them  to  me." 

On  the  afternoon  of  October  19th,  the  two  ships  anchored  in  the 
harbor  of  Monterey.  The  Mexican  flag  floated  over  the  town.  There 
was  no  sign  of  British  authority ;  so  that  the  commodore  was  successful 
in  being  beforehand  in  respect  to  the  admiral's  supposed  design.  His 
suspicions  were  so  far  confirmed  by  what  he  heard  and  saw,  however, 
that  he  concluded  to  summon  the  governor  to  surrender.  The  next 
morning  the  articles  of  capitulation  were  signed,  the  Mexican  authorities 
meanwhile  declaring  themselves  ignorant  of  the  existence  of  any  hostili 
ties.  No  opposition  being  offered,  the  capture  was  an  easy  one,  and  the 
American  flag  soon  rose  in  the  place  of  the  Mexican,  over  a  dilapidated 
fortification  mounting  eleven  guns.  A  proclamation  was  also  immediately 
issued  by  Com.  Jones,  designed  to  explain  the  purpose  of  the  American 
commander  in  this  capture,  and  to  reconcile  tEe  inhabitants  to  the  change 
of  their  allegiance. 

The  next  day  Com.  Jones  discovered,  through  late  Mexican  newspapers 
and  commercial  letters  from  Mazatlan,  that  the  facts  were  by  no  means 
wh%t  he  had  supposed ;  that  there  was  no  war,  and  that  there  was  no 
evidence  that  the  idea  of  cession  to  Great  Britain  was  entertained  by  the 
Mexican  government.  He  had,  in  fact,  seized  upon  a  province  of  a 
country,  with  which  his  own  government  was  still  at  peace.  He,  there 
fore,  immediately  completed  the  act  of  retrocession  to  the  original  author 
ities,  with  all  proper  and  customary  marks  of  respect,  and  retired  from 
before  the  place. 

[The  following,  to  page  67,  was  dictated  by  Mr.  Cooper  in  the  summer  of  1851.] 

This  somewhat  precipitate  movement  on  the  part  of  Commodore 
Jones  compelled  a  change  in  the  command,  as  a  species  of  propitiatory 
offering  to  the  Mexicans.  He  was  recalled,  and  Commodore  Sloat  was 
sent  out  as  his  successor.  No  censure,  however,  was  ever  passed  upon 
the  former,  for  his  very  decided  movement,  and  it  is  to  be  supposed,  that 


1846.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  57 

the  vigilance  of  the  officer  was  acceptable  to  the  government  at  home, 
rather  than  otherwise.  In  point  of  fact,  there  were  several  years  during 
which  the  fate  of  California  may  be  said  to  have  been  suspended  in  the 
political  scales.  Should  Texas  be  annexed,  as  was  the  wish  of  her  own 
people,  though  so  strongly  opposed  by  England  and  France,  it  was  almost 
certain  that  a  collision  with  Mexico  must  follow.  The  latter  country  had, 
unfortunately  for  the  cause  of  peace,  been  guilty  of  many  act«  «f  aggres 
sion  to  provoke  hostilities,  and  there  was  only  too  much  ground  for  the 
course  of  policy  subsequently  pursued  by  the  American  government. 
Errors  and  wrongs  there  were,  no  doubt,  committed  by  both  nations;  but 
on  the  whole,  there  is  much  reason  to  think  that  the  United  States  had 
the  best  of  the  argument,  on  purely  national  principles. 

Texas  was  independent  de  facto,  and  she  had  become  so  by  a  marked 
breach  of  faith  on  the  part  of  the  central  government  of  Mexico.  It  is 
true  that  a  belt  of  country,  extending  to  the  northward  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
might  be  deemed  fairly  in  dispute  between  the  two  nations :  a  state  of 
things  that  certainly  gave  to  one  party  as  much  the  right  of  possession 
as  to  the  other.  Whether  the  Nueces,  or  the  Great  River  of  the  North, 
was  to  be  the  dividing  line,  was  a  question  for  diplomacy  to  decide,  unless 
an  appeal  should  be  made  to  arms,  in  which  event,  the  debatable  terri 
tory  would,  as  a  matter  of  course,  follow  the  ordinary  contingencies  of  war. 
Such  a  state  of  things,  with  two  armies  in  close  proximity,  was  not 
likely  to  continue  long.  Collisions  might  be  hourly  expected,  and, 
indeed,  did  soon  occur,  between  small  parties  of  the  contending  forces, 
until  matters  proceeded  so  far  as  to  induce  the  Americans  to  open  a  fire 
upon  the  Mexicans,  in  the  city  of  Matamoras,  opposite  to  which  town 
the  former  had  constructed  a  fort.  This  led  to  an  attempt  to  carry  that 
work  by  rapid  siege,  and  the  crossing  of  a  force  of  several  thousand  men, 
under  the  orders  of  General  Ampudia.  It  was  while  marching  to  the 
relief  of  Fort  Brown,  as  this  post  was  called,  that  the  armies — that  of  the 
Mexicans,  now  under  the  orders  of  General  Arista,  and  that  of  the  Amer 
icans,  under  the  command  of  Brevet  Brigadier-general  Taylor  —  first 
came  fairly  in  contact,  at  a  place  called  Palo  Alto ;  the  disparity  in  force 
was  greatly  in  favor  of  the  Mexicans,  and  the  result  of  this  brilliant  cannon 
ading  showed  the  great  superiority  of  the  American  arms  in  any  thing 
like  a  serious  conflict.  The  more  brilliant  affair  of  Resaca  de  la  Palma, 
succeeded  the  next  day,  and  war  was  shortly  afterward  formally  declared 
by  both  nations,  the  proclamation  of  the  United  States  being  dated  the 
12th  of  May,  1846,  and  that  of  Mexico,  the  23d  of  the  same  month. 

A  declaration  of  war  between  countries  such  as  Mexico  and  the  United 
States,  very  naturally  created  strong  apprehensions  of  what  might  be 
the  effect  on  the  widely  spread  commerce  of  the  latter,  under  a  loose  and 
rapacious  system  of  privateering.  It  was  naturally  expected  that  Mexico 
would  have  recourse  to  such  an  expedient  to  injure  her  adversary,  whose 
shipping  whitened  the  ocean,  while  there  was  scarcely  a  Mexican  flag  to 
be  met  with,  unless  it  might  be  at  the  peak  of  some  insignificant  coaster. 
It  is  understood  that  an  early  attempt  was  made  by  agents  of  the  Mexican 
government,  to  dispose  of  commissions  for  privateers  among  the  seamen 
of  the  islands;  but  the  three  principal  governments  having  colonies  in 
and  about  the  gulf,  had  the  wisdom  and  good  faith  not  to  encourage  such 


58  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1846, 

a  system  of  rapacious  plundering.  The  authorities  of  Cuba  in  particular, 
took  very  firm  ground,  and  effectually  prevented  any  thing  like  a  hostile 
armament  from  quitting  its  jurisdiction.  A  solitary  vessel,  at  a  later 
day,  was  captured  in  the  Mediterranean,  but  was  restored  on  the  demand 
of  the  American  government.  In  a  word,  it  may  as  well  be  said  here, 
that  a  war  which  menaced  so  many  maritime  disasters  to  the  commerce 
of  the  country,  did  not,  in  fact,  produce  one.  And  the  trade  of  the 
United  States  continued  to  pursue  its  customary  objects,  with  nearly  as 
much  confidence  and  security,  as  in  a  time  of  profound  peace.  The 
large  and  well-manned  liners  which  then  carried  on  most  of  the  trade 
between  New  York  and  Europe,  took  in  a  heavy  gun  or  two,  and  relied 
for  the  means  of  defence  on  this  slight  armament,  and  the  number  of 
passengers  that  were  passing  to  and  fro. 

One  of  the  first  measures  of  the  government  was  to  add  several  small 
cruisers  purchased  from  among  the  fast-sailing  schooners  of  the  different 
ports,  temporarily  to  the  service.  These,  equipped  with  a  single  heavy 
gun,  and  additional  armament,  placed  under  the  command  of  old  lieuten 
ants,  were  sent  to  join  the  squadron  of  Commodore  Conner  in  the  gulf. 
Other  vessels  were  added  to  that  officer's  force,  which  was  soon  ample  for 
any  of  the  probable  circumstances  of  a  maritime  war  against  such  an 
enemy.  Vera  Cruz  was  closely  watched,  and  the  American  flag  was 
soon  seen  hovering  around  all  the  little  ports  in  the  gulf,  that  were  then 
under  the  control  of  the  enemy. 

On  the  other  side  of  the  continent,  a  different  state  of  things  existed. 
The  trade  was  so  much  scattered,  and,  as  a  whole,  so  well  prepared  to 
take  care  of  itself,  more  especially  in  the  whalers,  that  little  apprehension 
seems  to  have  been  felt,  at  any  time,  on  the  subject  of  privateers.  The 
delicacy  of  the  relations  between  Mexico  and  certain  European  states, 
in  connection  with  the  two  Californias,  principally  occupied  the  attention 
of  Commodore  Sloat,  the  officer  then  in  command.  It  was  understood 
to  be  the  policy  of  England  to  effect,  through  her  merchants,  in  the 
event  of  hostilities  between  this  country  and  Mexico,  such  a  transfer  of 
these  two  provinces,  as  would  give  them  a  claim  of  a  very  embarrassing 
nature,  in  the  shape  of  security  for  money  lent,  and  to  be  lent. 

Commodore  Sloat  lay  at  Mazatlan,  in  the  Savannah  44,  in  com 
pany  with  different  smaller  vessels,  which  came  and  went  as  circumstances 
required,  closely  watching  the  course  of  events  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
He  had  a  line  of  active  communication  across  the  continent,  by  means 
of  different  mercantile  houses,  and  on  the  7th  of  June,  he  received  through 
that  channel,  the  very  important  information  of  the  result  of  the  battles 
of  Palo  Alto  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma.  Although  without  particular 
instructions  to  njeet  the  especial  emergency,  war  not  having  then  been 
proclaimed  by  either  party,  this  officer  came  to  a  prompt  and  wise  deter 
mination.  *'  If,"  said  he,  "  the  Mexicans  have  been  the  assailants  in  these 
battles,  it  is  my  duty  to  employ  the  naval  force  under  my  orders,  in  di 
verting  their  efforts,  and  in  retaliating  for  these  hostilities;  and  if  on  the 
other  hand,  the  hostile  movement  has  come  from  our  own  side,  the  duty 
of  every  officer,  in  separate  command,  to  sustain  such  a  movement,  is 
so  obvious  as  to  require  no  vindication."  He  sailed  on  the  8th  for 
the  northward,  leaving  the  Warren  at  Mazatlan,  to  wait  for  further 


1846.]  NAVAL  HISTORY. 


intelligence.  The  Savannah  reached  Monterey  on  the  2d  of  July.  Hero 
the  Commodore  found  the  Cyane  and  Levant,  and  ascertained  that  the 
Portsmouth  was  at  San  Francisco.  The  place  was  summoned  on  the 
morning  of  the  7th,  but  the  officer  in  command  referred  to  the  com 
manding  general  of  California  for  the  answer. 

The  previous  arrangements  having  been  made,  a  party  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty  seamen  and  marines  landed  under  the  immediate  command 
of  Capt.  Wm.  Mervine.  This  force  raised  the  standard  of  the  United' 
States,  under  a  salute  of  twenty-one  guns.  At  the  same  time  a  procla 
mation  announcing  the  transfer  of  flag  was  published  in  both  Spanish 
and  English.  Orders  were  sent  to  Commander  Montgomery  of  the 
Portsmouth,  to  take  possession  also  of  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco,  which 
was  done  on  the  9th.  Commodore  Sloat  took  the  other  necessary 
measures  to  secure  his  bloodless  conquest,  and  to  preserve  order  in  the 
country. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  15th  of  July,  the  Congress  arrived  from 
Valparaiso,  by  way  of  the  Sandwich  Islands,  and  Commodore  Stockton 
reported  himself  for  duty  to  his  senior  officer.  On  the  16th,  Sir  George 
F.  Seymour,  British  admiral  commanding  in  the  Pacific,  arrived  in  the 
Collingwood  80;  the  civilities  of  the  port  were  tendered  to  him  by 
Commodore  Sloat,  in  the  usual  manner;  he  was  supplied  with  some 
spare  spars,  and  on  the  23d,  sailed  for  the  Sandwich  Islands. 

The  appearance  of  the  English  commander-in-chief,  his  pacific  relations 
with  the  Americans,  and  his  early  departure,  had  the  effect  to  destroy  all 
hope  among  the  Californians,  of  assistance  from  that  quarter. 

On  the  29th  of  July,  Commodore  Sloat  shifted  his  pennant  to  the 
Levant,  and  sailed  for  Panama,  on  his  way  to  the  United  States.  The 
squadron,  of  course,  was  left  under  the  command  of  Commodore 
Stockton.  Previously  to  the  departure  of  Commodore  Sloat,  however, 
a  body  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  riflemen  was  sent  down  to  San 
Diego,  under  Captain  Fremont.*  This  movement  was  made  to  intercept 
the  communications  of  General  Castro,  the  Mexican  commander-in-chief, 
with  the  more  southern  provinces.  The  Congress  was  ordered  to  sail  on 
the  30th  for  San  Pedro,  to  take  possession  there.  There  happened  to  be  at 
the  time  within  the  limits  of  California,  an  expedition  of  a  scientific  charac 
ter,  under  the  orders  of  an  officer  of  the  topographical  engineers,  of  great 
activity  and  merit,  of  the  name  of  Fremont,  who  had  Jong  been  employed 
on  the  duty  of  exploring  the  whole  region  between  the  Mississippi  and 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  more  especially  as  connected  with  the  communication 
with  the  territory  of  Oregon.  This  gentleman  conceived  himself  injured 
by  some  of  the  proceedings  of  the  authorities  of  California,  and  in 
danger  of  being  captured,  if  not  destroyed,  by  the  policy  of  the  Mexi 
cans,  through  their  apprehensions  of  what  might  be  his  real  objects. 
Singularly  enough,  the  two  parties  would  seem  to  have  been  apprehensive 
of  each  other's  intentions,  and  both  had  recourse  to  the  strong  hand, 
in  order  to  secure  themselves  against  the  hostility  of  their  supposed 

*  This  detachment  waa  carried  down  to  San  Diego  in  the  Cyane,  Commander  Du  Pont ;  which 
vessel  arrived  before  the  place  on  the  29th  of  July.  The  American  flag  was  hoisted  by  Lieut. 
Rowan  of  the  Cyane,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  at  the  Presidio,  five  miles  distant  from 
the  port ;  and  the  place  was  immediately  garrisoned  by  the  marine  guard.  A  portion  of  the 
troops  under  Captain  Fremont  was  landed  that  day,  and  the  rest  the  next  morning. — ED. 


60  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [I84fi 

adversaries.  Fortunately  for  the  American  officer,  there  was  a  sufficient 
number  of  trappers,  hunters  and  other  adventurers,  who  had  crossed  from 
the  States,  to  be  met  with  on  the  plains  of  the  upper  country,  and  as 
these  men  were  as  loyal  to  their  flag  as  they  were  daring  and  reckless, 
their  enterprising  and  energetic  leader  soon  collected  enough  of  them  to 
render  himself  formidable  in  a  region  where  revolutions  had  often  been 
effected  by  the  merest  handfuls  of  men. 

San  Francisco  was  taken  possession  of  on  the  9th  day  of  July,  by 
Commander  Montgomery  of  the  Portsmouth,  and  the  whole  of  that  very 
noble  and  important  bay  became,  at  once,  substantially  subject  to  the 
American  flag.  By  the  llth,  the  flag  was  flying  at  Suter's  fort  on  the 
Sacramento,  at  Bodega  on  the  coast,  at  Sonoma,  and  at  Yerba  Buena, 
or  what  is  commonly  called  San  Francisco.  Such  was  the  state  of  things, 
when  Commodore  Stockton  in  the  Congress  44,  appeared  oft*  Monterey. 
This  officer  had  left  home  on  the  25th  of  October,  1845 ;  he  had  touched 
at  Rio  and  the  usual  ports  on  the  western  coast  of  South  America,  and 
at  Honolulu,  whence,  having  there  heard  of  the  commencement  of  the 
war  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  he  had  hastened  with  the 
ardor  that  belonged  to  his  character,  to  participate  in  the  events  then  in 
progress  along  the  coast  between  Cape  St.  Lucas  and  the  frontiers  of 
Oregon.  As  Commodore  Sloat  had  effected  the  principal  object  of  his 
remaining  out  longer  than  his  health  rendered  expedient,  a  transfer  of 
command  took  place,  and  Commodore  Stockton,  hoisting  the  blue  pen 
nant,  in  place  of  the  red,  now  took  charge  of  the  whole  of  the  American 
force  then  supposed  to  be  in  the  Pacific.  The  government,  however, 
aware  of  the  great  importance  of  securing  the  command  of  those  distant 
seas,  and  jealous,  perhaps,  of  the  views  of  France  and  England,  neither 
of  which  countries  has  ever  been  particularly  diffident  in  appropriating 
to  its  own  purposes  territory  of  any  part  of  the  world  that  might  be 
found  convenient  to  possess,  had  given  its  attention  to  the  increase  of  the 
squadron  in  that  distant  quarter  of  the  world.  The  Independence  54, 
Captain  Lavalette,  and  wearing  the  broad  pennant  of  Commodore  William 
B.  Shubrick,  sailed  from  Boston  with  orders  for  the  north-west  coast,  on 
the  29th  of  August,  1846.  At  the  same  time  the  Columbus  80,  Cap 
tain  Wyman,  and  under  the  orders  of  Commodore  Biddle,  was  on  her 
way  from  China  and  Japan,  with  orders  to  touch  at  Lima  for  instructions 
as  to  her  future  course.  This  was  assembling  a  very  formidable  force 
along  the  coast,  and  giving  effectual  security  to  the  recent  conquests,  so 
far  as  the  interference  of  any  European  power  might  reasonably  be  an 
ticipated.  The  Independence  appeared  off  Valparaiso  on  the  2d  of  De 
cember,  and  while  standing  off  and  on,  she  made  a  large  sail  to  the 
northward  and  westward,  which,  on  being  signaled,  showed  the  number 
of  the  Columbus.  The  two  ships  went  in  that  morning  and  anchored, 
when  Commodore  Biddle,  after  examining  the  instructions  of  his  junior, 
decided  to  send  the  Independence  to  the  coast  of  California  direct,  while 
he  proceeded  in  person  in  his  own  ship  to  Callao,  in  quest  of  his  orders 
from  home.  The  two  vessels  sailed  shortly  after,  and  the  Independence 
reached  her  point  of  destination  on  the  22d  of  January,  1847,  after  the 
short  run  of  forty  days.  Here,  then,  was  another  transfer  in  the  naval 
command  in  this  part  of  the  Pacific,  and  Commodore  Shubrick  superseded 
Commodore  Stockton  by  public  proclamation. 


1846.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  61 

The  intervening  time,  however,  between  the  day  when  Commodore 
Sloat  lowered  his  pennant,  and  that  on  which  Commodore  Stockton  imi 
tated  his  example,  had  been  one  of  great  activity  and  decision  on  the 
part  of  the  vessels  of  the  navy.  Finding  no  enemy  to  contend  with  on 
his  own  element,  and  every  way  disposed  to  assist  the  views  of  the  gov 
ernment  at  home,  without  shrinking  from  responsibility,  Commodore 
Stockton  had  determined  to  extend  and  secure  the  conquests  made  by 
his  predecessor,  by  means  of  expeditions  inland,  principally  conducted  by 
the  officers  and  people  of  the  shipping. 

It  is  due  both  to  Commodore  Sloat  who  took  possession  of  Monterey 
ill  person,  and  to  Captain  Montgomery  in  the  Portsmouth,  who  took 
possession  of  San  Francisco,  to  say  that  both  these  officers  seem  to  have 
executed  their  delicate  duties  with  great  decision,  prudence  and  humanity. 
Their  force  was  too  great  to  permit  resistance,  it  is  true,  and  there  was 
the  certainty  of  its  being  able  to  maintain  the  new  authorities  within 
reasonable  distance  of  the  coast.  But  the  elements  of  discord  existed,  in 
the  interior.  California  had  long  been  subject  to  what  might  be  termed 
domestic  revolutions  of  its  own,  and  it  was  no  unusual  thing  for  its  gov 
ernment  to  be  temporarily  changed  by  the  rising  of  some  local  military 
adventurer.  The  struggle  between  Capt.  Fremont  at  the  north,  and 
Gen.  Castro,  the  Mexican  who  took  upon  himself  to  resist  what  he  chose 
to  consider  an  invasion,  had  prepared  the  way  for  the  events  that  suc 
ceeded.  On  assuming  the  command,  Commodore  Stockton  did  not  lose 
a  moment  in  putting  himself  in  relations  with  this  active  officer,  and  in 
projecting  an  expedition  into  the  interior  that  should  at  once  bring  the 
capital  of  the  province  under  the  control  of  the  flag. 

Although  California  was  very  thinly  peopled,  it  possessed  a  population 
singularly  well  adapted  to  the  emergencies  of  the  moment.  The  man 
was  almost  identified  with  his  horse,  and  the  latter,  an  exceedingly  active 
and  hardy  animal,  was  capable  of  making  long  marches  in  a  day.  As 
the  distances  were  great,  this  species  of  force  would  obviously  become 
very  formidable,  when  well  conducted  and  amply  supplied.  Although 
the  Americans  had  certainly  a  party  in  the  country,  it  was  small,  and 
confined  to  those  principally  who  dwelt  near  the  great  ports.  The  abor 
tive  movement  of  Commodore  Jones  naturally  made  even  these  persons 
cautious,  and  it  was  not  difficult,  under  all  the  circumstances  of  the  case, 
for  Governor  Pico,  the  Chief  of  the  state,  to  rally  a  force  inland  that, 
possessing  rapidity  of  movement  and  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  country, 
might  render  itself  very  formidable  to  the  dispersed  parties  of  the  Amer 
icans.  The  political  capital  of  the  state  was  at  Los  Angelos,  which  is 
less  than  thirty  miles  from  the  sea,  and  near  the  southern  extremity  of 
the  state.  The  local  legislature  being  in  session  at  the  moment  of  the 
invasion,  it  was  in  the  power  of  the  Mexican  authorities,  to  concentrate 
their  efforts  and  to  make  a  rally  for  at  least  the  command  of  the  interior. 

So  important  did  it  seem  to  all  parties  to  secure  this  point,  and  to 
look  down  any  thing  like  opposition  in  that  part  of  the  country,  that, 
even  before  Commodore  Sloat  left  the  station,  preparation  were  made 
to  effect  this  object.  Captain  Fremont  had  come  in  with  his  party,  and 
a  battalion  of  volunteers  was  formed,  consisting  principally  of  trappers, 
hunters,  and  other  persons  well  suited  for  the  service  that  was  about  to 


62  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1846. 

be  required  of  them.  Its  numbers  were  about  one  hundred  and  sixty 
men,  and  it  was  regularly  received  into  the  service  of  the  United  States 
as  a  volunteer  corps. 

When  Commodore  Sloat  left  the  coast  of  California  for  Panama  in 
the  Levant^  Commodore  Stockton  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  squad 
ron,  consisting  of  the  Congress  and  Savannah  frigates,  and  the  sloops 
Portsmouth,  Cyane  and  Warren,  together  with  the  store-ship  Erie.  It 
was  thought  necessary  to  keep  the  Portsmouth  still  at  San  Francisco;  the 
Warren  was  yet  lying  at  Mazatlan,  and  the  Erie  was  at  the  Sandwich 
Islands,  leaving  the  Savannah  at  Monterey  for  its  protection  as  the  base 
of  all  the  operations  in  that  region. 

Commodore  Stockton  sailed  in  the  Congress  on  the  1st  of  August, 
bound  for  San  Pedro,  a  small  port  of  difficult  entrance  for  a  large  vessel, 
nearly  abreast  of  the  capital  of  the  state.  As  the  ship  proceeded  south, 
a  landing  was  made  at  Santa  Barbara,  where  the  flag  was  shifted  and  a 
small  force  was  left  in  possession.  This  was  in  effect  occupying  every 
available  port  between  Lower  California  and  the  northern  boundary  of 
tho  upper  state.  The  Congress  arrived  off  San  Pedro  on  the  6th  of 
August;  the  Cyane  had  previously  reached  San  Diego,  a  port  still  further 
south,  where  the  battalion  of  Major  Fremont  had  landed,  principally  with 
the  object  of  obtaining  horses,  a  service  not  easily  effected,  as  the  enemy 
had  early  taken  precautions  against  the  movement.  A  force  had  been 
organized  on  board  the  frigate  to  form  a  small  brigade  on  shore,  and 
instant  preparations  were  made  for  landing.  At  this  point  the  Commo 
dore  received  a  communication  from  General  Castro,  who  claimed  to  be 
authorized  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  him ;  but  this  step,  being  ac 
companied  with  the  preliminary  demand  that  no  further  movement 
should  be  made  until  these  negotiations  were  terminated,  had  no  results. 
It  was  so  obviously  the  policy  of  the  Mexicans  to  gain  time,  that  little 
heed  was  given  to  the  representations  of  their  agents.  The  party  on 
shore  was  not  ready  to  proceed  until  the  1 1th  of  August,  when  it  marched 
to  the  northward,  or  in  the  direction  of  the  capital.  On  the  afternoon 
of  that  very  day,  intelligence  was  brought  the  Americans,  that  the  Mex 
icans  had  buried  their  guns,  and  that  all  the  functionaries  of  the  govern 
ment  had  retired  inland,  or,  as  it  was  supposed,  toward  Sonora.  On  the 
13th,  the  Commodore  made  a  junction  with  the  battalion  of  Major 
Fremont,  and  the  whole  force  entered  Los  Angelos  without  opposition, 
in  the  course  of  that  day. 

Commodore  Stockton  now  determined  to  organize  a  civil  government 
for  the  entire  state,  and  to  administer  justice  in  its  name.  At  the  head 
of  this  government  he  placed  Major  Fremont.  Having  effected  these 
arrangements,  he  returned  to  the  coast  on  the  2d  of  September,  re-em 
barked  on  the  3d,  and  sailed  on  the  5th,  touching  at  Santa  Barbara,  to 
take  off  the  small  party  left  there ;  the  ship  proceeded  to  Monterey,  where 
every  thing  was  found  tranquil,  though  rumors  were  in  circulation  of  an 
intended  rising  among  the  Indians  at  the  north.  The  Savannah  was 
immediately  sent  up  the  coast,  where  she  was  soon  joined  by  the  Congress 
off  San  Francisco.  Here  it  was  ascertained  that  the  rumors  were  false,  and 
that  the  whole  northern  region  of  the  country  was  tranquil.  About  the 
close  of  the  month,  however  a  courier  arrived  from  Captain  Gillespie  of 


1846.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  63 

the  marines,  who  had  been  left  in  command  at  Los  Angelos,  bringing  the 
important  intelligence  of  a  fresh  rising  at  that  point,  and  of  his  being 
besieged  in  the  government  house.  The  Savannah,  Captain  Mervine,  was 
immediately  dispatched  to  San  Pedro,  for  the  purpose  of  affording  suc 
cor  to  the  besieged  party ;  steps  were  also  taken  to  form  a  junction  with 
the  corps  of  Major  Fremont  who  was  up  at  Sacramento  'at  the  time. 
Every  effort  was  made  to  engage  volunteers,  and  a  transport  was  chartered 
to  convey  them  to  the  scene  of  action.  On  the  12th  of  October,  Major 
Fremont  reached  San  Francisco,  and  immediately  embarked,  on  board 
the  transport  with  his  little  corps.  His  point  of  destination  was  Santa 
Barbara,  where  he  was  directed  to  procure  as  many  horses  as  possible. 
The  Congress  sailed  in  company  with  the  transport,  but  they  separated 
in  a  fog.  Luckily  a  merchant  vessel  from  Monterey,  bound  to  the  north 
ward,  was  fallen  in  with  by  the  frigate,  and  dispatches  were  received  from 
Lieutenant  Maddox,  in  command  at  Monterey,  bringing  the  important 
intelligence  that  the  place  was  threatened  with  an  assault,  and  asking 
assistance.  The  frigate  ran  into  the  bay,  landed  a  party  of  fifty  men, 
and  some  ordnance,  and  immediately  proceeded  on.  On  arriving  off  San 
Pedro,  the  Congress  joined  the  Savannah,  on  board  of  which  ship  was 
Captain  Gillespie  and  his  whole  party ;  that  officer  having  evacuated  his 
position  in  the  government  house  at  Los  Angelos  under  a  capitulation 
entered  into  with  General  Flores.  Previously  to  this  measure,  however, 
an  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  by  Captain  Mervine  to  relieve  him. 
A  strong  party  of  seamen  and  marines  had  been  landed,  and  a  march 
was  commenced  upon  the  capital.  Unfortunately  no  provision  had  been 
made  of  any  artillery,  and  on  encountering  the  enemy  at  a  distance  of 
some  twelve  miles  from  San  Pedro,  a  smart  skirmish  took  place  between 
the  hostile  forces.  The  Mexicans  had  the  advantage  of  a  field-piece, 
which  they  appear  to  have  used  with  great  discretion  and  spirit.  When 
ever  a  charge  was  made  it  was  carried  off  by  the  active  horses  of  the 
mounted  men,  reopening  upon  its  assailants  as  soon  as  a  new  and  favor 
able  position  was  gained. 

The  great  disadvantage  under  which  he  was  acting,  and  the  loss  of 
several  valuable  men,  induced  Captain  Mervine  to  fall  back  upon  San 
Pedro,  and  wait  for  the  Commodore.  A  new  landing  was  made  at  the 
latter  point,  as  soon  as  the  Congress  arrived;  a  force  of  about  1800  men 
under  General  Flores,  having  been  collected  outside.  Finding  the  road 
stead  of  San  Pedro  too  open,  and  too  much  exposed  to  the  prevalent 
gales  of  the  season,  although  it  took  him  farther  from  his  great  point  of 
attack,  the  Commodore  was  induced  to  carry  the  Congress  round  to  San 
Diego,  where  was  an  excellent  harbor  for  such  vessels  as  could  enter  it. 
Nothing  of  the  draught  of  the  Congress,  however,  had  ever  been  known 
to  cross  the  bar.  Every  thing  was  embarked,  therefore,  and  the  ship 
proceeded  to  the  southward.  On  arriving  off  the  harbor  of  San  Diego, 
Commodore  Stockton  received  a  report  from  the  officer  left  in  command, 
that  this  place  too  was  besieged  by  the  enemy ;  that  the  stock  of  pro 
visions  was  running  low ;  and  that  he  required  a  reinforcement.  This 
officer  was  of  opinion  that  the  frigate  could  enter  the  bay.  On  making 
the  attempt,  however,  the  ship  struck,  and  she  was  compelled  to  return 
to  the  anchorage  outside.  The  next  day,  a  prize  to  the  Warren,  the 


64  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1846. 

"Malek  Adhel,"  arrived  from  Monterey  with  dispatches  from  Colonei 
Fremont,  who,  ascertaining  the  impossibility  of  procuring  horses  at  tho 
southward,  had  returned  to  the  base  of  operations,  and  was  preparing  to 
march  thence,  with  all  his  force,  to  form  a  junction  with  the  Commodore, 
on  his  way  into  the  interior. 

It  was  now  necessary  to  collect  beeves  as  well  as  horses,  and  the  Sa 
vannah  was  dispatched  to  Monterey  to  further  the  preparations  in  that 
quarter.  The  Congress  had  proceeded,  also,  to  San  Pedro,  to  carry  out 
the  necessary  arrangements,  but  returned  as  soon  as  possible  to  San 
Diego.  So  great  was  the  anxiety  of  the  Commodore  for  the  situation 
of  the  corps  of  Lieutenant-colonel  Fremont,  that  meeting  with  a  calm  on 
his  way  south,  he  sent  in  a  boat  to  San  Diego,  a  distance  of  forty  miles, 
with  a  communication  directed  to  that  officer.  On  reaching  the  port  it 
was  deemed  an  object  of  so  great  importance  to  carry  the  ship  within 
the  bar,  that  a  second  attempt  was  made  to  cross  it.  This  time  she  suc 
ceeded,  but  she  grounded  when  within  the  bay.  It  was  found  necessary 
to  prepare  spars  for  shoring  her  up,  and  at  the  moment  while  her  people 
were  thus  occupied,  the  Mexicans  made  an  attack  upon  the  town.  Not 
withstanding  the  necessity,  as  it  might  be,  of  righting  with  one  hand, 
and  having  a  care  for  the  ship  with  the  other,  the  duty  went  on  with  the 
greatest  activity  and  method.  As  soon  as  a  sufficient  force  could  be 
landed,  the  enemy  was  repelled  by  a  charge  made  under  the  orders  of 
Lieutenant  Minor  of  the  navy,  and  Captain  Gillespie  of  the  marines. 

Finding  it  necessary  to  recruit  his  horses,  and  to  make  harness,  sad 
dles,  bridles,  &c.,  the  delay  was  improved  in  the  construction  of  a  fort. 
Runners  were  now  sent  out  to  ascertain  the  position  of  the  enemy,  who 
was  discovered  encamped  at  San  Bernardo,  distant  about  thirty  miles. 
Two  expeditions  were  immediately  ordered  to  be  got  ready.  The  one 
under  Captain  Gillespie  to  surprise  the  enemy,  in  their  camp,  and  the 
other  under  Captain  Heasley  of  the  volunteer  corps,  who  was  sent  to  the 
southward  in  quest  of  beeves  and  horses.  The  latter  effected  his  object, 
returning  with  five  hundred  head  of  cattle,  and  nearly  one  hundred  and 
fifty  horses  and  mules.  Before  Captain  Gillespie  was  ready  to  march, 
however,  the  Commodore  received  a  dispatch  from  Brigadier-general 
Kearney  of  the  U.  S.  Army,  who  had  effected  the  passage  of  the  moun 
tains,  at  the  head  of  a  hundred  dragoons,  and  now  appeared  in  Cali 
fornia,  to  take  the  command  of  any  portion  of  the  army  that  might 
have  reached  there. 

The  direction  of  Captain  Gillespie's  movement  was  immediately 
changed,  and  that  officer  was  ordered  to  make  a  junction,  as  soon  as 
possible,  with  this  new  reinforcement.  This  was  on  the  6th  of  Decem 
ber;  the  same  evening  the  Commodore  was  notified  that  an  attack  had 
been  made  by  General  Kearney  upon  a  strong  detachment  of  the 
enemy,  in  their  camp  at  San  Pasqual,  and  it  would  seem  one  that  was 
unsuccessful.  The  following  morning,  this  information  was  in  part  cor 
roborated;  such  an  engagement  having  actually  taken  place,  under 
circumstances  very  favorable  to  the  enemy,  whose  horses  were  opposed 
to  the  broken-down  animals  of  the  American  detachment.  The  Amer 
icans  must  have  lost  near  forty  men  in  killed  and  wounded  in  this  affair. 
Among  the  latter  was  General  Kearney  himself.  This  officer  had  taken 


1847.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  65 

post  on  an  eminence,  and  where  he  was  able  to  maintain  himself  until 
relieved. 

Commodore  Stockton  at  first  determined  to  move  with  his  whole 
force,  to  effect  a  junction  with  the  dragoons;  but  learning  the  emergency 
of  the  case,  and  that  the  enemy  was  not  as  strong  as  had  been  reported, 
the  plan  was  changed  to  sending  a  quicker  moving  detachment,  era- 
bracing  only  a  portion  of  the  force  on  shore.  Rather  more  than  two 
hundred  men  marched  that  night  under  the  orders  of  Lieutenant  Gray. 
This  party  effected  its  object,  and  General  Kearney  and  his  whole  party 
entered  the  works  at  San  Diego,  a  few  hours  later.  An  arrangement 
was  now  made  between  the  Commodore  and  the  General,  by  which  the 
direction  of  the  military  details  was  to  be  assumed  by  the  latter  officer, 
while  the  former  of  course  retained  his  authority,  as  the  officer  in  com 
mand  of  the  squadron,  whether  employed  afloat  or  on  shore.  This 
delicate  arrangement  led  to  some  subsequent  misunderstandings  between 
the  two  commanders,  though  their  duty  would  seem  to  have  been  carried 
on  with  perfect  accord  and  zeal  so  long  as  an  enemy  appeared  before 
them.  It  would  seem  that  General  Kearney  had  arrived  under  the  im 
pression  that  he  was  to  be  civil  governor  of  the  newly  conquered  terri 
tory  ;  while  Commodore  Stockton  was  not  disposed  to  yield  his  authority 
so  long  as  it  was  found  necessary  to  employ  any  material  portion  of  the 
crews  of  the  shipping  ashore.  At  a  later  day  this  controversy  led  to 
some  unpleasant  collisions,  more  especially  between  General  Kearney 
and  Lieutenant-colonel  Fremont,  his  subordinate  in  the  line  of  the 
army ;  but  as  they  belong  rather  to  the  general  history  of  the  country 
than  to  a  work  of  the  character  of  this,  we  shall  not  dwell  on  their 
consequences  here. 

On  the  29th  of  December,  the  party  of  Commodore  Stockton  was 
ready  to  march.  Altogether  it  mustered  a  force  of  about  six  hundred 
men.  Owing  to  the  mountainous  character  of -the  country,  and  the  great 
watchfulness  rendered  necessary  by  the  activity  of  the  enemy,  he  did  not 
reach  the  San  Gabriel,  until  the  evening  of  the  Yth  of  January.  Here 
the  Mexicans  had  erected  batteries,  and  prepared  to  make  a  stand.  The 
following  day  the  Americans  crossed  the  river  to  the  north  bank,  where 
they  found  a  force  of  five  hundred  men  and  four  pieces  of  artillery 
ready  to  receive  them.  The  guns  were  placed  in  very  favorable  positions, 
while  the  remainder  of  the  Mexicans,  altogether  cavalry,  were  so  posted 
as  to  command  each  flank  of  their  assailants.  Reaching  the  margin  of 
the  stream,  the  Commodore  dismounted,  and  led  the  troops  over  in  per 
son,  under  a  smart  fire  from  the  enemy's  artillery.  A  charge  up  the 
hill,  on  the  opposite  bank,  was  next  made,  and  the  position  carried, 
driving  the  enemy  and  his  guns  before  it.  At  this  moment  the  enemy 
made  an  attempt  to  cut  off  the  pack-horses  and  beeves,  in  the  rear,  but 
the  steadiness  of  the  guard  repulsed  them.  As  soon  as  the  American 
guns  were  in  position  on  the  heights,  a  smart  cannonading  commenced, 
on  both  sides,  but  soon  terminated  by  forcing  the  enemy  from  the  field. 
The  result  of  this  handsome  day's  work,  was  the  obtaining  of  the  com 
plete  command  of  the  Mexican  position,  where  the  Americans  encamped 
for  the  night.  The  next  day,  the  party  of  Commodore  Stockton  ad 
vanced  upon  the  town,  where  it  was  again  met  by  General  Flores  on  the 


66  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1847. 

plains  of  Mesa.  A  hot  cannonading  succeeded,  and  the  Mexicans  made 
several  attempts  to  charge,  but  could  never  be  brought  within  fifty  yards 
of  the  American  lines.  After  a  final  effort,  General  Flores  abandoned 
the  defence,  and  moved  off  in  the  direction  of  Sonora,  accompanied  by 
most  of  his  principal  officers. 

As  the  enemy  had  been  greatly  encouraged  by  the  rough  treatment 
he  had  given  the  detachment  of  dragoons,  under  General  Kearney,  and 
by  the  success  of  his  expedient  in  the  repulse  of  the  party  under  Captain 
Mervine,  the  result  of  these  two  very  handsome  affairs,  produced  such  a 
reaction  as  at  once  to  look  down  every  thing  like  resistance. 

Shortly  after  re-entering  Los  Angelos,  Commodore  Stockton  was 
joined  by  Colonel  Fremont,  increasing  his  force  to  near  one  thousand 
men.  A  new  negotiation  was  now  entered  into  with  Don  Andres  Pico, 
the  Califomian  governor,  by  which  the  Mexicans  stipulated  to  lay  down 
their  arms,  and  yield  quiet  possession  of  the  province.  Throughout  the 
whole  of  the  foregoing  movements,  Commodore  Stockton  exhibited  an 
activity,  energy,  and  spirit  that  would  have  done  no  discredit  to  the 
indefatigable  Preble.  He  and  his  ship  seem  to  have  been  everywhere, 
and  whatever  may  be  the  decision  of  military  etiquette  as  between  the 
rival  competitors  for  the  command  of  this  successful  expedition  against 
the  enemy's  capital,  there  can  be  no  misapprehension  on  one  subject,  and 
that  is,  that  the  Commodore  was  in  the  thickest  of  the  fray,  and  ani 
mated  his  men,  not  only  by  his  presence  but  by  a  very  brilliant  personal 
example.  According  to  every  usage  with  which  we  are  acquainted,  sea- 
officers  can  never  come  under  the  command  of  soldiers.  The  nautical 
profession  requires  a  peculiar  and  specific  knowledge,  and  seamen  can 
only  be  used,  even  on  shore,  with  a  due  regard  to  their  habits  and  pre 
judices.  There  was,  however,  a  peculiar  claim  on  the  part  of  the  navy 
to  most  of  the  credit  of  the  military  movements  in  front  of  Los  Angelos. 
The  seamen  and  marines  composed  the  greater  portion  of  the  American 
force,  and  the  officers  of  the  service  held  the  most  important  subordinate 
commands  in  the  detachment.  Doubtless  an  officer  as  accomplished  and 
as  brave  as  General  Kearney,  must  have  been  of  great  assistance  on  such. 
an  occasion;  but  we  confess  we  see  no  admitted  rule  of  service  short  of 
positive  orders  from  home,  that,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the 
war  in  that  province,  at  that  particular  moment,  could  have  justified 
Commodore  Stockton  in  carrying  on  the  sort  of  expedition  in  which  he 
was  then  engaged,  without  retaining  his  full  authority  over  all  who  were 
engaged  in  it,  and  who  belonged  to  the  navy  proper. 

Commodore  Stockton  virtually  assumed  the  command  near  the  close 
of  July,  and  the  whole  of  the  succeeding  five  months  was  on  his  part,  a 
scene  of  as  great  exertion,  and  as  bold  an  assumption  of  responsibility, 
as  ever  yet  characterized  the  service  of  any  man  under  the  flag.  We 
conceive  the  whole  of  these  movements,  marked  as  they  were  by  so  much 
decision  and  enterprise,  to  have  been  highly  creditable  to  the  American 
arms,  and  particularly  so  to  that  branch  of  the  service  of  which  we  are 
writing. 

Shortly  after,  hearing  of  the  arrival  of  his  senior  officer  at  Monterey, 
Commodore  Stockton  struck  his  pennant  on  board  the  Congress,  and 
finding  a  party  about  to  cross  the  Rocky  Mountains,  returned  by  that 


1847.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  67 

route  to  the  United  States.  The  force  that  Commodore  Shubrick  found 
under  his  orders  on  assuming  the  command  of  the  Pacific  squadron, 
consisted  of  his  own  ship,  the  Independence  54;  the  Congress  44,  to 
the  command  of  which  vessel  he  assigned  Captain  Lavalette,  late  in  the 
Independence;  the  Savannah  44,  Portsmouth  20,  Warren  20,  Cyane 
20,  Preble  16,  and  Dale  16. 

A  few  days  after  his  own  arrival,  the  Lexington,  store-ship,  came  in 
from  the  Atlantic  coast;  this  vessel  brought  a  company  of  regular  artil 
lery.  As  soon  as  the  latter  landed,  all  the  seamen  were  withdrawn  from 
the  fort,  and  the  town  was  left  in  the  care  of  the  artillery  and  marines. 
Similar  arrangements  were  made  at  San  Francisco,  where,  however,  the 
Warren  was  left,  the  whole  force  being  under  the  orders  of  Commander 
Hull.  The  season  of  the  year  was  still  too  early  to  carry  ships  into 
the  Gulf  of  California,  but  preparations  were  now  made  to  move  the 
whole  of  the  available  force  afloat,  in  that  direction  as  soon  as  it  would 
be  prudent  to  do  so.  The  Congress  was  kept  cruising  at  the  southward, 
and  indeed  most  of  the  active  vessels  were  moving  up  and  down  the 
coast,  looking  out  for  privateers,  and  rendering  such  services  as  were  in 
their  power.  Toward  the  close  of  September,  Captain  Lavalette  went 
into  the  Gulf  with  his  own  ship  and  the  Portsmouth,  and  on  the  16th 
of  October  the  Independence  sailed  in  company  with  the  Cyane  to  join 
him  off  Cape  San  Lucas.  This  junction  was  made  on  the  29th,  when 
Captain  Lavalette  reported  the  result  of  his  successful  attempt  made  on 
the  town  of  Guaymas,  nearly  at  the  head  of  the  Gulf.  The  place  had 
a  considerable  force,  and  works  of  respectable  extent,  but  Captain 
Lavalette  took  his  frigate,  and  the  sloop  of  war  within  fair  range  of  the 
enemy's  guns,  planting  two  pieces  of  heavy  artillery  also,  on  a  couple  of 
islands  that  were  favorably  situated  for  such  a  purpose.  After  a  cannon 
ading  of  three  quarters  of  an  hour,  which  commenced  at  sunrise  the 
next  morning,  a  white  flag  was  hoisted  from  the  shore.  It  appeared 
that  the  enemy  had  evacuated  the  place,  which  indeed  was  now  aban 
doned  by  all  of  the  inhabitants.  After  some  negotiation,  Captain 
Lavalette  caused  all  the  batteries  on  the  water-front  of  the  town  to  be 
blown  up.  On  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  it  being  reported  by  the 
officer  in  command  on  shore,  that  General  Carnpujano  was  marching 
upon  the  place  with  a  very  considerable  force,  including  artillery  and 
lancers,  parties  were  thrown  on  shore  in  readiness  to  meet  him;  the 
enemy,  however,  abandoned  his  intention  of  attack,  ascertaining  now 
that  the  troops  of  Carnpujano,  some  three  or  four  hundred  regulars  with 
the  same  number  of  militia  and  Indians,  were  rapidly  deserting  and 
disbanding  themselves.  Captain  Lavalette  now  left  Commander  Mont 
gomery  in  the  Portsmouth  to  look  out  for  the  port  of  Guaymas,  and  ran 
over  to  Loreto  to  meet  the  Dale,  which  vessel  he  expected  to  find  at  that 
place,  on  his  way  to  join  Commodore  Shubrick  off  San  Lucas. 
[This  is  the  conclusion  of  the  portion  dictated  by  Mr.  Cooper.] 
Before  proceeding  in  the  regular  order  of  time,  it  here  becomes  neces 
sary  to  go  back  to  the  year  1846,  in  order  to  notice  some  actions  in 
which  the  sloop  of  war  Cyane,  Commander  Du  Pont,  was  creditably 
concerned.  This  vessel,  having  in  the  month  of  July  landed  the  detach 
ment  of  Major  Fremont  at  San  Diego,  remained  for  a  time  on  the  coast 


68  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1846. 

of  California,  when  she  was  sent  down  on  blockading  duty  to  the  main 
coast  of  Mexico.  She  arrived  at  San  Bias  on  the  2cl  of  September. 
Here  a  party  was  sent  on  shore  under  the  command  of  Lieut.  Rowan, 
which  spiked  all  the  guns  that  could  be  found  at  the  place,  amounting 
to  twenty-four  in  all,  and  varying  in  calibre  from  twelves  to  thirty-twos. 
They  were  not  all,  however,  in  a  serviceable  condition. 

It  was  not  the  policy  of  the  commander-in-chief  at  this  time  to  take 
permanent  possession  of  any  points  on  this  distant  part  of  the  coast,  as 
the  force  under  his  orders  was  insufficient  for  such  a  purpose,  at  least 
while  Upper  California  required  such  constant  attention.  The  duty  of 
the  ships  was  therefore  confined  to  watching  the  ports,  and  enforcing  the 
blockade  as  efficiently  as  possible.  More  active  employment  was  occasion 
ally  found,  in  hindering  the  military  preparations  of  the  Mexicans,  and  in 
destroying  such  means  of  defence,  as  it  was  within  the  reach  and  capacity 
of  a  small  naval  force  successfully  to  attack.  The  Cyane,  therefore,  kept 
to  the  northward,  touching  at  Mazatlan,  where  the  Warren  was  engaged 
in  blockading,  thence  running  into  the  Gulf  of  California,  making  the 
ports  of  La  Paz  and  Muleje.  From  the  latter  place  it  was  found  that  a 
Mexican  gun-boat  had  lately  sailed,  going,  it  was  supposed,  across  to 
Guaymas.  Thither  the  Cyane  followed,  and  anchored  in  the  inner  harbor 
on  the  6th  of  October.  A  battalion  of  troops  of  the  line,  with  field 
artillery,  was  posted  in  the  town,  and,  in  connection  with  the  national 
guard,  formed  a  body  of  five  hundred  soldiers.  Commander  Du  Pont 
immediately  sent  a  communication  to  the  Mexican  commander,  informing 
him  of  the  declaration  of  a  general  blockade,  and  of  the  lenient  terms 
which  had  been  granted  to  other  places,  on  condition  of  not  taking  an 
active  part  in  hostilities,  and  demanding  the  surrender  of  the  two  gun 
boats,  which  were  lying  in  the  harbor.  A  surrender  of  the  gun-boats  was 
refused,  when  the  American  commander  sent  a  message,  that  he  would  be 
obliged  to  take  them  by  force.  From  most  commendable  motives  of  hu 
manity,  he  expressed  his  desire  not  to  be  compelled  to  fire  upon  the  town, 
yet  he  informed  the  Mexican  commander  that  resistance  would  oblige  him 
to  retaliate  in  this  manner.  In  the  mean  time,  and  before  an  attack  could 
be  made  upon  them,  the  Mexicans  set  fire  to  the  gun-boats,  and  they  were 
entirely  consumed.  A  Mexican  brig,  however,  was  left  unharmed,  under 
the  idea  that  she  was  in  too  strong  a  position  to  be  in  danger  of  being  cut 
out.  Being  a  lawful  prize,  and,  if  left,  likely  to  be  of  service  to  the  en 
emy  in  conveying  military  supplies,  the  American  officer  determined  to 
cut  her  out.  She  was  anchored  in  a  cove,  formed  by  a  long  projecting 
point  of  land.  She  was  hauled  close  in  toward  the  houses,  within  pistol 
shot  of  them,  with  two  streets  opening  upon  her,  one  of  which  led  down 
from  the  barracks  where  the  troops  were  posted.  These  barracks  were 
situated  behind  a  mound  of  earth ;  so  that  the  Mexicans  might  with  reason 
have  supposed  that  the  brig  was  too  well  protected  to  be  liable  to  an  at 
tack.  It  would  be  necessary,  should  the  brig  be  successfully  carried,  to 
tow  her  for  some  distance  in  front  of  this  strong  position,  before  she  could 
bear  away  from  it 

The  Cyane  was  hauled  in  as  close  as  possible  to  the  town,  for  it  was 
apparent,  that,  should  the  enemy  be  at  all  bold  and  active,  the  brig  could 
be  carried  and  brought  out  by  the  boats,  only  under  a  well-directed  and 


1846.J  NAVAL  HISTORY.  69 

spirited  fire  from  the  ship.  The  party  sent  in  was  embarked  in  the 
launch  and  one  of  the  cutters,  and  was  under  the  command  of  Lieut.  G. 
W.  Harrison,  with  acting  Lieut.  Higgins,  and  Midshipmen  Lewis  and 
Crabb.  They  rowed  steadily  in,  and  succeeded  in  boarding  the  brig,  and 
in  cutting  her  chain  cable ;  the  ship,  meanwhile,  keeping  up  a  heavy  fire 
upon  that  part  of  the  town  where  the  troops  were  stationed.  The  brig 
being  now  in  possession,  and  the  Mexicans  thus  far  offering  no  resistance, 
Commander  Du  Pont,  wishing  to  do  as  little  injury  to  the  town  as  possi 
ble,  ordered  the  firing  to  cease.  Immediately  on  this  the  enemy  rushed 
forth  from  his  lurking  places,  and  opened  a  sharp  fire  with  artillery  and 
musketry  upon  the  brig  and  the  boats.  This  compelled  a  reply ;  and  the 
ship,  brig  and  boats  all  poured  in  a  fire  upon  the  town,  which  forced  the 
troops  back  to  their  cover.  During  this  time  the  boats  and  the  brig  had 
so  far  changed  their  position  that  they  now  came  within  the  range  of  the 
ship's  fire.  This  made  a  cessation  of  the  firing  again  necessary;  and,  as 
before,  the  courage  of  the  Mexicans  revived,  and  their  troops  once  more 
rallied  to  the  attack.  A  company  of  Indians  also  had  made  out  to  get 
round  the  cove,  and  took  up  a  position  from  which  they  added  a  cross-fire 
to  the  severity  of  the  main  attack.  Though  involving  considerable  haz 
ard  to  those  in  the  brig  and  boats,  the  American  commander  was  again 
obliged  to  use  the  guns  of  the  ship.  In  this  instance  the  shells  especially 
were  thrown  with  great  rapidity  and  precision,  and  producing  consterna 
tion  by  bursting,  speedily  silenced  the  fire  from  the  shore.  In  the  mean 
time  the  brig  had  been  set  fire  to  by  the  captors;  yet  she  was  brought 
out  and  towed  into  a  cove  near  by,  where  she  was  entirely  consumed. 
The  coolness  and  gallantry  of  Lieut.  Harrison  and  the  officers  and  men 
with  him,  elicited  high  praise  from  the  Commander  of  the  Cyane. 

Leaving  the  Gulf  the  Cyane  ran  down  to  Mazatlan,  where  she  relieved 
the  Warren,  and  was  employed  for  some  time  in  watching  this  port,  the 
most  important  then  on  the  entire  western  coast  of  North  America.  In 
consequence  of  the  very  close  blockade  which  was  maintained,  the  town 
was  suffering  somewhat  from  scarcity,  and  a  traffic  was  attempted  by 
means  of  small  vessels  running  up  the  Gulf,  in  order  to  supply  the  place 
with  flour.  These  vessels  could  keep  near  the  shore,  where  from  the 
nature  of  the  coast  a  ship  of  war  could  not  reach  them.  Landing  their 
cargoes  in  the  outer  or  old  harbor,  they  could  relieve  the  wants '  of  the 
town.  Large  bodies  of  troops  were  also  posted  at  Mazatlan,  and  with 
guns  in  battery,  and  with  field  artillery  they  could  give  efficient  cover  to 
the  vessels  as  they  ran  well  in  along  the  coast.  Such  a  traffic  could  only 
be  broken  up  by  attacks  made  in  the  boats  of  the  ship ;  and  much  active 
and  arduous  service  was  performed  by  the  officers  and  men  in  this  man 
ner.  The  parties  in  the  boats  succeeded  on  two  occasions  in  cutting  off  four 
small  vessels  from  the  harbor,  and  forced  them  through  the  breakers  on 
to  the  beach,  where  they  were  deserted.  On  the  second  occasion,  as  the 
ship's  boats  were  returning  from  their  work,  four  boats,  two  of  them 
launches,  and  having  on  board  sixty  soldiers,  put  out  from  the  harbor  for 
the  purpose  of  intercepting  the  men  from  the  Cyane.  The  Cyane's  boats 
on  this  occasion  were  her  three  smallest,  and  were  under  the  command 
of  Lieut.  Harrison.  The  ship  was  not  in  a  position  to  cover  them. 
Notwithstanding  the  odds  they  gallantly  formed  in  line  and  bore  down 


NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1847. 


upon  the  Mexicans.  The  encounter  was  sharp,  the  Mexicans  for  a  time 
maintaining  a  vigorous  fire;  but  they  finally  broke  their  order  of  battle, 
ran  their  boats  on  shore,  and  fled  to  the  cover  of  the  bushes.  On  both 
these  occasions  the  Mexicans  were  aided  by  artillery  on  the  shore,  while 
the  guns  of  the  Cyane  could  render  no  assistance  to  her  parties  in  the 
boats. 

The  Cyane  was  very  efficient  in  making  captures  while  occupied  in 
blockade  duty  at  various  points.  She  took  possession  of  twenty-three  ves 
sels  of  all  kinds,  brigs,  brigantines,  schooners  and  smaller  craft,  either 
Mexican,  sailing  under  Mexican  colors,  or  neutrals  boldly  running  the 
blockade. 

In  November,  1847,  the  Dale,  Commander  Selfridge,  was  sent  to 
Guaymas  to  relieve  Commander  Montgomery,  in  the  Portsmouth;  the 
latter  vessel  joining  the  main  squadron. 

The  flag  was  now  flying  at  La  Paz,  in  the  province  of  Lower  Califor 
nia,  protected  by  a  detachment  of  one  hundred  and  ten  men  of  the  regi 
ment  of  New  York  volunteers,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant-colonel 
Burton.  In  the  month  of  November,  it  was  also  hoisted  at  San  Jose, 
in  the  same  province,  while  the  flag-ship  was  off  that  place.  This  was 
done  at  the  earnest  request  of  friendly  citizens,  in  order  that  they  might 
be  protected  from  the  insurrectionists,  who  were  now  moving  in  that  re 
gion.  Lieut.  Charles  Heywood,  with  four  passed  midshipmen  and  twenty 
marines,  was  placed  in  command  of  this  post.  He  was  also  furnished 
with  a  nine-pounder  carronade,  and  some  fire-arms  to  be  loaned  in  an 
emergency  to  friendly  Calif  ornians.  He  posted  his  force  in  an  old  mis 
sion-house,  situated  on  the  higher  portion  of  the  town. 

On  the  8th  of  November  Com.  Shubrick  left  San  Jose  and  stood  over 
to  the  coast  of  Mexico,  with  the  Independence,  the  Congress,  and  the 
Cyane.  His  destination  was  Mazatlan,  and  his  object  was  the  capture  of 
this  important  city  and  the  diversion  of  its  commercial  revenues  into  the 
treasury  of  the  United  States. 

Mazatlan  contained  at  that  time  about  eleven  thousand  inhabitants,  and 
was  occupied  by  Colonel  Telles,  with  a  force  of  from  nine  hundred  to 
twelve  hundred  regular  troops.  It  has  been  known  to  yield  three  millions 
of  dollars  revenue  to  the  Mexican  government  in  one  year.  It  was  within 
easy  reach  of  reinforcements  from  states  which  had  contributed  no  quota 
to  the  war,  and  it  was  known  there  that  its  occupation  by  the  squadron 
was  contemplated.  The  following  description  of  the  occupation  is  taken 
from  the  accounts  of  competent  eye-witnesses  ; 

"On  the  10th  of  November,  in  the  afternoon,  the  ships  came  in  sight 
of  the  town.  The  position  of  each  had  been  assigned  and  marked  on  a 
plan  of  the  coast  and  harbor,  furnished  to  the  commanders.  The  wind, 
however,  was  moderate,  and  the  commander-in-chief  inquired  if  the  ships 
could  take  their  positions  after  dark,  and  being  answered  in  the  affirma 
tive  directed  them  to  proceed.  The  Congress  led  off  in  fine  style  to 
that  bend  in  the  coast  outside,  known  as  the  old  harbor,  where,  the  shore 
being  low,  she  could  command  some  of  the  avenues  leading  from  the 
town,  and  effectually  cover  the  landing,  should  the  surf  permit  that  point 
to  be  selected.  It  was  a  hazardous  anchorage,  but  an  important  position, 
and  boldly  taken.  The  flag-ship  stood  for  another  slight  bend  in  the 


1847.]  NAVAL  HISTORY. 


peninsula  on  which  Mazatlan  is  situated,  and  where  a  break  in  the 
coast-range  exposes  to  view  from  the  westward,  the  most  important  part 
of  the  town,  and  which  she  brought  to  bear  immediately  under  her  guns. 

"  The  Cyane  kept  on  to  get  her  station  in  the  new  harbor,  her  light 
draft  enabling  her  to  get  sufficiently  close  to  the  bar  for  her  eight-inch  guns 
to  reach  the  wharf,  and  cover  the  landing,  should  that  point  be  selected. 
The  Independence  in  her  majestic  might,  just  swinging  round,  showing 
her  gun-deck  tier  of  lights,  and  her  stern  almost  in  the  rollers,  presented 
a  most  imposing  spectacle,  a  ship  never  having  anchored  there  before. 
An  English  vessel  of  war  was  at  anchor  in  the  harbor,  and  the  manner 
in  which  the  ships  took  their  positions,  and  invested  the  town,  drew  high 
encomiums  from  her  commander  and  officers. 

"Early  on  the  morning  of  the  llth,  Mazatlan  was  summoned  to 
surrender,  Captain  Lavalette,  the  second  in  command,  bearing  the  com 
munication  from  Commodore  Shubrick.  Colonel  Telles,  the  military 
commandan^  tore  the  summons  up,  with  insolent  threats.  On  the  return 
of  Captain  Lavalette  orders  were  issued  for  an  immediate  landing.  The 
height  of  the  surf  forbade  the  attempt  to  be  made  outside,  and  the  usual 
place  of  landing  inside  of  the  harbor,  was  designated.  Tjihe  boats  of  the 
Independence,  Congress,  and  Erie,  which  ship,  under  the  command  of 
Lieut.  Watson,  had  anchored  in  'the  offing  a  day  or  two  previous,  were 
joined  on  entering  the  harbor  by  those  of  the  Cyane,  and  this  ship  had 
her  broadside  sprung,  to  cover  the  landing,  if  necessary.  The  boats  en 
tered  the  harbor  in  three  lines,  commanded  by  the  officers  of  the  respective 
ships,  the  whole  under  the  direction  of  the  commander-in-chief  in  person. 
A  division  of  the  Congress,  under  Lieutenant  John  T.  Livingston,  had 
charge  of  the  artillery,  five  pieces,  captured  in  Upper  California,  and 
mounted  on  board  that  ship.  The  many  points  advantageous  for  defence 
which  presented  themselves,  the  heights  near  the  landing,  the  streets,  and 
the  houses  with  terraces,  warned  the  assailants  that  no  precaution  should 
be  neglected.  The  men  were  on  shore  in  a  twinkling,  and  the  companies 
formed,  while  the  artillery  was  landing.  The  whole  force,  about  six  hun- 
pred  strong,  then  marched  through  the  town  to  the  Cuartel,  situated  on  a 
mound,  overlooking  the  surrounding  country,  on  the  walls  of  which  the 
American  flag  was  hoisted,  under  a  salute  of  twenty-one  guns  from  the 
Independence. 

"  Colonel  Telles,  with  his  whole  force,  had  retreated  on  the  approach  of 
the  Americans.  No  laurels  were  reaped,  no  blood  was  shed,  but  the  cap 
ture  was  important  ;  it  brought  home  to  the  Mexican  that  his  commercial 
emporium  in  the  west  had  shared  the  fate  of  the  one  in  the  east,  while 
the  American  flag  waved  over  the  national  palace  in  his  capital.  Prompt 
measures  were  taken  for  the  defence  and  holding  of  Mazatlan,  and  for  its 
municipal  government.  Captain  Lavalette  was  made  governor,  and  a 
garrison  of  seamen  and  marines  established.  A  commission,  consisting 
of  Commander  Du  Pont,  Lieutenant  Chatard,  Purser  Price,  and  Mr. 
Thomas  Miller,  arranged  with  the  municipal  Junta  the  terms  of  occupa 
tion.  The  ships  moved  into  the  harbor;  the  custom-house  was  opened 
and  organized,  and  a  tariff  of  duties,  modified  to  suit  the  trade  of  the 
coast,  was  established.  Mr.  H.  W.  Greene,  purser  of  the  Independence, 
appointed  collectors,  under  whose  judicious  management,  assisted  by  Mr. 


72  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1847. 

Speeden,  purser  of  the  Congress,  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  million  of  dollars 
of  duties,  was  collected  in  live  months." 

The  precise  and  judicious  arrangements  for  the  capture  of  this  import 
ant  point  made  by  Com.  Shubrick,  reflect  great  credit  upon  the  capacity 
of  that  officer,  and  the  efficiency  and  steadiness  with  which  these  arrange 
ments  were  carried  out  so  successfully,  are  indicative  of  the  good  qualities 
of  the  respective  commanders,  and  of  the  officers  and  men  under  their 
orders.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  skill  and  ability  manifested  in  the 
disposition  of  the  forces,  in  connection  with  the  uniform  success  of  the 
American  arms  over  every  portion  of  the  wide  field  of  this  war,  led  the 
Mexican  commander  to  withdraw  a  body  of  troops,  which  might  have 
given  serious  trouble  to  the  invaders,  and  might  not  have  left  them  the 
satisfaction  of  a  bloodless  victory. 

Commerce  soon  resumed  its  wonted  activity,  but  trading  with  the  inte 
rior  was  interfered  with  by  the  troops  of  Colonel  Telles,  who  still  occupied 
a  position  a  few  miles  from  the  city.  Several  attempts  were  made  to  open 
the  communication  with  the  country,  but  no  general  action  was  risked. 
On  the  20th  of  November,  two  parties,  one  on  land,  of  ninety-four  sailors 
under  Lieut.  Stlden,  and  the  other  in  boats,  consisting  of  sixty-two  men 
under  Lieut.  Rowan,  were  sent  to  disperse  a  body  of  the  enemy  posted 
about  ten  miles  out.  The  attack  was  commenced  at  daylight,  and  was 

Suite  warmly  resisted  by  the  enemy  5  but  it  was  soon  completely  successful, 
le  Mexicans  breaking  in  confusion  before  the  impetuous  charge  of  the 
seamen,  and  throwing  away  their  arms  in  their  flight.  The  Americans  lost 
one  man  killed,  and  three  officers  and  seventeen  men  wounded  '•,  the  loss 
of  the  enemy  being  seven  killed,  and  twenty-five  or  thirty  wounded. 
These  sorties  drove  the  Mexicans  further  back,  and  left  the  roads  more  free. 
For  some  time  a  large  garrison  was  maintained  on  shore,  and  until  the 
close  of  the  war,  a  strong  naval  force  was  at  anchor  in  the  bay.  Strong 
redoubts  were  also  constructed,  and  mounted  on  the  land  side  of  the 
town;  so  that  had  the  enemy  made  an  attempt  to  regain  possession  of  it, 
with  any  force  at  his  command,  he  would,  without  doubt,  have  been 
promptly  repulsed.  In  consequence  of  the  large  force  required  at  Mazat- 
lan,  and  the  necessity  of  sending  reinforcements  to  Lower  California,  Com. 
Shubrick  was  unable  to  take  possession  of  the  other  Mexican  ports  farther 
to  the  south,  as  had  been  contemplated  in  his  original  plan. 

Events  in  the  mean  time  occurring  in  Sonora  and  Lower  California, 
recall  our  attention  to  those  provinces.  It  has  been  stated  that  the  Dale, 
Commander  Selfridge,  was  ordered  to  Guaymas,  province  of  Sonora,  to 
retain  possession  of  that  port.  On  his  way  thither,  this  officer  learned 
that  insurrectionary  movements  were  on  foot  at  Mulejev,  on  the  eastern 
coast  of  Lower  California.  Troops  and  munitions  of  war  were  carried  from 
Mexico,  across  the  gulf,  to  this  place.  When  the  Dale  arrived  there,  it 
was  found  that  the  region  was  in  possession  of  Mexican  troops,  to  the 
number  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  or  more,  headed  by  a  chief  called 
Pineda.  The  broadside  of  the  ship  was  sprung  so  as  to  command  the 
shores  of  a  creek,  up  which  Lieut.  Craven  proceeded,  with  four  boats  and 
fifty  men,  to  cut  out  a  schooner.  This  was  done  without  resistance,  though 
large  numbers  of  Mexicans  were  in  sight.  The  next  day,  October  1st. 
the  same  officer,  with  the  marines  and  fifty  sailors,  landed  on  the  right 


1847.]  NAVAL  HISTORY. 


bank  of  the  creek,  and  scoured  the  valley  to  the  distance  of  nearly  three 
miles.  They  were  frequently  assailed  by  the  enemy  in  ambuscade,  but 
they  steadily  advanced,  driving  the  latter  before  them.  At  the  same  time, 
the  battery  of  the  ship  kept  up  a  fire  of  round  shot  and  shell,  which  aided 
greatly  in  forcing  the  Mexicans  back.  They  abandoned  the  village  and 
retreated  up  the  valley  to  a  distance  where,  through  fear  of  being  led 
into  an  ambuscade,  it  was  not  thought  prudent  to  follow  them.  The 
troops  returned  to  the  ship  without  the  loss  of  a  man,  and  with  but  two 
slightly  wounded.  We  shall  hear  more  of  these  Mexican  forces  hereafter. 
From  this  tim«  for  several  months,  Pineda  was  the  active  leader  of  a 
threatening  insurrection  in  this  province,  which,  without  being  successful 
against  the  American  forces,  inflicted  great  evils  upon  the  peaceably  dis 
posed  inhabitants.  A  small  schooner  was  hired  and  placed  under  the 
command  of  Lieut.  Craven,  for  the  purpose  of  cruising  in  this  part  of  the 
gulf,  and  preventing  intercourse  with  the  main  shore  of  Mexico. 

The  Dale  arrived  at  Guaymas  on  the  8th  of  November,  and  relieved  the 
Portsmouth  from  the  duty  of  guarding  that  port.  The  enemy's  forces  in 
this  vicinity  had  now  increased  to  a  considerable  amount,  being  probably 
not  less  than  a  thousand  men.  Commander  Selfridge  had  not  men 
enough  to  garrison  the  town,  so  that  the  flag  was  kept  flying  on  an  island 
under  the  guns  of  his  ship.  The  enemy  sought  in  large  force  to  gain  a 
lodgment  in  the  town,  but  the  shot  and  shell  from  the  ship  rendered  this 
position  not  very  tenable.  On  the  17th  of  November,  Commander 
Selfridge,  supposing  that  there  were  none  of  the  enemy  in  the  immediate 
neighborhood,  landed  at  the  head  of  a  party  of  sixty-five  marines  and 
seamen.  They  had  not  proceeded  far,  when  they  were  assailed  with  a 
volley  of  musketry  from  a  house.  A  ball  wmmded  Commander  Selfridge 
severely  in  the  foot,  obliging  him  to  relinquish  the  command  to  Lieut. 
Smith,  and  to  return  to  the  ship.  The  latter  officer  now  found  himself 
engaged  with  about  three  hundred  of  the  enemy,  who  met  him  with  a 
brisk  fire  and  some  good  show  of  resistance.  The  fire  of  the  little  force 
of  marines  and  seamen  was,  however,  delivered  with  such  rapidity  and 
precision,  that  the  enemy  soon  began  to  retreat  precipitately.  The  fire 
from  the  ship  was  also  opened,  and  began  to  be  felt.  The  Mexicans  were 
now  in  hopeless  confusion,  and  evacuated  the  town  in  all  possible  haste  ; 
but  the  American  detachment  was  not  sufficient  to  follow  them  up  with 
effect.  In  this  creditable  action  the  Americans  suffered  no  injury,  with 
the  exception  of  the  wound  of  the  commander  ;  while  the  loss  of  the  en 
emy  must  have  been  not  less  than  thirty  killed  and  wounded. 

This  check  to  the  Mexicans  was  serviceable,  as  it  was  quite  important 
that  this  place  should  be  held  at  all  hazards. 

It  will  now  be  in  order  to  recur  to  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  province 
of  Lower  California.  The  Mexicans  who  had  landed  at  Mulejev,  and 
whom  Commander  Selfridge  had  so  gallantly  driven  toward  the  interior, 
passed  through  the  country,  exciting  hostility  to  the  American  rule,  and 
drawing  the  ^disaffected  to  their  ranks.  The  majority  of  the  people  were 
without  doubt  friendly  to  the  provisional  government,  established  by  the 
military  power  of  the  United  States,  and  but  comparatively  few  joined 
the  standard  of  revolt.  On  the  16th  of  November  a  body  of  Mexicans 
attacked  the  post  established  at  La  Paz.  This  post  was  held,  and  most 


74  NAVAL  HISTORY.  1847. 

handsomely  defended  by  Lieutenant-colonel  Burton,  with  a  detachment 
of  the  regiment  of  New  York  volunteers;  but  as  this  affair  belongs 
properly  to  the  history  of  army  operations,  it  need  not  be  described  in 
this  work. 

On  the  1 9th  of  November,  a  large  body  of  the  enemy  came  within  a 
league  of  the  post  established  at  San  Jose,  which,  it  will  be  remembered, 
was  occupied  by  Lieut.  Hey  wood,  with  four  officers  and  twenty  marines. 
He  had 'also  organized  and  armed  about  twenty  volunteers.  The  position 
occupied  consisted  of  two  houses  —  the  one  an  old  mission-house,  which 
had  to  be  somewhat  strengthened  and  repaired  to  make  it  defensible,  and 
the  other  a  private  house,  so  closely  adjoining,  that  it  was  necessary  to  oc 
cupy  it  lest  it  might  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  In  the  latter, 
Passed-midshipman  McLanahan  was  stationed  with  twelve  volunteers.  At 
the  mission,  a  nine-pounder  was  mounted,  and  loopholes  left  for  musketry. 

An  advance  guard  approached  on  the  morning  of  the  19th,  and  de 
manded  a  surrender,  which,  of  course,  was  refused.  The  main  body  took 
up  a  position  on  an  eminence  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  distant.  It 
consisted  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  mounted  men,  and  commenced  the 
attack  late  in  the  day  by  a  fire  from  a  six-pounder.  This  ceased  at  dark, 
having  done  but  little  damage.  About  ten  o'clock  at  night,  the  whole 
body  of  the  enemy  commenced  an  attack  upon  the  front  and  rear  of  both 
houses.  Their  fire  was  vigorous,  but  was  returned  as  vigorously  by  the 
little  garrison.  Their  cannon  was  posted  in  front  of  the  main  building, 
where  it  was  replied  to  by  the  nine-pounder.  The  defence  was  so  effect 
ual,  that  the  enemy  were  glad  to  cover  themselves  behind  the  neighboring 
buildings,  and  thus  the  combat  \vas  continued  throughout  the  night;  and 
by  morning,  the  enemy  retired  to  their  camp.  The  day  passed  quietly ; 
but  as  night  closed  in,  the  Mexicans  were  again  in  motion.  They  now 
concluded  to  undertake  the  capture  of  the  mission-house  by  assault.  This 
was  a  bold  plan  to  be  formed  against  so  determined  a  garrison  as  they 
had  found  this  one  to  be.  In  executing  this  movement,  a  strong  party 
rushed  up  toward  the  front  of  the  house,  with  the  intention  of  forcing 
their  way  in  and  capturing  the  gun.  But  a  destructive  discharge  of  mus 
ketry  brought  down  their  leader  and  several  of  their  number,  when  they 
broke  and  fled.  This  repulse  in  front  intimidated  the  party  in  the  rear, 
who  were  approaching  with  ladders  to  scale  the  walls,  and  they  were  thus 
easily  driven  back.  The  next  morning  a  whaling  vessel  came  in  sight 
and  anchored  off  the  town.  The  Mexicans  probably  took  it  for  a  ship  of 
war,  for  the  whole  body  soon  moved  off'.  They  lost  at  least  eight  killed 
and  more  than  that  number  wounded ;  while  of  the  garrison  but  one  was 
seriously,  and  two  slightly  wounded. 

As  soon  as  the  report  of  these  hostilities  reached  Com.  Shubrick,  he 
dispatched  the  store-ship  Southampton  to  the  aid  of  Lieut.  Heywood. 
The  Portsmouth  followed  as  soon  as  possible,  and  the  Cyane  was  also  sent 
to  La  Paz,  with  aid  and  supplies  to  Lieut.  Col.  Burton. 

On  the  12th  of  January,  1848,  San  Bias,  a  seaport  town,  situated  tc 
the  south  of  Mazatlan,  was  captured  by  a  small  force  under  the  orders  of 
Lieut.  Comd't  Bailey,  who  was  maintaining  the  blockade  of  the  port  with 
the  Lexington  store-ship.  The  party  landed  under  Lieut.  Chatard,  and 
brought  off  two  pieces  of  artillery  from  the  fort,  and  a  fine  boat  belonging 


1848.]  tfAVAL  HISTORY.  75 

to  the  custom-Louse.  No  opposition  was  met  with;  still  it  was  not 
deemed  advisable  to  hoist  the  flag,  as  sufficient  force  could  not  be  left  on 
shore  to  defend  it. 

Lieut.  Chatard  also  landed  a  small  party  at  Manzanillo,  and  spiked 
three  large  guns.  Mexico  now  had  not  a  single  gun  mounted  on  this 
entire  coast,  except  at  Acapulco. 

In  the  province  of  Sonora,  the  enemy  still  continued  to  hover  around 
Guaymas.  A  detachment  having  established  itself  at  Cochori,  on  the 
coast  about  nine  miles  from  Guaymas,  Lieut.  Yard,  now  commanding  the 
Dale,  determined  to  dislodge  it.  A  party  of  seamen  and  marines  was 
detailed  from  the  ship  for  this  purpose,  and  placed  under  the  command 
of  Lieut.  Craven.  Having  proceeded  for  four  miles  in  boats,  they  landed 
and  cautiously  advanced,  seeking  to  surprise  the  enemy.  In  this  they  were 
successful,  having  nearly  surrounded  the  house  where  they  were  posted, 
before  being  discovered.  Some  firing  ensued,  but  the  enemy  soon  yielded. 
A  part  escaped,  as  the  attack  was  made  in  the  night ;  but  the  commander 
and  six  soldiers  were  taken  prisoners,  and  five  were  left  dead  upon  the 
field.  The  assailing  party  suffered  no  loss. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  year  1848,  San  Jose*  became  again  the  centre 
of  very  active  military  operations.  On  the  22d  of  January,  a  small  de 
tachment  of  Lieut.  Heywood's  command,  consisting  of  Passed-midshipmen 
Warley  and  Duncan,  and  six  men,  was  captured  on  the  beach  by  a  large 
body  of  the  enemy's  cavalry.  This  was  a  serious  loss  to  the  little  garri 
son.  The  Southampton,  having  furnished  all  possible  aid  to  Lieut. 
Heywood,  was  sent  to  La  Paz,  with  orders  for  the  Cyane  to  take  her 
place  at  San  Jose.  This  was  a  very  opportune  change ;  but  before  it  was 
fully  effected,  hostilities  had  recommenced  around  the  devoted  mission- 
house,  though  the  Cyane  arrived  in  time  to  take  part  in  them.  The  en 
emy,  despairing  of  carrying  a  post  so  well  defended  as  La  Paz,  had  con 
centrated  his  forces,  amounting  to  three  or  four  hundred  men,  around  the 
feebler  position  held  at  San  Jose.  The  defence  of  this  position  rested  with 
a  gan-ison  of  twenty-seven  marines,  ten  effective  seamen,  and  about  twenty 
California  volunteers.  The  town  was  deserted  by  its  inhabitants,  and 
about  fifty  women  and  children  sought  protection  in  the  imperfect  fort, 
and  were  supported  from  its  scanty  supplies. 

In  the  latter  part  of  January,  the  Mexicans  appeared  in  force.  On  the 
4th  of  February  they  drew  their  lines  quite  closely  around  the  fort,  and 
fired  upon  all  who  showed  themselves.  On  the  6th  a  sortie  was  made  by 
Lieut.  Heywood  with  twenty-five  men,  which  was  successful  in  dislodging 
a  strong  party  posted  at  the  lower  end  of  the  street.  On  the  7th  another 
bold  and  successful  sortie  was  made,  attended,  however,  with  the  loss  of 
one  man.  Notwithstanding  these  sorties,  the  enemy  gradually  hemmed 
the  garrison  in  more  closely.  Their  former  experience  had  taught  them 
not  to  risk  an  assault,  and  their  policy  now  seemed  to  be  to  reduce  the 
garrison  by  a  regular  investment  and  siege.  By  the  10th  they  had  com 
plete  possession  of  the  town.  They  occupied  a  church  and  other  com 
manding  buildings  within  musket-shot,  from  which  they  kept  up  an  almost 
incessant  fire  during  the  remainder  of  the  siege.  Thus  protected,  it  was 
seldom  that  the  besieged  were  able  to  find  an  opportunity  to  fire  at  them 
with  effect.  On  the  1 1th  the  firing  was  continued  with  great  vigor ;  and 


NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1848. 


during  this  day  the  garrison  suffered  the  loss  of  Passed-midshipman  Mc- 
Lanahan,  who  was  wounded  in  the  neck,  and  survived  but  two  hours. 

The  morning  of  the  12th  revealed  a  new  source  of  annoyance.  The 
enemy  had  erected  a  breastwork,  from  which  they  commanded  the  water 
ing  place  of  the  garrison.  But  nothing  daunted,  the  men  went  vigorously 
to  work  to  dig  for  water  within  the  post,  and  this  against  great  difficul 
ties,  as  they  could  not  blast  the  rock  through  fear  of  drawing  the  fire  of 
the  enemy.  On  the  14th,  the  supply  of  water  was  running  low,  and  still 
a  continual  fire  was  poured  in  upon  the  heroic  band.  But  on  this  day 
relief  came.  In  the  afternoon  the  Cyane  hove  in  sight,  and  soon  came  up 
and  dropped  her  anchor  off  the  town.  The  interest  of  the  fight  now 
turned  in  this  direction.  Commander  Du  Pont  of  the  Cyane,  knowing 
that  the  Mexicans  were  in  large  force,  and  wisely  judging  that  they  must 
have  full  possession  of  the  space  between  the  beach  and  the  mission-house, 
deemed  it  too  hazardous  to  attempt  relieving  his  beleaguered  comrades  by 
night,  unless  in  an  emergency.  To  those  on  board  the  ship  the  night  at 
tack  wTas  unknown,  as  the  report  of  small-arms  could  not  reach  that  dis 
tance,  and  Lieut.  Heywood  refrained  from  using  artillery,  lest  he  should 
alarm  his  friends,  and  so  induce  them  to  land  at  night. 

But  when  the  day  dawned  the  boats  of  the  Cyane  were  seen  moving 
toward  the  shore.  They  contained  one  hundred  and  two  officers  and 
men,  headed  by  Commander  Du  Pont.  The  enemy  soon  showed  himself 
in  full  force  in  front,  after  the  landing'  was  effected,  and  the  contest  com 
menced.  As  the  Mexicans  possessed  the  advantage  of  the  covers  along 
the  road,  they  were  able  to  keep  up  an  annoying  flank  and  rear  fire  upon 
the  advancing  Americans.  Still  the  latter  moved  steadily  on,  driving  their 
opponents  back  at  every  point,  or  giving  them  volleys  of  musketry  to  the 
right  and  left  as  occasion  required.  The  Mexicans  engaged  with  great 
vigor,  and  continued  their  fire  throughout  with  steadiness;  and  it  would 
ajso  have  been  quite  destructive  had  they  not  generally  fired  too  high. 
Step  by  step  the  ground  was  gained  and  progress  achieved,  as  the  com 
pact  little  column  pushed  on  with  unconquerable  bravery.  It  required  the 
best  exertions  of  the  officers  to  restrain  the  impetuosity  of  the  seamen, 
who  were  eager  to  come  to  closer  quarters  —  a  movement  which  would 
soon  have  lost  them  the  advantages  gained  by  their  unity  and  steadiness 
of  action. 

The  progress  of  the  battle  could  be  seen  quite  plainly  from  both  the 
ship  and  the  fort,  and,  with  reason,  excited  great  interest  among  the  ob 
servers  at  both  these  points.  Those  in  the  ship  were  unable  to  render  any 
assistance  by  means  of  their  long  guns,  as  it  was  impossible  to  separate 
friend  from  foe.  But  the  garrison  could  not  curb  their  impatience,  and 
soon  sallied  out  to  form  a  junction  with  their  companions.  A  party  of 
the  enemy  was  still  firing  upon  the  fort,  but  the  charge,  led  by  Lieutenant 
Heywood,  drove  them  from  the  street  they  occupied,  and  opened  the  way 
for  the  union  of  the  two  detachments.  Just  before  this  union  was  effected, 
the  enemy  made  a  final  stand  and  sought  by  great  exertions  to  maintain 
his  ground.  But  it  was  all  in  vain,  and  the  shout  of  victory  was  raised 
just  as  Lieut.  Heywood  joined  the  party  of  his  welcome  friends.  It  surely 
borders  on  the  miraculous  that  this  march  was  made  under  surh  a  fire, 
and  this  victory  gained  by  the  Americans  over  treble  their  own  number, 


1848.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  77 

without  the  loss  of  a  single  life,  and  with  only  four  slightly  wounded. 
The  loss  of  the  enemy  could  not  be  ascertained  with  any  exactness,  but 
there  were  at  least  thirteen  killed.  They  also  lost  in  their  long  attack 
upon  the  post,  at  least  fifteen  killed,  and  many  wounded.  The  casualties  to 
Lieut.  Heywood's  command  were  three  killed  and  four  slightly  wounded. 
The  coolness,  perseverance,  and  indomitable  resolution  displayed  in  this 
long  defence  against  such  superior  numbers,  cannot  but  draw  upon  the 
actors  especial  notice  and  renown,  and  place  it  among  the  many  memora 
ble  achievements  of  this  war.* 

The  organization  of  the  insurrection  was  nearly  broken  up  after  this 
repulse.  Though  the  chief,  Pineda,  with  a  considerable  force,  still  re 
mained  in  the  vicinity,  the  presence  of  a  ship  of  war  operated  as  an 
effectual  check  upon  any  further  attack.  In  the  month  of  March,  indeed, 
the  Americans  assumed  the  offensive,  and  by  several  sudden  attacks,  with 
comparatively  small  parties,  drove  the  enemy  further  and  further  up  the 
country.  On  the  night  of  the  15th  of  this  month,  a  detachment  from 
the  garrison  at  La  Paz,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Steele  of  the  New 
York  regiment,  made  a  forced  march  and  came  unexpectedly  upon  the 
enemy's  camp  at  San  Antonio.  The  surprise  was  complete,  and  the  con 
flict  short ;  it  ended  in  the  discomfiture  of  the  Mexicans,  and  the  rescue 
of  the  Americans  taken  prisoners,  as  already  mentioned,  on  the  22d  of 
the  preceding  January. 

Colonel  Burton  and  Commander  Du  Pont  kept  up  a  system  of  short 
and  rapid  expeditions,  in  various  directions,  wherever  an  enemy  showed 
himself;  so  that  by  the  close  of  April  the  forces  of  the  Mexicans  were 
wholly  dispersed,  their  principal  chiefs  taken  prisoners,  and  the  province 
of  Lower  California  rendered  completely  tranquil.  On  the  20th  of  April, 
a  detachment  of  one  hundred  men  from  the  volunteer  regiment  in  Upper 
California  arrived  at  San  Jose,  and  Lieut.  Heywood  and  his  command 
returned  to  their  proper  quarters  on  shipboard. 

At  Guaymas,  where  the  Dale  still  remained,  the  officers  and  men  were 
constantly  occupied  in  maintaining  the  blockade,  and  in  watching  a  large 
extent  of  coast  in  order  to  prevent  the  sending  of  military  supplies  or 
assistance  across  to  Lower  California.  Their  vigilance  and  occasional 
skirmishes  kept  the  enemy  at  a  distance,  and  reduced  him  to  defensive 
operations. 

On  the  receipt  of  the  information  of  a  provisional  suspension  of  hos 
tilities  on  the  part  of  the  main  army  in  Mexico,  Commodore  Shubrick 
entered  into  a  similar  arrangement,  and  withdrew  the  garrison  from  Ma- 
zatlan,  leaving  a  few  men  to  guard  the  works  until  the  establishment  of  a 
definitive  treaty  of  peace.  Until  the  close  of  the  war,  therefore,  the  duty 
of  the  naval  force  was  confined  to  the  maintenance  of  the  positions  already 
held.  In  July,  1848,  Commodore  Shubrick  sailed  for  home  with  the 
Independence,  by  way  of  the  Sandwich  Islands,  having  been  relieved 
in  his  command  of  the  Pacific  squadron  by  Com.  Thos.  Ap  C.  Jones,  in 
the  Ohio  74. 

*  While  these  pages  are  going  to  press,  information  has  been  received  of  the  death  of  the 
gallant  Heywood.  He  fell  a  victim  to  the  yellow  fever,  contracted  at  Rio  Janeiro,  and  died  on 
board  the  steam -frigate  Saranac,  of  which  he  was  second  in  command. 


78  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1846 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Com.  Conner  on  the  east  coast  of  Mexico— Blockade— Expedition  against  Tobasco  and  Alva- 
ralo — Plan  of  attack  on  Vera  Cruz— Minor  towns  taken — Loss  of  the  Somers — Landing  of 
the  American  army — Com.  Perry  relieves  Com.  Conner — Bombardment  of  Vera  Cruz  — 
Capture  of  Alvarado,  Tuspan  and  Tobasco,  and  occupation  of  Mexican  ports — Skirmishes— 
Services  of  marine  corps — Gen.  Quitman — Death  of  Major  Twiggs. 

FOR  the  preservation  of  a  more  clear  and  convenient  method,  we  have 
followed  the  naval  operations  on  the  west  coast  of  Mexico  from  the  com 
mencement  to  the  close  of  hostilities.  In  the  same  order  we  will  now 
present  an  account  of  the  services  of  this  arm  of  the  national  power,  in 
the  Gulf  and  on  the  east  coast  of  Mexico. 

The  navy  found  no  enemy  to  contend  with  on  its  own  element  in  this 
quarter ;  and  was,  therefore,  principally  occupied  as  an  auxiliary  to  the  army. 
Though  its  services  were  not  brilliant,  they  were  certainly  indispensable. 

In  July,  1845,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  wrote  to  Commodore  Conner, 
commanding  the  home  or  Gulf  squadron,  that  he  must  now  consider  Texas 
as  a  part  of  his  country,  to  be  defended  as  any  other  portion  should  be. 
and  must  hold  his  force  in  readiness  for  any  contingency.  The  vessels  of 
war  embraced  in  his  command  at  this  time  were,  the  frigate  Potomac  44 ; 
sloops  of  war  Falmouth  20,  Saratoga  20,  St.  Mary's  20;  brigs  Somers  10, 
and  Lawrence  10.  The  steamers  Mississippi  10,  and  Princeton  9,  sloop 
of  war  John  Adams  20,  and  the  brig  Porpoise  10,  were  ordered  to  join 
his  squadron  without  delay. 

During  the  movement  of  General  Taylor's  division  to  Corpus  Christi, 
and  thence  on  to  the  north  of  the  Rio  Grande,  the  smaller  vessels  of  the 
squadron  kept  it  company,  and  rendered  some  valuable  services.  When 
hostilities  actually  commenced,  and  the  state  of  war  was  declared  to  exist, 
instructions  were  issued  to  Com.  Conner  to  employ  his  command  in  the 
blockade  of  Mexican  ports,  so  far  as  its  force  would  admit  of  doing  so 
effectually.  The  government  required  that  the  blockade  should  be  actual 
and  absolute,  except  against  the  vessels  of  war  of  neutral  nations.  These 
orders  were  issued  on  the  13th  of  May,  1846;  and  that  they  might  be 
properly  carried  out,  several  additional  vessels  were  attached  to  the  squadron 
of  Com.  Conner.  These  were  the  frigate  Cumberland  44,  frigate  Raritan 
44;  and  the  brigs  Perry  and  Truxton  of  10  guns  each.  The  sloop  of 
war  Albany  20,  also  joined  during  the  year. 

On  the  8th  of  May  the  firing  of  the  artillery  at  the  battle  of  Palo 
Alto  was  heard  at  Point  Isabel,  where  the  squadron  lay.  Major  Munroe, 
commanding  the  post>  and  having  under  his  care  the  supplies  for  the  army, 
apprehensive  of  an  attack  by  the  enemy  upon  so  important  a  point, 
requested  of  Commodore  Conner  a  reinforcement  to  his  troops  from  the 
Bquadion.  This  was  promptly  granted;  and  five  hundred  seamen  and 


NAVAL  HISTORY.  79 


marines,  under  Captain  Gregory,  of  the  Raritan,  were  landed  and  assigned 
thoir  post  behind  the  defences.  But  the  victories  of  the  8th  and  9th 
drove  the  Mexicans  across  the  river,  opened  the  communication  between 
Fort  Brown  and  Point  Isabel,  and  left  the  latter  free  from  all  danger. 

On  the  1  8th  of  May  a  detachment  of  nearly  two  hundred  marines  and 
seamen,  from  the  Cumberland  and  Potomac,  under  the  orders  of  Captain 
Aulick,  sailed  up  the  Rio  Grande  in  the  boats  of  the  ships,  and  effected  a 
junction  with  a  detachment  of  the  army  at  Barita,  on  the  rio-ht  bank  of 
the  river,  and  about  fifteen  miles  from  its  mouth.  At  this  point  they  es 
tablished  a  post  without  any  opposition,  and  on  the  same  day  the  army 
under  General  Taylor  crossed  the  river  and  entered  Matamoras. 

The  vessels  were  now  dispatched  to  their  several  stations  to  enforce  the 
blockade  of  the  ports  of  Mexico  on  the  Gulf  as  far  south  as  Alvarado. 
The  changes  of  the  ships  on  the  several  stations  were  necessarily  frequent, 
as,  for  a  time,  they  were  obliged  to  repair  successively  to  Pensacola  to 
replenish  their  supplies.  The  Somers  was  sent  to  Yucatan,  in  order  to 
ascertain  what  course  that  government  intended  to  pursue  in  the  war  be 
tween  the  United  States  and  Mexico.  The  honest  neutrality  of  this  prov 
ince  would  require  a  less  extent  of  coast  to  be  guarded,  and  diminish  the 
resources  of  Mexico  for  a  prolonged  contest.  Munitions  of  war  were 
introduced  through  this  province  into  Mexico,  so  that  the  necessary  neu 
trality  was  not  maintained.  It  became  advisable,  therefore,  in  the  autumn 
of  this  year,  to  send  an  expedition  against  Tobasco,  through  which  city 
this  commerce  in  the  materials  of  war  was  carried  on.  The  place  is  situ 
ated  on  the  river  of  the  same  name,  about  seventy-four  miles  from  its 
mouth,  and  in  a  south-easterly  direction  from  Yera  Cruz.  Its  seaport 
called  Frontera,  is  situated  at  the  mouth  of  the  river. 

Commodore  Matthew  C.  Perry  was  appointed  to  conduct  this  expedi 
tion.  As  the  harbors  of  Mexico  were  inaccessible  to  most  of  the  ships  of 
war,  in  consequence  of  sand  bars  formed  across  their  entrances,  several 
small  steamers  and  schooners  had  been  purchased  and  sent  to  the  scene 
of  operations  in  the  Gulf.  Of  these,  Com.  Perry  took  the  steamer  Vixen, 
and  the  schooners  Bonita,  Reefer,  and  Nonata,  besides  the  steamer  Mc- 
Lane  and  the  schooner  Forward  of  the  revenue  service,  as  the  most  avail 
able  species  of  force  with  which  to  ascend  the  river.  His  own  ship  was 
the  Mississippi,  steamer,  on  board  of  which  was  a  detachment  of  two  hun 
dred  officers,  seamen  and  marines,  nnder  command  of  Captain  Forrest  of 
the  Cumberland. 

The  expedition  sailed  on  the  16th  of  October,  and  arrived  off  the  mouth 
of  the  Tobasco  on  the  23d.  The  Mississippi  was  left  at  the  anchorage 
outside,  while  Com.  Perry  himself  went  on  board  of  the  Vixen.  This 
small  steamer  then  took  in  tow  the  Bonita  and  Forward,  with  the  barges 
containing  the  detachment  under  Captain  Forrest,  and  crossing  the  bai 
began  to  ascend  the  river.  The  Nonata  followed  under  sail  ;  the  Reefer, 
having  parted  company  in  a  gale,  had  not  yet  rejoined. 

The  town  of  Frontera  was  taken  possession  of  without  resistance,  with 
several  vessels  in  port,  and  two  steamers  which  were  firing  up,  in  the  hope 
of  escaping  up  stream.  The  largest  of  these  steamers,  the  Petrita,  was 
immediately  taken  into  service;  the  detachment  of  Captain  Forrest  em 
barking  in  her,  and  the  Nonata  and  Forward,  with  the  barges,  being 


80  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1846. 

attached  to  her  in  order  to  be  towed  up  the  river.  The  Vixen  then  took 
the  Bonita  in  tow,  and  the  next  morning  the  command  again  moved  for 
ward,  in  order  to  reach  Tobasco  before  additions  could  be  made  to  its 
defences.  The  rapidity  of  the  current  and  an  imperfect  knowledge  of  the 
channel  of  the  river  made  their  progress  slow.  The  next  morning  they 
came  abreast  of  a  fort,  which  commanded  the  river  at  a  very  difficult 
point,  and  from  which  they  looked  for  opposition  to  their  advance ;  but 
they  passed  it  unmolested,  the  men  in  charge  fleeing  at  their  approach. 
At  noon  Tobasco  was  reached.  Several  merchant-vessels  were  secured  by 
the  boats,  and  the  squadron  anchored  in  order  of  battle  abreast  of  the 
town,  within  half-musket  range. 

Captain  Forrest  went  directly  on  shore  with  a  flag,  and  a  summons  to 
the  governor  to  surrender.  This  -was  answered  with  bravado,  and  an  in 
vitation  sent  back  to  the  commander  to  fire  as  soon  as  he  pleased.  Com. 
Perry  was  extremely  reluctant  to  destroy  the  town  and  to  subject  the  in 
habitants  to  the  miseries  of  a  bombardment^  merely  to  gratify  the  inhuman 
pride  of  a  man,  who,  safe  himself,  would  not  surrender,  though  incapable 
of  making  any  effectual  resistance.  It  was  necessary,  however,  to  make 
some  demonstration  of  his  power,  and  he  consequently  directed  the  firing 
to  commence  from  the  guns  of  the  Vixen  alone,  and  these  to  be  aimed  at 
the  flag-staff.  At  the  third  discharge  the  flag  came  down.  Captain  For 
rest  was  now  sent  ashore  again  to  inquire  if  they  surrendered ;  but  he  was 
informed  that  the  flag  was  not  struck,  but  only  shot  away. 

Captain  Forrest  now  landed  with  his  detachment  at  a  point  where  they 
were  under  cover  of  the  guns  of  the  vessels.  This  movement  drew  from 
the  enemy  a  fire  of  musketry,  which  was  returned  by  the  flotilla,  and 
continued  till  evening.  Not  considering  it  safe  for  the  land  party  to  re 
main  on  shore  through  the  night,  Com.  Perry  recalled  them.  The  crews 
were  continued  at  quarters  throughout  the  night,  but  the  firing  from  the 
flotilla  was  not  resumed.  Com.  Perry,  knowing  that  the  governor  disre 
garded  the  wishes  of  the  principal  citizens  in  refusing  to  capitulate,  now 
determined,  from  motives  of  humanity,  to  relinquish  any  plan  of  a  more 
complete  conquest,  and  retire  from  the  place,  satisfied  with  having  broken 
up  the  obnoxious  traffic  in  munitions  of  war.  But  in  the  morning  the 
firing  was  recommenced  from  the  town,  and  consequently  it  became  neces 
sary  to  reply  to  it  from  the  flotilla.  A  flag  of  truce  now  appeared,  which 
was  met  by  Captain  Forrest,  and  through  him  conveyed  to  the  Commo 
dore  a  communication  from  the  principal  foreign  merchants  of  the  place, 
setting  forth  the  facts  that  they  were  great  sufferers  by  the  bombard  in ent^ 
and  that  they  would  be  ruined  if  it  continued,  and  desiring  the  American 
commander  to  spare  the  town  and  avert  such  disastrous  results.  Com. 
Perry  in  his  reply  expressed  his  continued  determination,  formed  the 
evening  before,  not  to  fire  unless  fired  upon  from  the  shore.  He,  therefore, 
ordered  his  prizes  to  move  down  the  river,  while  the  armed  vessels  pre 
pared  to  follow.  But  one  of  the  prizes  grounded  near  the  shore,  when  a 
large  party  of  Mexicans  collected  in  the  houses  and  streets  opposite  to  it 
and  began  to  pour  into  it  a  very  severe  fire.  This  of  course  made  it  neces 
sary  to  attack  the  town  again,  in  order  to  relieve  the  prize.  The  fire  of 
the  vessels'  soon  silenced  that  on  shore,  and  Lieut.  Parker,  in  charge  of  the 
^rize,  defended  himself  with  great  gallantry,  and  succeeded  in  getting  hw 


1846.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  81 

vessel  off,  with  one  man  killed  and  two  wounded.  Lieut.  Charles  W. 
Morris,  while  conveying  an  order  in  a  boat  from  the  Commodore  to  Lieut. 
Parker,  received  a  severe  wound  in  the  neck,  which  a  few  days  after  re 
sulted  in  his  death.  The  flotilla,  with  the  prizes,  now  withdrew  from  be 
fore  the  town,  and  proceeded  down  the  river.  Such  vessels  found  in  the 
river  as  were  of  little  value  were  burned,  and  the  rest  of  the  prizes  were 
sent  to  the  main  squadron  near  Vera  Cruz.  The  McLane  and  the  For 
ward,  revenue  cutters,  were  left  to  maintain  the  blockade  of  the  river,  and 
Com.  Perry  and  command  rejoined  Com.  Conner. 

Previous  to  this  successful  expedition  against  Tobasco,  some  naval 
movements  were  made  which  did  not  have  so  satisfactory  a  termination. 
In  August  Com.  Conner  planned  an  expedition  against  Alvarado,  the  first 
town  of  any  importance  on  the  coast  to  the  eastward  of  Vera  Cruz.  But 
it  failed  in  consequence  of  none  of  the  vessels  being  able  to  cross  the  bar — 
the  small  steamers  and  schooners  which  ultimately  proved  so  efficient  in 
operations  of  this  kind,  not  having  been  sent  out  at  that  time.  When 
they  arrived,  in  October,  Com.  Conner  made  another  attempt  to  take  pos 
session  of  Alvarado.  The  defences  of  the  place  were  by  no  means  insig 
nificant,  consisting  of  several  forts  and  batteries  commanding  the  harbor 
and  the  entrance.  The  steamer  Vixen  towed  in  the  two  schooners  Bonita 
and  Reefer,  and  this  division  was  able  to  return  the  fire  of  the  batteries. 
The  steamer  Mississippi  was  also  enabled  to  reach  a  position  where  she 
did  considerable  execution  with  her  long  guns.  But  the  steamer  McLane 
touched  on  the  bar,  and  so  was  unable  to  bring  the  second  division,  con 
sisting  of  the  Nonata,  Petrel  and  Forward,  into  action.  This  misfortune 
frustrated  the  plan ;  as  the  first  division  not  being  properly  supported,  it 
became  necessary  to  recall  it. 

An  attempt  to  capture  Tuspan,  situated  on  the  coast,  above  Vera  Cruz, 
resulted  in  the  loss  of  one  of  the  vessels  of  the  squadron.  On  the  15th 
of  August,  Commander  Carpenter  stood  in  for  the  town  with  the  brig 
Truxton.  She  struck  upon  the  bar  and  obstinately  resisted  all  efforts  to 
get  her  off.  Her  officers  and  men,  with  the  exception  of  Lieut,  Hunter 
and  a  boat's  crew,  were  obliged  to  surrender  to  the  Mexicans.  They  were, 
however,  subsequently  exchanged. 

In  the  autumn  of  this  year  a  plan  of  a  campaign  was  marked  out, 
which  contemplated  the  reduction  of  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz  and  its  famous 
castle,  and  thence  the  march  of  a  large  army  by  the  shortest,  route  to  the 
capital  of  Mexico.  It  was  highly  advisable  to  conceal  this  plan  from  the 
Mexican  government.  In  order,  therefore,  to  divert  attention  from  the  real 
point  of  attack,  and  to  afford  a  convenient  place  for  concentrating  troops, 
orders  were  sent  in  October  to  Com.  Conner  to  take  possession  of  Tampico. 
The  Raritan,  Potomac,  and  St.  Mary's  were  Ordered  to  rendezvous  off  that 
port.  On  the  12th  of  November  the  steamer  Mississippi,  having  on  board 
a  detachment  of  one  hundred  marines  and  seamen  from  the  Cumberland, 
and  towing  the  Vixen,  Nonata,  Bonita  and  Reefer,  and  the  steamer 
Princeton,  having  in  tow  the  Spitfire  and  Petrel,  left  the  anchorage  of 
Anton  Lizardo.  Arrived  off  the  bar  of  Tampico,  on  the  morning  of  the 
14th,  three  hundred  men  were  placed  in  the  boats  of  the  various  vessels, 
which,  in  connection  with  the  schooners  above  mentioned  in  tow  of  the 
steamers  Spitfire  and  Vixen,  were  carried  safely  over  the  bar,  and  passed 


82  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1846. 

up  the  river.  The  defences  of  the  city  had  been  abandoned,  so  that  no 
resistance  was  met  with.  Before  reaching  it,  a  deputation  of  the  govern 
ment  came  on  board,  with  whom  the  terms  of  a  peaceable  surrender  were 
arranged.  Two  merchant  vessels  and  three  gun-boats  were  captured  in 
the  harbor.  A  strict  blockade  of  the  port  was  still  maintained  after  its 
capture ;  and  it  was  also  garrisoned  for  some  time  by  a  strong  detachment 
of  troops. 

From  Tampico  an  expedition  was  sent  under  Commander  Tattnall,  with 
the  steamer  Spitfire  and  the  schooner  Petrel,  to  Panuco,  situated  about 
eighty  miles  up  a  river  of  the  same  name,  for  the  purpose  of  destroying 
some  camion  and  other  munitions  of  war,  which  the  Mexicans  had  trans 
ported  from  Tampico  before  its  capture.  Though  the  river  banks  afforded 
many  points  from  which  artillery  might  have  swept  the  decks  of  the  ves 
sels,  the  enemy  offered  no  opposition,  and  on  the  19th  of  November,  the 
town  was  taken  possession  of,  and  the  military  stores  destroyed  or  brought 
away.  In  the  latter  part  of  November,  the  frigate  Cumberland  was  sent 
home  for  repairs,  Captain  Forrest  being  transferred  with  his  crew  to  the 
Raritan,  and  Captain  Gregory  and  crew  going  home  in  the  Cumberland. 

While  the  squadron  was  off  Tampico,  the  brig  Somers  maintained  the 
blockade  of  Vera  Cruz.  The  barque  Creole,  conveying  munitions  of  war 
to  the  Mexicans,  had  violated  the  blockade,  and  lay  on  the  night  of  the 
20th  of  November  in  supposed  security,  under  the  guns  of  the  fortress 
St.  Juan  d'Ulloa.  In  the  darkness,  a  boat  from  the  Somers  quietly  ap 
proached  her,  containing  Lieut.  Parker,  Passed-midshipmen  Rogers  and 
Hynson,  and  five  seamen.  The  guard  was  surprised,  captured,  and  after 
ward  set  on  shore,  while  the  vessel  was  set  fire  to  and  burned.  The 
adventurous  and  gallant  party  escaped  without  injury. 

On  the  5th  of  December,  Passed-midshipman  Rogers,  and  Dr.  Wright, 
attached  to  the  Somers,  with  one  of  the  crew,  went  on  shore  in  the  vicin 
ity  of  Vera  Cruz  for  the  purpose  of  a  reconnaissance.  They  were  soon 
surprised  by  a  party  of  Mexicans;  and  Dr.  Wright  managed  to  escape, 
but  the  other  two  were  taken  prisoners.  Though  Midshipman  Rogers 
wore  his  uniform,  and  could  only  be  properly  deemed  a  prisoner  of  war, 
his  fate  was  for  a  long  time  doubtful,  the  Mexican  authorities  seeking  to 
convict  him  as  a  spy.  He  endured  great  hardships,  and  was  finally  taken 
to  the  city  of  Mexico,  whence  he  escaped  before  the  city  was  captured  by 
the  American  arms,  joined  the  army  of  Gen.  Scott,  and  served  with  dis 
tinction  in  the  brilliant  battles  which  closed  the  war.  His  misfortune  in 
being  captured,  however,  probably  saved  him  from  the  more  melancholy 
fate  of  most  of  his  companions  on  board  the  Somers.  Tins  active  little 
cruiser,  on  the  8th  of  December,  while  seeking  under  a  press  of  canvas  to 
cut  off  a  vessel  which  was  making  for  the  harbor  of  Vera  Cruz,  was  struck 
by  a  "  norther "  and  thrown  on  her  beam-ends.  She  soon  went  down, 
carrying  with  her,  Acting-master  Clemson,  Passed-midshipman  Hynson 
and  nearly  one  half  her  crew  of  eighty  men.  The  John  Adams,  just 
coming  down  the  coast,  went  to  the  assistance  of  the  brig,  as  also  did  the 
boats  of  the  British,  French,  and  Spanish  ships  of  war,  anchored  near; 
by  these  some  of  the  officers  and  men  were  rescued,  while  others  reached 
the  shore  and  were  taken  prisoners.  Gold  and  silver  medals  were  subse 
quently  presented,  by  order  of  Congress,  to  the  officers  and  men  of  the 


NAVAL  HISTORY.  83 


foreign  vessels  who  so  nobly  and  generously  risked  their  own  lives  in 
saving  some  of  their  fellow-men  from  the  wreck  of  the  unfortunate 
Somers. 

Commodore  Perry,  with  the  Mississippi,  Vixen,  Bonita  and  Petrel,  ar 
rived  off  the  town  of  Laguna,  in  the  province  of  Yucatan,  on  the  20th 
of  December.  Leaving  the  Mississippi  off  the  bar,  he  took  the  schooners 
and  barges  in  tow  of  the  Vixen,  and  proceeded  up  to  the  town.  Posses 
sion  was  taken  without  any  difficulty,  and  the  military  stores  seized.  Two 
forts  were  occupied,  the  American  flag  hoisted  upon  them,  and  the  guns 
and  carriages  destroyed.  Commander  Sands,  with  the  Vixen  and  Petrel, 
was  left  in  charge  of  the  place.  On  returning  along  the  coast,  Lieut. 
Comd't  Benham,  in  the  Bonita,  was  left  at  Tobasco  river,  to  assume  the 
command  of  the  blockading  vessels  at  that  point. 

The  year  1847  commenced  with  very  extensive  and  active  preparations 
for  the  contemplated  attack  on  Vera  Cruz  and  the  castle  of  St.  Juan 
d'Ulloa.  The  descent  of  so  large  a  body  of  troops  as  was  necessary  for 
the  grand  plan  of  the  campaign,  upon  an  open  coast,  with  the  needful 
but  heavy  encumbrance  of  its  military  supplies,  could  be  no  light  work  ; 
and  the  aid  of  the  navy  was  in  all  aspects  of  the  undertaking  indis 
pensable.  Great  activity  consequently  pervaded  this  department  of  the 
national  government.  Bomb-ketches  and  steamers  were  purchased, 
equipped  and  sent  to  the  Gulf.  The  Ohio  74,  which  was  preparing  for 
the  Pacific,  and  the  sloops  Germantown  20,  Saratoga  20,  and  Decatur  16, 
were  rapidly  fitted  out  and  ordered  10  join  the  squadron.  On  the  coast  of 
Mexico  was  soon  assembled,  around  Vera  Cruz  as  a  centre,  or  scattered 
off  different  ports  on  blockading  duty,  probably  the  largest  force  ever 
under  the  command  of  a  single  American  naval  officer. 

The  transports,  conveying  troops  and  supplies,  were  directed  to  rendez 
vous  at  the  island  of  Lobos,  which  lies  about  twelve  miles  off  the  coast, 
some  sixty  miles  below  Tampico.  At  this  point^  many  of  them  assem 
bled  during  the  month  of  February,  and  as  the  season  was  advancing, 
though  many  very  necessary  supplies  had  not  yet  arrived,  the  Commander- 
in-chief  decided  to  effect  an  immediate  lauding. 

The  following  detailed  account  of  the  debarkation  of  the  army  of 
Major-general  Scott,  is  from  the  pen  of  William  G.  Temple,  Passed- 
midshipman  in  the  navy,  who,  in  view  of  the  nautical  interest  attached 
to  the  movement,  has  compiled  from  original  sources,  a  memoir  of  the 
operation,  addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  and  placed  among  the 
files  of  his  department.  The  substance  of  this  document  is  here  given. 

"  In  view  of  landing  the  army  at  some  point  near  Vera  Cruz,  surf- 
boats  suitable  for  that  service  were  contracted  for  in  the  different  ports  of 
the  United  States,  by  the  quarter-master's  department  of  the  army.  These 
boats  were  built  with  both  ends  alike,  so  as  to  steer  with  an  oar  at  each' 
end,  and  to  stow  in  nests  of  three  each,  the  largest  one  measuring  forty 
feet  in  length.  One  hundred  and  forty-one  boats,  or  forty-seven  nests 
were  contracted  for  and  built  ;  out  of  this  number,  however,  only  sixty- 
five  had  reached  head-quarters  by  the  the  time  they  were  required  for  the 
landing  of  the  troops. 

"  The  army  sailed  from  the  rendezvous  at  Lobos  Island  on  the  5th  of 
March.  In  anticipation  of  the  arrival  of  the  transports  off  Vera  Cruz, 


84  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1847. 

the  frigate  Potomac  and  the  sloops  of  war  Albany  and  John  Adams  were 
stationed  in  the  vicinity  of  Isla  Verde,  (some  five  miles  to  seaward  of  the 
city,)  with  orders  to  put  an  officer  on  board  each  vessel  as  she  arrived,  to 
pilot  her  into  the  anchorage  at  Anton  Lizardo ;  or  should  the  number  of 
officers  prove  inadequate  to  this  duty,  to  furnish  the  masters  of  the  trans 
ports  with  such  sailing  directions  as  would  enable  them  to  pass  inside  of 
the  Blanquilla  Reefs  to  the  anchorage. 

"The  naval  squadron,  under  the  command  of  Commodore  Conner, 
and  the  transports  having  on  board  the  troops  and  their  equipments, 
under  the  command  of  Major-general  Scott,  were  thus  concentrated 
at  the  anchorage  between  the  island  of  Salmadina  and  Point  Anton 
Lizardo :  a  distance  of  some  ten  or  twelve  miles  to  the  eastward  of  Vera 
Cruz. 

"  As  fast  as  those  transports  having  on  board  any  of  the  surf-boats  ar 
rived,  the  boats  were  launched  under  the  direction  of  a  lieutenant  of  the 
squadron,  their  equipment  inspected,  and  every  thing  belonging  to  them 
fully  prepared  for  service ;  after  which  they  were  hauled  up  on  the  land 
ward  side  of  the  island,  and  arranged  and  numbered  by  divisions ;  each 
division  consisting  of  ten  boats,  taken  from  all  the  different  sizes. 

"  In  the  mean  time  a  speedy  debarkation  was  resolved  upon ;  it  being 
important  that  a  landing  should  be  effected  before  'a  norther'  should 
come  on,  as  that  would  delay  the  operation  several  days.  Accordingly, 
the  General-in-chief  and  the  Commodore  of  the  squadron  made  a  joint 
reconnaissance  in  the  steamer  Petrita,  with  a  view  of  selecting  the  most 
advantageous  point  for  that  purpose.  The  choice  lay  principally  between 
Point  Anton  Lizardo,  opposite  which  the  squadron  and  transports  lay  an 
chored,  and  the  beach  directly  abreast  the  island  of  Sacrificios.  The  great 
objection  to  the  first  of  these  two,  was  the  distance  (about  fifteen  miles) 
that  the  troops  would  have  to  march  before  reaching  the  point  of  attack ; 
while,  at  the  same  time,  the  road  led  through  deep,  loose  sand,  and  in 
volved  the  passage  of  one  or  two  considerable  streams.  As  to  the  mere 
landing,  however,  it  was  deemed  quite  as  good  as  that  near  Sacrificios. 
The  selection  of  this  last-named  point,  obviated  the  difficulty  already 
mentioned,  being  within  two  and  a  half  miles  of  the  city  walls,  although 
it  had  its  own  disadvantages.  The  exceedingly  confined  space  afforded 
here  for  a  secure  anchorage,  rendered  it  dangerous,  in  the  then  season  of 
1  northers,'  to  bring  up  many  of  the  transports.  It  was  therefore  sug 
gested  to  transfer  all  the 'troops  from  the  transports  to  the  men-of-war  and 
steamers,  and  after  their  debarkation,  to  order  up  from  Anton  Lizardo  such 
transports  with  provisions  and  stores,  as  might  first  be  required ;  which, 
in  turn,  might  make  room  for  others,  till  all  should  be  landed.* 

"  In  view  of  all  these  considerations,  the  beach  near  Sacrificios  was 
deemed  the  most  eligible  point,  and  the  debarkation  was  appointed  to  take 
place  on  the  8th  of  March.  General  orders  were  therefore  issued  on  the 
7th,  by  the  Commodore,  and  the  Commanding  General,  prescribing  the 
necessary  arrangements. 

*  Subsequent  to  the  landing,  however,  the  transports  were  ordered  to  Sacrificios  in  too  great 
numbers ;  and  a  gale  of  wind  coming  on  from  the  north,  about  forty  vessels  were  blown  upon 
the  beach. 


1847.]  NATAL  HISTORY.  85 

"The  surf-boats  were  apportioned  for  use  among  the  men-of-war  as 
follows : 

Frigate  Raritan, 15. 

Frigate  Potomac, 20. 

Sloop  of  war  Albany, 10. 

Sloop  of  war  St.  Marys, 10. 

Steamer  Princeton, 10. 

"  These  vessels  were  directed  to  furnish  to  each  boat,  so  apportioned  to 
them,  a  crew  of  seven  seamen,  and  a  junior  or  petty  officer  to  command 
it.  Each  division  of  ten  boats  was  commanded  by  a  lieutenant,  and  in 
some  instances,  was  divided  between  two  of  that  grade ;  the  general  di 
rection  of  the  whole  remaining  always  with  the  senior.  Captain  Forrest, 
commanding  the  frigate  Raritan,  was  ordered  to  superintend  the  whole 
operation. 

"  The  officers  detailed  for  this  duty  were  sent  on  shore  the  day  previous 
to  the  debarkation,  and  the  boats  allotted  to  their  respective  ships  pointed 
out  to  them  as  they  lay  ranged  and  numbered  on  the  beach,  so  as  to  avoid 
confusion  and  an  indiscriminate  seizure  of  the  boats,  when  they  should 
come  with  their  crews  at  daylight  to  launch  them.  The  boats'  anchors 
were  stowed  in  the  sterns  of  the  boats  with  their  hawsers  coiled  clear  for 
running ;  and  the  cockswains  were  instructed,  in  case  the  landing  should 
be  effected  in  a  heavy  surf,  to  drop  the  anchor  from  the  stern  outside  the 
breakers,  and  to  pay  out  the  hawser  as  the  boat  went  in,  so  that  after 
the  troops  should  have  jumped  out  in  shoal  water,  the  boat  could  be 
warped  out  again  through  the  breakers,  without  having  received  any 
injury  from  thumping  on  the  beach.* 

"  The  troops  were  ordered  to  be  in  readiness  for  the  following  distri 
bution  among  the  different  men-of-war  and  steamers,  to  take  passage 
from  Anton  Lizardo  to  Sacrificios. 

"The  1st  line  under  Brevet  Brigadier-general  Worth,  consisting  of  the 
1st  brigade  of  regulars  and  Captain  Swift's  company  of  sappers  and 
miners,  to  be  received  on  board  the  frigate  Raritan  and  the  steamers 
Princeton  and  Edith.  The  field  batteries  of  Captain  Taylor  and  Lieu 
tenant  Talcott  (also  attached  to  this  line  and  to  be  landed  with  them) 
to  be  towed  up,  in  their  respective  transports,  by  the  steamers  Massachu 
setts  and  Alabama. 

"  The  2d  line,  under  Major-general  Patterson,  consisting  of  the  1st 
brigade  of  volunteers  commanded  by  Brigadier-general  Pillow,  and  the 
South  Carolina  regiment  of  volunteers f  (all  of  the  2d  brigade  that  had 
yet  arrived  out)  to  be  received  on  board  the  frigate  Potomac  and  the 
steamers  Alabama  and  Virginia.  The  reserve,  under  Brigadier-general 
Twiggs,  consisting  of  the  2d  brigade  of  regulars,  to  be  received  on  board 
the  sloops  of  war  Albany  and  St.  Marys,  the  brig  Porpoise,  and  the 
steamers  Massachusetts,  Eudora  and  Petrita. 

*  This  precaution,  however,  proved  unnecessary  at  the  time  of  landing,  from  the  smooth 
state  of  the  water ;  but  at  a  later  period,  while  landing  heavy  articles  in  a  surf,  it  was  resorted 
to  with  great  success. 

f  The  South  Carolina  regiment,  finding  themselves  crowded  out  of  the  vessels  assigned  to 
their  transportation,  asked  and  received  permission  from  Captain  Sands  of  the  steamer  Vixen, 
to  take  passage  in  his  vessel. 


86  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1847. 


"  Every  man  of  the  army  was  directed  to  take  in  his  haversack,  bread 
and  meat  (cooked)  for  two  days;  and  the  vessels  of  war  were  ordered  to 
supply  the  troops  with  water  and  provisions,  while  on  board. 

"  A  system  of  signals  had  been  arranged  beforehand,  by  the  General- 
in-chief,  by  which  the  transports  were  to  indicate  the  number  of  boats 
required  by  each  one  to  take  from  them  the  troops  they  had  on  board. 
They  were  to  hoist  a  flag  at  the  fore  for  each  boat  required  to  receive  the 
first  line,  and  to  haul  them  down  as  the  boats  arrived  alongside ;  in  like 
manner  at  the  main  for  the  second  line,  and  at  the  mizzen  for  the  reserve. 

"  All  the  preliminary  arrangements  were  thus  completed  on  the  evening 
of  the  Yth,  but  the  next  morning  there  were  indications  of  a  "  norther," 
and  the  movement  was  postponed.  At  sunrise  on  the  morning  of  the 
9th,  the  officers  and  men  detailed  for  that  duty,  were  sent  from  the  men- 
of-war,  to  launch  and  man  the  surf-boats.  Those  divisions  of  boats 
manned  by  the  Raritan  and  Princeton  were  assigned  to  the  transfer  of 
the  first  line;  going  for  them  whenever  a  transport  had  flags  flying  at 
the  fore,  and  taking  them  to  the  vessels  of  war  and  steamers,  according 
to  the  herein  before  mentioned  distribution.  In  like  manner  those  divi 
sions  manned  by  the  Potomac  were  assigned  to  the  transfer  of  the  second 
line,  and  those  by  the  Albany  and  St.  Marys  to  the  reserve. 

"Each  of  the  frigates  received  on  board  between  twenty-five  and 
twenty-eight  hundred  men,  with  their  arms  and  accoutrements ;  the  sloops 
received  about  nine  hundred  each,  and  the  smaller  vessels  numbers  in 
proportion. 

"  When  all  were  transferred,  the  fifteen  boats  belonging  to  the  Raritan 
were  taken  to  the  steamer  Spitfire  to  be  towed  to  Sacrificros ;  the  steamer 
Vixen  went  alongside  the  Potomac  and  took  in  tow  the  twenty  boats  belong 
ing  to  her ;  the  Albany  sent  her  ten  to  the  steamer  Eudora,  the  St.  Marys' 
ten  wTere  sent  to  the  steamer  Petrita,  and  the  Princeton  took  in  tow  her 
own  ten.  At  the  same  time  the  vessels,  so  sending  them,  detailed  two 
lieutenants  and  two  midshipmen  to  remain  on  board  the  to  AY  ing  steamers, 
and  look  out  for  their  boats,  together  with  two  seamen  for  each  boat, 
who  were  to  remain  in  them,  and  steer  them  during  the  tow. 

"  This  pail  of  the  movement  was  completed  very  successfully  about  10 
o'clock  A.  M.  ;  and  a  few  moments  thereafter,  the  squadron  and  such  of 
the  transports  as  had  been  selected  for  the  purpose,  got  under  way  for 
Sacrificios :  the  General-in-chief  on  board  the  steamer  Massachusetts,  and 
the  Commodore  of  the  squadron  in  the  frigate  Raritan. 

"  The  weather  was  very  fine,  with  a  fresh  yet  gentle  breeze  from  the 
south-east  and  a 'perfectly  smooth  sea.  The  passage  to  Sacrificios  occupied 
between  two  and  three  hours.  Each  vessel  came  in  and  anchored  in 
the  small  space  previously  allotted  to  her,  without  the  slightest  disorder 
or  confusion,  the  anchorage  being  still  very  much  crowded  notwithstanding 
the  number  of  transports  that  had  been  left  behind. 

"  The  debarkation  commenced  on  the  instant.  Each  vessel  reclaiming 
her  surf-boats  from  the  steamer  that  had  towed  them  up,  sent  them  to 
receive  the  first  line.  The  Princeton  was  ordered  to  take  a  position 
abreast  the  landing-place,  and  as  near  the  shore  as  possible;  and  the 
surf-boats  were  directed,  after  receiving  their  quota  of  soldiers,  to  rendez 
vous  astern  of  her,  and  to  form  there  in  a  double  line-ahead,  according  to 


1847.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  87 

regiments  and  companies,  and  in  prescribed  order  of  battle ;  the  two  head 
boats  holding  on  to  each  quarter  of  the  Princeton,  other  two  holding  on 
to  them,  and  so  on,  with  the  regimental  flag  flying  in  the  head  boat  of 
each  regiment. 

"  In  the  mean  time,  while  this  work  of  transfer  and  arrangement  was 
going  on,  the  steamers  Spitfire  and  Vixen,  and  the  five  gunboats  Petrel, 
Bonita,  Uteefer,  Falcon,  and  Tarnpico  were  ordered  to  anchor  in  a  line 
parallel  with  and  as  close  in  to  the  beach  as  they  could  get,  to  cover  the 
landing  with  their  guns  if  necessary.  These  vessels  were  armed  chiefly 
with  32  pounder  shell  guns,  and  were  of  such  light  draught  (from  five 
to  eight  feet)  that  they  were  enabled  to  take  positions  within  good  grape 
range  of  the  shore. 

"  When  all  was  prepared,  the  boats  cast  off  from  the  Princeton,  and 
from  each  other,  squared  away  in  line-abreast,  and  pulled  in  together  to 
the  beach,  where  the  troops  landed  without  the  slightest  opposition.  The 
boats  immediately  returned  to  the  vessels  for  the  second  line  of  the  army, 
and  afterward  for  the  reserve ;  and  without  waiting  to  form  again  in  order 
of  battle,  they  continued  to  pour  the  troops  upon  the  beach,  in  successive 
trips,  as  fast  as  they  could  come  and  go.  At  some  places  the  loaded 
boats  grounded  on  the  bar,  or  false  beach,  some  twenty  yards  from  dry 
land ;  and  the  troops  had  to  wade  through  waist-deep  water  to  get  ashore. 
This  occurred  in  comparatively  few  instances,  ho\vever;  and  aside  from 
the  inconvenience  of  these  few  wettings,  not  an  accident  of  any  kind 
occurred  throughout  the  whole  operations.  No  enemy  appeared  to  dispute 
the  ground ;  and  General  Worth  had  the  satisfaction  of  forming  his  com 
mand  upon  the  neighboring  sand-hills  just  before  sunset.  The  landing 
commenced  about  the  middle  of  the  afternoon,  and  before  1 0  o'clock  that 
night  upward  of  10,000  men,  with  stores  and  provisions  for  several  days, 
were  safely  deposited  on  the  beach. 

"  The  steamer  New  Orleans  with  the  Louisiana  regiment  of  volunteers, 
800  strong,  arrived  at  Anton  Lizardo  just  as  the  squadron  had  been  put 
in  motion  for  Sacriricios.  She  joined  them ;  and  her  troops,  together  with 
the  marines  of  the  squadron,  (who  formed  a  battalion,  under  the  command 
of  Captain  Edson  of  the  marine  corps,)  were  landed  with  the  others. 
Other  troop  ships  came  in  subsequently ;  so  that  on  the  24th  of  March  the 
field  return  showed  a  total  of  12,603  men. 

"  In  the  mean  time,  also,  the  transports  were  ordered  up  successively 
from  Anton  Lizardo ;  and  whenever  the  weather  would  permit,  the  surf- 
boats  (still  manned  and  officered  from  the  squadron)  were  constantly 
employed  in  landing  artillery,  horses,  provisions,  and  stores. 

"  The  perfect  success  of  the  entire  operation  is  sufficiently  evident  from 
the  foregoing,  without  further  demonstration.  It  only  remains,  therefore, 
to  add  a  few  words  from  the  report  of  the  two  commanding  officers, 
expressive  of  their  gratification.  Commodore  Conner  says:  'The  officers 
and  men  under  my  command  vied  with  each  other,  on  that  occasion,  in 
a  zealous  and  energetic  performance  of  their  duty.  I  cannot  but  express 
to  the  Department,  the  great  satisfaction  I  have  derived  from  witnessing 
their  efforts  to  contribute  all  in  their  power  to  the  success  of  their  more 
fortunate  brethren  of  the  army.' 

"  General  Scott  writes,  that  '  to  Commodore  Conner,  and  the  officers 


88  NAVAL   HISTORY.  [1847 


and  sailors  of  his  command,  the  army  is  indebted  for  great  and  unceasing 
assistance,  promptly  and  cheerfully  rendered.  Their  co-operation  is  the 
constant  theme  of  our  gratitude  and  admiration.'  " 

Pending  the  bombardment  of  Vera  Cruz,  Commodore  Conner,  who 
had  now  been  in  command  of  the  Home  squadron  more  than  three  years, 
and  »vhose  health  had  become  seriously  impaired,  was  relieved,  on  the 
21st  of  March,  by  Commodore  M.  C.  Perry,  and  returned  home  in  the 
Princeton. 

On  the  22d  of  March,  the  investment  of  the  city  being  completed  and 
some  of  the  batteries  constructed,  the  Governor  was  called  upon  to  surren 
der.  This  being  declined,  in  the  afternoon  of  the  day  the  firing  commenced 
from  the  trenches,  and  was  returned  both  from  the  city  and  the  castle. 
At  the  same  time  the  two  small  steamers,  the  Spitfire  and  Vixen,  and  the 
five  gun-boats,  led  by  Commander  J.  Tattnall,  took  a  position,  near  the 
shore,  whence  their  heavy  shot  could  reach  the  city.  This  position  was 
gallantly  maintained  and  their  fire  kept  up  with  rapidity  and  steadiness 
until  late  in  the  evening.  They  were  supplied  with  ammunition  during 
the  night,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  24th  moved  to  a  still  nearer  and 
more  favorable  position,  whence  the  firing  was  resumed.  It  soon  became 
apparent,  however,  that  the  flotilla  was  in  a  position  inconsistent  with  its 
safety,  and  it  was  consequently  recalled. 

It  being  the  earnest  desire  of  the  officers  and  men  of  the  navy  to  take 
Rome  active  part  in  the  siege,  General  Scott  generously  assigned  them  a 
place  in  the  trenches.  Three  eight-inch  Paixlian  guns  and  three  long 
32  pounders  were  landed  from  the  squadron;  and  after  vast  labor  in 
dragging  them  through  the  sand,  in  which  duty  the  sailors  were  aided 
by  detachments  from  the  army,  they  were  mounted  in  battery  under  the 
superintendence  of  Commander  A.  S.  Mackenzie.  This  battery  was 
served  by  different  detachments  from  the  several  vessels,  composed  of 
lieutenants  and  other  officers  with  an  adequate  number  of  seamen,  all 
under  the  command  of  a  captain.  Each  detachment  was  on  duty  twenty- 
four  hours.  The  battery  opened  its  fire  on  the  24th  under  charge  of 
Captain  J.  H.  Aulick  of  the  Potomac.  As  soon  as  discovered,  it  drew 
upon  itself  an  exceedingly  severe  fire  from  the  enemy's  guns,  which  was 
returned  deliberately  and  with  marked  effect  for  about  four  hours,  when 
the  supply  of  ammunition  failed.  The  loss  from  this  detachment  was 
five  seamen  killed  and  one  officer  and  four  men  wounded.  The  relief 
party  arrived  in  the  afternoon  under  the  command  of  Captain  Mayo  of 
the  Mississippi.  The  breastworks  having  been  much  shattered,  the  night 
was  spent  in  repairing  them.  Early  on  the  morning  of  the  25th,  the  fire 
of  four  of  the  Mexican  batteries  was  concentrated  upon  this  work.  An 
active  cannonade  was  continued  in  return  until  half-past  two  p.  M.,  when 
the  enemy's  guns  were  silenced.  Two  other  batteries  then  turned  their 
fire  upon  the  naval  battery,  and  they  also  were  soon  rendered  inefficient. 
During  this  day  Midshipman  T.  B.  Shubrick,  while  pointing  a  gun,  was 
killed.  One  seaman  was  killed  and  three  were  slightly  wounded.  Captain 
Mayo  was  relieved  at  the  close  of  the  day  by  Captain  S.  L.  Breese  of  the 
Albany.  The  cannonade  of  the  day  gave  employment  for  the  night  in 
restoring  the  dilapidated  defences.  In  the  morning  a  storm  so  filled  the 
air  with  dust  that  it  was  impossible  to  sight  the  guns,  and  soon  an  order 


1847.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  80 

arrived  from  the  Commander-in-chief  that  the  firing  need  not  be  resumed, 
as  negotiations  for  a  surrender  were  in  progress.  During  the  siege,  the 
naval  battery  threw  one  thousand  Paixhan  shells  and  eight  hundred 
round  shot  into  the  enemy's  walls  and  forts. 

In  the  commission  for  the  settlement  of  the  terms  of  capitulation, 
Captain  Aulick  represented  the  navy;  and,  on  the  29th  of  March,  the 
combined  forces  of  the  army  and  navy  took  possession  of  the  city  and 
castle,  while  the  American  flag  floated  over  both  amid  a  grand  salute  from 
the  squadron  and  the  batteries. 

Immediately  after  the  surrender  of  Vera  Cruz,  a  combined  movement 
was  made  for  the  capture  of  Alvarado,  which,  after  the  two  previously 
mentioned  failures,  was  in  this  instance  accomplished.  General  Quitman, 
with  his  brigade  of  volunteer  troops,  was  directed  to  proceed  by  land,  in 
order  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  Mexicans,  and  especially  to  gain  pos 
session  of  the  horses  and  mules  of  that  region,  upon  which  the  army  was 
depending  for  a  forward  movement.  Commodore  Perry  directed  Lieu 
tenant  Charles  G.  Hunter,  commanding  the  steamer  Scourge,  to  proceed 
in  advance  with  that  vessel  and  blockade  the  harbor,  while  he  himself 
followed  with  the  other  vessels  more  slowly,  so  as  to  co-operate  with 
General  Quitman  when  he  should  arrive  in  the  rear  of  the  town.  But 
Lieutenant  Hunter,  who  reached  the  bar  on  the  30th  of  March,  allowed 
himself  to  be  tempted  by  his  zeal  into  an  immediate  attack  upon  the 
fortifications  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  instead  of  obeying  the  letter  of 
his  orders  and  simply  maintaining  a  blockade.  The  next  day,  after  a 
renewal  of  the  attack,  the  Mexicans  withdrew  from  the  batteries  and  from 
the  town,  when  Lieutenant  Hunter  entered  the  river,  captured  four  schoon 
ers,  left  a  garrison  to  guard  the  place,  and  proceeded  up  to  Tlacotalpara. 
This  town  surrendered  without  resistance.  Thus  was  the  apparent  object 
of  the  expedition  accomplished  before  the  main  force  arrived ;  but  the 
important  purpose  of  drawing  supplies  for  the  army  from  this  quarter  was 
entirely  defeated,  as  the  Mexicans  escaped  with  their  animals  before  the 
land  force  could  hem  them  in.  Commodore  Perry  arrived  on  the  2d  of 
April,  but  his  too  active  subordinate  had  left  nothing  to  be  done  in  the 
way  of  conquest.  Quiet  possession  was  taken  of  the  town,  and  of  such 
public  property  as  had  not  been  destroyed  when  the  enemy  evacuated 
the  place.  Sixty  cannon  were  found,  thirty-five  of  which  were  shipped 
and  the  remainder  destroyed.  Lieutenant  Hunter  was  immediately  placed 
under  arrest,  and  was  afterward,  by  the  sentence  of  a  court-martial,  dis 
missed  from  the  squadron  for  disobedience  of  orders. 

As  soon  as  Alvarado  was  reduced,  Commodore  Perry  turned  his  atten 
tion  to  a  movement  against  Tuspan.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the 
brig-of-war  Truxton  was  lost  on  the  bar  while  engaged  in  an  attempt  to 
capture  this  place.  Some  of  her  guns  were  now  mounted  in  the  forts 
which  defended  the  town ;  and  it  was  rather  a  point  of  honor  with  the 
navy  to  retake  them.  This  expedition  received  no  aid  from  the  army. 
The  Raritan,  with  a  detachment  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  officers  and 
men  from  the  Potomac,  the  Albany,  John  Adams,  Germantown,  and 
Decatur,  and  the  bomb-vessels  Vesuvius,  Etna,  and  Hecla,  were  ordered 
to  rendezvous  at  the  Island  of  Lobos.  Commodore  Perry  in  the  Missis 
sippi,  accompanied  by  the  steamers  Spitfire,  Vixen,  and  Scourge,  and  the 


90  NAVAL  HISTORY.  Itfi*.] 

gun-boats  Bonita,  Petrel,  and  Reefer,  with  a  party  of  three  hundred  officers 
and  men  from  the  Ohio,  sailed  from  Sacrificios  on  the  12th  of  April. 
Joining  the  vessels  at  Lobos,  he  arrived  oft' the  bar  of  Tuspan  on  the  17th, 
and  made  preparations  for  an  attack  the  next  day.  The  larger  ships 
being  anchored  outside,  the  small  steamers,  the  gun-boats,  and  about  thirty 
barges  crossed  the  bar  without  accident  on  the  morning  of  the  18th. 
The  whole  force  detached  from  the  ships — forming  the  landing  party  and 
carried  in  the  barges — amounted  to  1,490  officers,  seamen  and  marines, 
with  four  pieces  of  light  artillery  for  land  service.  The  whole  was  led  by 
Commodore  Perry  on  board  the  steamer  Spitfire.  The  approach  to  the 
town  was  defended  by  two  forts  on  the  right  and  one  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  river,  in  very  excellent  positions  to  sweep  any  force  coming  up  stream. 
General  Cos  of  the  Mexican  army  was  in  command  and  had  under  him 
a  force  of  650  troops.  "When  the  flotilla  came  within  range  of  the 
enemy's  guns,  the  barges  sheered  oft"  to  land  the  detachment  which  was 
to  operate  on  shore,  under  command  of  Captain  S.  L.  Breese,  while  the 
steamers  and  gun-boats  moved  up  the  river.  The  Mexicans  made  but 
a  feeble  defence.  They  fired  from  the  forts  and  also  with  musketry  along 
the  borders  of  the  river.  But  as  the  American  force  came  up,  they  rap 
idly  fell  back,  deserting  the  batteries  before  the  land  party  could  get  near 
enough  to  storm  them.  The  attack,  therefore,  proved  entirely  successful, 
and  the  capture  was  effected,  with  a  loss  to  the  Americans  of  only  three 
seamen  killed  and  five  officers  and  six  men  wounded.  The  guns  and  a 
quantity  of  ordnance  stores  belonging  to  the  Truxton  were  recovered. 

The  Albany  and  the  Reefer  were  left  to  watch  Tuspan.  The  Hecla 
was  sent  to  blockade  Soto  de  la  Marina,  the  Etna  to  Tobasco  river,  the 
Porpoise  and  the  Vesuvius  to  Laguna. 

The  plan  of  Commodore  Perry  was  to  occupy  every  point  on  the  coast 
at  which  supplies  could  be  sent  into  Mexico,  and  thus,  by  diminishing 
her  capability  of  resistance,  to  aid  so  far  as  the  navy  could,  the  conquering 
progress  of  the  army.  In  accordance  with  this  plan,  a  large  pat  of  the 
squadron  now  cruised  to  the  eastward  as  far  as  Yucatan,  to  complete  the 
work  of  bringing  under  American  authority  the  maritime  towns.  The 
policy  of  the  United  States  was  also  now  changed.  As  the  entire  coast 
was  in  our  possession,  and  its  towns  either  garrisoned  or  watched  by  a 
sufficient  force,  it  was  deemed  advisable  again  to  open  the  ports  to  the 
entrance  of  commerce,  and  to  direct  the  revenues  into  our  own  treasury. 
The  blockade  was  therefore  raised ;  a  naval  force,  however,  was  still  neces 
sary  to  maintain  the  new  revenue  system  which  was  imposed. 

During  his  cruise  to  the  eastward,  Commodore  Perry  touched  at  the 
Goazacoalcos  river,  where  he  found  a  fort  mounting  twelve  guns,  but 
deserted  by  its  garrison.  The  fort  was  blown  up  and  the  guns  destroyed. 
The  Stromboli,  bomb- vessel,  was  left  to  guard  this  point.  He  then  pro 
ceeded  to  Laguna,  in  Yucatan.  This  port  was  opened,  and  Commander 
Magruder  of  the  Vesuvius  was  appointed  governor.  The  flag-ship  Mis 
sissippi  then  returned  along  the  coast  and  met  the  main  squadron  off  the 
Tobasco.  The  port  at  the  mouth  of  this  river  was  also  declared  open, 
and  Commander  Van  Brunt  of  the  Etna  was  invested  with  authority  as 
civil  and  military  governor.  The  blockade  of  the  Goazacoalcos  was  also 
raised,  and  similar  authority  conferred  on  Commander  Walker  of  the 


1847.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  91 

Stromboli.  Commodore  Perry  also  ascended  the  latter  river  and  received 
the  formal  submission  of  several  interior  towns.  He  then  returned  to 
Vera  Cruz. 

Captain  Mayo,  who  had  been  appointed  the  governor  of  Alvarado  and 
its  dependencies,  was  active  in  securing  the  submission  of  many  towns  in 
the  interior.  Most  of  them  voluntarily  acknowledged  his  authority  and 
came  peaceably  under  the  new  rule.  In  the  instance  of  one  military  "expe- 
dition  for  the  purpose  of  reducing  a  refractory  town,  one  officer  and  five 
men  were  wounded  on  the  part  of  the  Americans.  Otherwise  the  exten 
sion  of  their  authority  over  a  considerable  region  was  unattended  with 
bloodshed. 

In  the  vicinity  of  Tobasco,  however,  matters  did  not  remain  in  so  good 
a  condition.  With  no  immediate  force  to  overawe  them,  the  Mexicans 
began  to  collect  in  considerable  numbers.  They  held  possession  of  the 
town,  and  constructed  fortifications  of  no  small  strength  at  commanding 
points  along  the  river.  These  indications  of  insubordination  and  hostility 
had  continued  till  it  became  no  longer  prudent  to  disregard  them.  Com 
modore  Perry,  therefore,  planned  another  expedition  against  the  enemy 
in  this  quarter. 

He  arrived,  on  the  13th  of  June,  off  the  river,  with  the  Mississippi, 
Raritan,  Albany,  John  Adams,  Decatur,  Germantown,  Stromboli,  Vesu 
vius,  and  Washington,  and  the  steamers  Scorpion,  Spitfire,  Scourge,  and 
Vixen;  the  Etna  and  Bonita  being  already  within  the  bar  at  their  station. 
A  large  force  from  the  several  ships  was,  as  usual,  organized  and  placed 
in  the  barges.  It  numbered  in  all,  officers  included,  1,173  strong,  with 
seven  pieces  of  artillery.  Commodore  Perry  transferred  his  pennant  to 
the  steamer  Scorpion,  which,  in  connection  with  the  other  steamers,  took 
the  gun-boats  and  barges  in  tow,  and  commenced  the  ascent  of  the  river 
on  the  14th.  No  appearance  of  an  enemy  occurred  until  the  following 
day,  when  about  twelve  miles  below  the  town,  the  flotilla  was  fired  upon 
by  an  armed  force  concealed  in  the  chapparel  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river. 
This  fire  was  soon  silenced  by  the  guns  and  musketry  of  the  vessels ; 
and,  night  coming  on,  the  flotilla  lay  here  till  morning.  Some  distance 
farther  up,  artificial  obstructions  were  met  with  in  the  river,  and  opposite 
to  them  on  the  shore  Avas  a  wrell  constructed  breastwork,  from  which  a 
strong  body  of  Mexicans  commenced  a  fire.  Fearing  that  the  steamers 
might  suffer  an  inconvenient  delay  before  being  able  to  pass  the  obstruc 
tions,  Commodore  Perry  determined  to  land  at  this  point,  and  force  his 
way  through  to  the  city.  The  heavy  guns  of  the  flotilla  raked  the 
intrenchment  of  the  enemy,  and  the  landing  was  effected  near  it.  In  ten 
minutes  the  entire  detachment  was  formed  on  the  shore,  with  seven 
pieces  of  artillery,  which  were  taken  from  the  boats  and  dragged  up  a 
steep  bank  of  twenty  feet  height,  by  the  sheer  strength  of  the  men.  Three 
more  pieces  were  also  landed  from  the  bomb-vessels,  and  then  with  great 
enthusiasm  and  eagerness  the  column  moved  to  the  attack.  Their  progress 
was  slow  on  account  of  the  high  grass  and  thick  chapparel,  through  which 
they  were  obliged  to  march,  at  the  same  time  dragging  then-  artillery 
with  them.  The  outposts  of  the  enemy  were  quickly  driven  in,  and  their 
breastwork  was  deserted  without  coming  to  close  quarters.  The  steamers 
also  had  now  passed  the  obstructions  and  were  able  to  co-operate  with 


92  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1847. 

the  land  party.  They  boldly  sailed  on,  receiving  and  returning  the  fire 
from  the  enemy's  intrenchments,  as  they  passed  by.  About  a  mile 
farther  up  was  a  principal  work  of  the  Mexicans,  situated  on  a  command 
ing  point  and  defended  by  three  hundred  regular  and  as  many  irregular 
troops.  They,  however,  stood  fire  but  a  short  time,  when  they  fell  back 
upon  their  remaining  defences.  These  consisted  of  another  breastwork,  a 
mile  and  a  half  from  the  city — behind  this  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  a 
trench  across  the  road,  filled  with  trees,  their  branches  sharpened  and 
lapped — and  a  quarter  of  a  mile  still  nearer  the  city,  an  extensive  fortifi 
cation  commanding  the  river  and  the  road,  occupied  by  four  hundred 
artillery  and  infantry.  These  works  were  successively  carried  with  but  a 
feeble  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  enemy. 

During  this  march  of  nine  miles  the  heat  was  exceedingly  oppressive, 
and  several  men  sank  down  through  exhaustion,  especially  among  those 
who  were  attached  to  the  field-pieces.  The  other  casualties  were  the 
wounding  of  two  officers  and  seven  seamen.  The  Mexicans  had  at  least 
fourteen  hundred  men  in  the  action,  of  whom  about  thirty  were  killed. 
Commodore  Perry's  command  entered  Tobasco  about  four  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  of  the  1 6th.  A  large  quantity  of  military  stores  was  destroyed, 
the  captured  cannon  were  removed  to  the  vessels,  the  powder  magazine 
was  blown  up,  and  the  entire  fortifications  in  and  near  the  city  were 
demolished. 

As  the  enemy  still  hovered  around  Tobasco,  it  was  necessary  to  leave 
a  strong  force  to  keep  them  in  check.  Accordingly  the  Scorpion,  Etna, 
Spitfire,  and  Scourge,  containing  four  hundred  and  twenty  officers  and 
men,  of  whom  one  hundred  and  fifteen  were  marines,  were  directed  to 
remain  off  the  city  under  the  orders  of  Commander  A.  Bigelow.  On  the 
night  of  the  25th  of  June,  an  attack  was  made  by  one  hundred  and  fifty 
Mexicans  on  the  guard  stationed  in  the  main  square  of  the  town ;  they 
were  repulsed,  and  without  loss  to  the  Americans.  On  the  same  day  a 
party  of  twenty  seamen,  while  on  shore,  were  attacked  by  seventy  Mexi 
cans,  and  one  of  the  former  was  wounded,  the  enemy  losing  one  killed 
and  six  wounded.  Small  parties  of  the  enemy  occupied  the  outskirts  of 
the  town,  and  it  was  therefore  necessary  that  the  detachments  on  shore 
should  be  continually  on  the  alert.  Lieutenant-commandant  Porter  was 
also  directed  to  burn  the  ranchos  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  town,  in 
which  the  Mexican  troops  sheltered  themselves.  These  were  destroyed, 
to  the  number  of  two  hundred.  At  a  village  called  Tamultay,  about 
three  miles  distant,  some  five  hundred  Mexicans  were  collected,  and 
from  this  point,  as  head-quarters,  these  annoying  attacks  were  kept  up. 
Commander  Bigelow  determined  to  dislodge  them  from  this  position, 
and  so,  if  possible,  disperse  them.  Accordingly,  on  the  morning  of  the 
30th  of  June,  he  marched  at  the  head  of  two  hundred  and  forty  men,  with 
two  field-pieces,  in  the  direction  of  the  village.  When  still  a  quarter  of 
a  mile  from  it,  his  command  was  assailed  by  a  fire  of  musketry  from  both 
sides  of  the  road,  where  the  Mexicans  had  posted  themselves  in  ambush. 
The  column  remained  firm  and  promptly  returned  the  fire.  The  Mexi 
cans  still  held  their  ground  until  the  artillery  was  brought  into  action, 
when,  after  a  few  discharges,  they  broke  and  fled  in  confusion.  The 
pursuit  proved  ineffectual,  as  the  enemy  were  too  well  acquainted  with 


1847.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  93 


the  avenues  of  escape  to  be  overtaken.  The  Americans  lost  two  men 
killed  and  five  wounded ;  the  loss  on  the  other  side  could  not  be  ascer 
tained.  Two  steamers,  which  started  up  the  river  with  the  purpose  of 
co-operating  in  the  attack  on  the  village,  in  consequence  of  grounding, 
through  ignorance  of  the  channel,  did  not  reach  their  point  of  destination 
until  the  battle  had  been  decided. 

This  action  brought  hostilities  to  a  close  in  this  quarter,  and  shortly 
after,  the  vessels  were  withdrawn  and  resumed  their  stations  at  the  mouth 
of  the  river  and  at  other  points  along  the  coast  Guerilla  parties  still 
disturbed  the  inhabitants  in  the  vicinity  of  Alvarado  and  Frontera,  but  no 
serious  encounters  occurred. 

The  squadron  by  this  time  had  been  greatly  reduced,  it  being  no  longer 
necessary  to  maintain  on  the  coast  service,  so  large  a  force  as  had  been 
assembled  previous  to  the  capture  of  Vera  Cruz.  The  Ohio,  the  several 
frigates,  the  brigs,  and  a  part  of  the  sloops,  had  been  detached  from  the 
squadron.  In  August  the  vessels  remaining  under  the  orders  of  Commo 
dore  Perry,  were  the  Mississippi,  Germantown,  Decatur,  Saratoga,  John 
Adams,  five  small  steamers,  four  gun-boats,  mid  four  bomb-vessels. 

In  relating  the  services  of  the  navy  during  the  Mexican  war,  it  should 
also  be  mentioned  that  a  detachment  of  the  marines  of  the  squadron, 
under  the  orders  of  Lieutenant-colonel  Watson  of  that  corps,  served  with 
the  army  of  General  Scott.  It  joined  the  main  army  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  city  of  Mexico,  and  in  time  to  take  part  in  those  celebrated  actions 
which  resulted  in  the  capture  of  the  national  capital.  It  was  attached  to 
the  division  of  Major-general  Quitman,  and  was  first  brought  into  battle 
on  the  13th  of  September,  on  the  occasion  of  the  storming  of  the  strong 
fortress  of  Chapultepec  and  of  the  fortifications  which  covered  the  Belen 
gate  of  the  city.  At  the  base  of  the  hill  on  which  Chapultepec  is  situated, 
and  on  the  left  flank,  were  two  batteries  of  considerable  strength,  protected 
also  by  some  solid  buildings  and  a  wall  fifteen  feet  high.  It  was  at  this 
point  that  General  Quitman's  division  was  to  advance  to  the  attack  upon 
the  Castle.  The  storming  party  was  selected  from  the  different  volunteer 
corps  of  the  division,  including  therefore  a  part  of  the  marine  corps,  and 
was  placed  under  the  command  of  Major  Levi  Twiggs  of  the  marines. 
A  pioneer  storming  party  of  select  men,  with  ladders,  pickaxes  and  crow 
bars,  was  led  by  Captain  Reynolds,  also  of  the  marines.  Associated  with 
these,  was  also  a  storming  party  of  regulars,  detailed  from  General  Twiggs' 
division,  and  under  its  own  officers. 

A  heavy  and  prolonged  cannonade  had  been  maintained  from  various 
points  upon  the  Castle  and  its  outworks,  in  order  to  open  the  way  for  the 
contemplated  assault.  On  the  morning  of  the  13th,  the  concerted  attack 
commenced  with  the  different  divisions  of  the  army  under  the  immediate 
directions  of  the  Commander-in-chief.  General  Quitman's  command 
advanced  over  difficult  ground  and  with  slight  protection,  under  a  heavy 
fire  from  the  fortress,  the  batteries  and  the  breastworks  of  the  enemy,  the 
storming  parties  leading  the  column.  The  battalion  of  marines  was  also 
posted  in  a  prominent  position,  where  it  could  support  the  storming  par 
ties.  The  severe  fire  of  the  enemy  soon  revealed  its  effects  upon  the 
advancing  column.  The  brave  and  lamented  Major  Twiggs  was  killed 
on  the  first  advance,  at  the  head  of  his  command.  But  there  was  no 


94  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1847 

halting.  The  storming  party  rushed  on  to  its  desperate  duty  with  resist 
less  force,  and  entered  the  Mexican  works.  It  was  closely  and  ably 
supported.  The  Mexicans  stood  their  ground  with  unusual  resolution 
and  courage.  The  contest  was  now  hand  to  hand  —  swords  and  bayonets 
were  crossed  and  rifles  were  clubbed.  But  the  valor  and  enthusiasm  of 
the  Americans  still  triumphed.  These  outworks  were  carried  and  the 
way  to  the  fortress  from  this  direction  was  opened.  The  troops  did  not 
pause  on  this  threshold  of  their  conquest,  but  pressed  on  and  fought  their 
way  into  Chapultepec  by  the  side  of  their  brethren,  who  had  been  equally 
successful  at  the  other  points  of  attack. 

The  marines  still  accompanied  their  division  in  its  process  along  the 
causeway  toward  the  Belen  gate,  and  participated  in  the  long  and  bloody 
battle  by  which,  finally,  this  avenue  to  the  city  was  opened.  On  the 
morning  of  the  14th,  the  division  of  General  Quitman  entered  the  city, 
and  was  the  first  portion  of  the  army  which  marched  into  the  Grand 
Plaza.  The  palace,  now  deserted  by  the  Mexican  authorities,  was  overrun 
with  the  desperate  characters  of  the  population,  bent  on  plunder.  Lieu 
tenant-colonel  Watson,  with  his  battalion  of  marines,  was  ordered  to  clear  it 
of  these  intruders  and  protect  it  from  spoliation ;  which  duty  he  promptly 
and  successfully  performed.  This  corps  lost  in  the  actions  detailed  above, 
Major  Twiggs  and  six  men  killed,  two  lieutenants  and  two  sergeants 
wounded. 

Lieutenant  Semmes  of  the  navy,  who  served  as  a  volunteer  aid  in 
General  Worth's  staftj  and  Passed  Midshipman  Rogers  who  was  employed 
in  the  same  capacity  in  General  Pillow's  staff,  received  high  commenda 
tions  from  their  chiefs  for  their  conduct  in  the  several  battles  around  the 
city  of  Mexico. 

The  conclusion  of  the  war  released  the  naval  force  from  its  monotonous 
duty  of  guarding  the  coast,  and  protecting  the  revenue  interests.  Since 
this  epoch,  now  memorable  in  the  annals  of  the  country,  the  navy  has 
been  employed  in  no  hostile  operations,  its  power  being  occupied  simply 
in  the  appropriate  duties  of  a  state  of  peace. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Lieutenant  Lynch's  expedition  to  the  Dead  Sea — The  Arctic  expeditions  of  Lieutenant 
De  Haven,  Dr.  Kane,  and  Commander  Hartstene— Japan  expedition— Difficulties  in  China- 
Affair  at  Smyrna — Darien  expedition — Various  occupations  of  Navy. 

THOUGH  the  navy  is  strictly  a  military  organization,  and  its  martial 
achievements  constitute  its  essential  renown,  yet  its  incidental  services  to 
science,  or  to  any  of  the  arts  that  facilitate  human  intercourse  and  promote 
human  improvement,  are  without  doubt  worthy  to  be  chronicled  in  its 
history.  In  accordance  with  this  idea  of  the  historian's  duty,  a  brief 


1848.]  NAVAL  HISTORY.  95 

account  must  be  given  of  an  expedition  to  explore  the  course  of  the  rive* 
Jordan,  and  the  shores  of  the  Dead  Sea,  which  was  planned  and  executed 
by  William  F.  Lynch,  lieutenant  in  the  navy  of  the  United  States. 

An  application  for  this  purpose  was  made  by  Lieutenant  Lynch  in  the 
early  part  of  the  year  1847,  to  the  proper  authorities  at  \Vashington. 
The  privilege  was  granted  in  July,  and  he  was  directed  to  make  his  pre 
parations  at  the  expense  of  the  Department.  In  October  he  was  appointed 
to  the  command  of  the  store-ship  Supply,  destined  to  the  Mediterranean 
with  naval  stores  for  the  squadron.  Every  thing  necessary  for.  so  unusual 
an  enterprise  was  carefully  selected  and  placed  on  board  of  the  Supply, 
which  sailed  from  New  York  on  the  26th  of  November.  In  February, 
1848,  she  reached  Smyrna,  where  Lieutenant  Lynch  left  the  ship  and  pro 
ceeded  to  Constantinople,  to  obtain  from  the  Sublime  Porte  the  requisite 
authority  to  cross  through  Palestine  with  his  party.  This  obtained,  with 
orders  to  the  governors  of  the  region  to  afford  him  aid  and  protection,  he 
returned  to  his  ship,  and  on  the  31st  of  March,  was  landed  with  his  boats 
and  party  on  the  beach  at  Haifa,  in  the  bay  of  Acre,  on  the  coast  of  Syria. 

The  boats  provided  for  the  expedition  were  constructed  on  the  principle 
of  the  life-boats  of  Mr.  Francis,  one  being  made  of  copper  and  the  other 
of  galvanized  iron.  They  were  fitted  on  trucks,  and  were  drawn  by 
camels  across  the  country  from  Acre  to  Tiberias,  on  the  western  shore  of 
the  sea  of  Galilee.  The  party  consisted  of  Lieutenant  Lynch,  Lieutenant 
Dale,  Passed  Midshipman  Aulick  —  Mr.  Bedlow  and  Mr.  Anderson,  volun 
teers  —  and  eleven  petty  officers  and  seamen.  They  carried  with  them  a 
large  blunderbuss,  and  each  officer  and  seaman  was  fully  provided  with 
small -arms.  Supplies  for  the  party  were  transported  on  camels,  and  a 
guard  of  mounted  Arabs  was  also  engaged.  Thus  the  entire  caravan 
consisted  of  twenty-three  camels,  about  eighteen  horses  and  some  thirty 
men,  and,  as  it  wound  through  the  secluded  villages  of  Palestine,  presented 
a  novel  and  picturesque  appearance. 

At  Tiberias,  Lieutenant  Lynch  obtained  a  wooden  boat,,  in  which  he 
embarked  a  part  of  his  stores ;  but  this  was  soon  so  much  damaged  in 
the  difficult  navigation  of  the  Jordan,  that  it  became  entirely  unservice 
able.  On  the  10th  of  April,  they  left  Tiberias  and  stretched  down  the 
lake.  Besides  the  party  in  the  boats,  there  was  a  party  composed  princi 
pally  of  Arabs,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Dale,  which  kept  com 
pany  on  the  western  shore  of  the  river,  in  order  to  be  at  hand  in  assisting 
their  companions  in  any  emergency.  Lieutenant  Lynch  occupied  eight 
days  in  sailing  from  the  lake  to  the  Dead  Sea.  So  sinuous  is  the  course 
of  the  river,  that  it  passes  over  about  two  hundred  miles  in  accomplishing  a 
direct  distance  of  sixty.  The  navigation  was  found  to  be  of  the  most  exciting 
and  hazardous  character.  No  boats  could  have  passed  through  the  severe 
ordeal  but  the  metallic  ones  so  wisely  provided.  These,  manned  by  their 
intrepid  crews  and  guided  by  their  skillful  officers,  shot  down  frightful 
cascades  and  plunged  into  boiling  torrents,  and  though  receiving  some 
hard  blows  by  coming  in  contact  with  the  sunken  rocks,  they  carried 
the  adventurous  navigators  unharmed  through  every  danger.  At  times 
it  was  necessary  for  the  men  to  spring  out,  and,  holding  the  boats  by  their 
sides  to  guide  them  by  main  strength  down  the  rapid  current. 

Indeed   the  labors  and  exposures  incident  to  such  a  voyage  were 


96  NAVAL  HISTORY.  [1848. 

excessive,  and  cannot  be  detailed  in  this  short  account.  The  party  was  also 
fortunate  in  escaping  any  attacks  from  wandering  Arabs,  which  from 
all  representations  they  had  been  led  to  expect.  The  officers  were  respec 
tively  occupied  in  making  observations  relating  to  the  topography,  and 
the  geological  and  botanical  characteristics  of  the  country  through  which 
they  passed. 

On  the  1 8th  of  April,  they  entered  the  dreary  and  mysterious  waste 
of  waters  so  appropriately  called  the  Dead  Sea.  Their  first  encampment 
was  at  Feshkah,  on  the  western  shore  of  the  sea,  about  five  miles  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Jordan,  where  the  land-party  joined  them,  as  they  had 
previously  done  whenever  it  was  practicable  to  meet.  It  was  with  great 
difficulty  that  the  navigators  reached  this  point,  for  they  encountered  a 
gale  very  soon  after  entering  the  sea,  which,  acting  upon  the  ponderous 
water,  made  it  almost  impossible  to  work  the  boats  toward  the  shore, 
and  night  settled  down  upon  them  in  these  gloomy  circumstances.  After 
severe  toil  they  were  able  to  reach  their  companions  on  shore.  Amid 
the  impressive  and  sublime  scenery  of  this  sea,  Lieutenant  Lynch  and  his 
party  spent  several  weeks.  They  established  a  permanent  encampment, 
and  from  this  center  made  constant  and  extensive  tours  of  exploration. 
Various  lines  of  soundings  were  run,  for  the  purpose  of  determining  the 
depth  of  the  water  in  different  parts  of  the  sea,  and  quite  a  careful  observa 
tion  was  made  of  ah1  the  shores,  particularly  the  western  and  southern. 
This  expedition  has  certainly  the  honor  of  determining  the  course  and 
characteristics  of  the  Jordan,  in  modern  times  very  imperfectly  known, 
and  of  throwing  much  light  upon  the  geography  and  physical  peculiari 
ties  of  the  Dead  Sea.  It  was  well  planned  and  equipped,  and  possessed 
that  combination  of  means  for  the  want  of  which  most  individual  travel 
ers  in  the  same  region  had  been  hitherto  unsuccessful,  and  some  of  them 
very  unfortunate. 

Much  enthusiasm  and  energy  were  displayed  by  all  concerned  in  this 
expedition,  and  though  in  some  instances  suffering  occurred  amid  the 
contingencies  of  so  strange  and  unknown  a  region,  yet  so  admirably  was 
every  possible  precaution  taken  and  every  arrangement  carried  out,  that 
all  the  anticipated  results  were  accomplished  without  serious  accident  to 
any  of  the  number.  Having  finished  the  explorations,  the  boats  were 
taken  to  pieces  and  placed  upon  the  backs  of  camels,  the  encampment  was 
broken  up,  and  the  party,  gladly  bidding  farewell  to  the  solemn  and  deso 
late  scene,  on  the  10th  of  May  commenced  their  journey  to  the  Mediter 
ranean  by  way  of  Jerusalem.  A  part,  however,  were  detailed  for  the 
performance  of  a  still  remaining  duty — the  accurate  determination  of  the 
actual  depression  of  the  Dead  Sea  beneath  the  level  of  the  Mediterranean. 
The  result  arrived  at  by  Lieutenant  Symonds — an  English  officer,  who 
had  by  a  course  of  trigonometrical  calculation  determined  the  depression 
to  be  thirteen  hundred  and  twelve  feet — had  excited  surprise  among 
scientific  men.  It  was  a  matter  of  interest,  therefore,  to  test  this  conclu 
sion.  A  series  of  levels  was,  consequently,  carried  across  the  country  by 
this  detachment  from  Lieut.  Lynch's  party,  which  occupied  twenty-three 
days  in  the  slow  and  laborious  process.  The  result,  however,  was  gratifying. 
The  difference  between  the  level  of  the  Dead  Sea  and  that  of  the  Mediter 
ranean  was  fo'inr1  to  be  almost  precisely  what  Lieut.  Symonds  had  stated. 


1850.]  tfAVAL  HISTORY.  (J7 

For  a  full  account  of  this  entire  expedition,  the  reader  is  referred  to 
Lieutenant  Lynch's  published  volume. 

In  the  history  of  our  navy,  may  also  with  propriety  be  mentioned  the 
creditable  though  unsuccessful  expedition  to  the  Polar  Seas,  during  the 
years  1850-51,  in  search  of  the  long  absent  party  of  Sir  John  Franklin. 
This  was  an  individual  and  not  a  national  enterprise.  The  means  for  its 
prosecution  were  furnished  by  Mr.  Henry  Grin  hell,  a  wealthy  and  phi 
lanthropic  merchant  of  New  York  city.  The  vessels  furnished  were  two 
small  brigs,  the  Advance  of  140  tons,  and  the  Rescue  of  90  tons.  They 
were  merchantmen,  but  were  strengthened  for  this  service.  By  a  special 
act  of  Congress,  they  were  placed  under  the  direction  of  the  Navy  Board, 
and  were  subjected  consequently  to  the  usual  regulations  and  discipline  of 
the  service.  The  officer  selected  for  the  command  was  Lieutenant  E.  H. 
De  Haven,  who  had  been  attached  to  the  Exploring  Expedition  under 
Commander  Wilkes.  The  selection  proved  a  very  judicious  one. 

On  the  23d  of  May,  1850,  the  expedition  sailed  from  New  York,  and 
without  any  particular  adventures,  began  to  meet  masses  of  ice  in  Mel 
ville  Bay  about  midsummer.  The  Rescue  was  here  thrown  into  a  very 
perilous  situation.  A  mass  of  ice  slid  under  her,  and  lifting  her  bodily 
from  the  water,  careened  her  over  nearly  on  her  beam-ends,  in  which 
position  she  remained  some  sixty  hours  before  they  were  able  to  right  her 
again.  Their  progress  was  now  continued  only  by  boldly  pushing  through 
the  icebergs  and  floes,  until,  finally,  they  emerged  into  the  open  waters  of 
Lancaster  Sound.  Here,  overtaken  by  a  very  severe  gale,  the  vessels 
were  separated,  but  were  happy  in  meeting  again  a  few  days  after.  Thus, 
until  the  month  of  September,  they  continued  their  perilous  course  to  the 
westward,  when  they  reached  96°  west  longitude.  As  winter  was  now 
approaching,  and  the  ice  barrier  beyond  was  entirely  impenetrable,  the 
vessels  were  turned  to  the  eastward  to  find  more  genial  quarters  during 
the  long  polar  night.  The  hopes  of  the  navigators  in  this  respect  were,, 
however,  disappointed,  for  they  soon  became  firmly  locked  between  large 
masses  of  floating  ice,  and  were  carried  by  an  irresistible  tide  to  the  north 
ward,  up  Wellington  Channel.  Winter  in  all  its  rigor  now  came  on. 
The  sun  no  longer  showed  his  disk  above  the  horizon  and  the  thermome 
ter  indicated  40°  below  zero.  The  Rescue  was  now  deserted,  and  both 
crews  took  up  their  abode  on  board  the  Advance,  which  was  made  quite 
comfortable  with  the  means  which  had  been  lavishly  provided.  The 
mental  and  physical  energy  of  the  men  was  maintained  by  daily  and 
vigorous  exercise  in  the  open  air,  and  by  pleasing  entertainments  on  board 
the  vessel.  For  eleven  weeks  the  sun  was  invisible.  Yet  the  aspect  of 
nature  was  not  wholly  gloomy — they  were  delighted  and  cheered  by  fre 
quent  views  of  the  splendors  of  the  polar  sky. 

After  having  drifted  some  distance  up  Wellington  channel,  they  found 
that  the  tide  had  changed,  and  that  they  were  floating  back  again  under 
the  influence  of  the  same  mighty  force  which  had  borne  them  onward. 
They  thus  passed  out  of  Wellington  Channel,  through  Barrow's  Straits  and 
into  Lancaster  Sound.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind,  also,  that  during  all 
this  time  the  ice  was  constantly  shifting  and  threatening  the  vessels  mo 
mentarily  with  destruction.  Constantly  anxious  and  vigilant,  the  exposed 
navigators  were  ready  at  any  moment  to  leave  their  ships,  for  it  seemed 


98  NAVAL    HISTOKY.  [1850. 

impossible  that  they  could  sustain  such  an  enormous  pressure.  At 
one  time  they  stood  upon  the  ice,  with  their  sleds  loaded  with  provi 
sions,  and  waiting  for  the  final  crash  which  would  demolish  their 
home  and  leave  them  on  the  treacherous  ice-fields  ninety  miles  from 
land.  After  December,  however,  the  ice  became  solid,  and  they  were 
relieved  from  this  source  of  danger.  Thus  through  the  entire  winter 
they  floated  along  the  southern  shore  of  Baffin's  Bay  and  Davis' 
Straits,  until  the  5th  of  June,  when  with  fearful  suddenness  the  ice  broke 
up  into  floating  pieces,  extending  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach.  They 
finally  emerged  into  a  clear  sea,  having  reached  the  entrance  of  Davis' 
Straits  and  passed  to  the  south  of  the  Arctic  circle.  They  had  thus 
drifted  helplessly  in  the  firm  embrace  of  the  ice,  from  the  last  of  Sep 
tember  till  the  first  of  June. 

Nothing  daunted,  they  again  turned  toward  the  north,  with  the  in 
tention  of  prosecuting  their  search  through  another  summer.  But  in 
the  route  which  they  took,  the  impediments  were  so  serious  and  dan 
gerous  that  the  attempt  at  farther  explorations  was  abandoned.  The 
Advance  arrived  at  New  York  on  the  30th  of  September,  and  the 
Rescue  came  in  shortly  after,  when  the  vessels  were  resigned  by  the 
Navy  Department  into  the  hands  of  their  owner. 

The  expedition  failed  as  to  the  attainment  of  its  principal  object. 
The  only  traces  of  the  party  of  Sir  John  Franklin,  which  were  found 
by  it,  were  discovered  on  the  27th  of  August,  1850,  by  the  united 
English  and  American  expeditions  at  Beechy  Cape,  on  the  east  side 
of  the  entrance  to  Wellington  Channel.  Here  were  found  several 
articles  which  were  known  to  belong  to  Franklin's  ships,  and  three 
graves  with  head-boards  bearing  the  names  of  those  interred,  who 
were  sailors  attached  to  the  absent  expedition.  The  last  date  thus 
inscribed  was  April  3d,  1846.  Though  disappointed  in  the  attempt 
to  solve  the  painful  mystery  which  then  hung  over  the  end  of  the  bold 
English  explorer,  those  concerned  in  the  American  effort  to  clear  up 
the  doubt  have  been  justly  honored  on  both  sides  of  the  ocean  for 
their  generous  exertions  in  behalf  of  a  stranger  and  a  foreigner.  The 
entire  destruction  of  Franklin's  party  has  since  been  satisfactorily 
proved  by  those  employed  in  the  search  by  the  British  government. 

Unwilling  to  relinquish  the  search  until  the  fate  of  Franklin  should 
be  determined,  the  same  philanthropic  merchant,  who  fitted  out  this 
expedition,  undertook  another.  This  was  placed  in  charge  of  Dr.  E. 
K.  Kane  of  the  Navy,  who  was  an  officer  in  the  previous  one,  and 
consisted  of  a  single  vessel,  the  Advance,  carrying  seventeen  persons. 
This  party  was  provided  with  boats  which  could  be  converted  into 
sleds,  to  be  drawn  by  Greenland  dogs,  in  order  to  push  farther  to  the 
north  than  any  explorers  had  been,  and  beyond  where  it  was  expected 
any  vessel  could  be  forced.  The  Advance  sailed  from  New  York  on 
the  31st  of  May,  1853.  During  the  summer  she  coasted  along  the 
western  shore  of  Greenland  to  a  point  farther  north  than  has  ever 
been  reached  by  any  vessel.  Here,  in  September,  the  brig  was  frozen 
in,  and  the  party  spent  their  first  winter  in  her.  During  the  next 
summer  distant  explorations  to  the  northward  wrere  made ;  the  vessel 
remaining  still  locked  in  the  ice.  The  course  of  the  Greenland  "shore 


1853.]  NAVAL   HISTOEY.  99 

was  determined  to  a  point  where  an  ice-barrier  prevented  further  pro 
gress  in  that  direction,  presenting  a  face  toward  the  water  of  from 
three  to  five  hundred  feet  in  height.  A  new  northern  land  was  dis 
covered,  trending  far  to  the  westward  from  this  highest  point  of 
Greenland ;  and  Dr.  Kane  also  satisfied  himself  of  the  existence  of  a 
vast  open  sea,  washing  the  shores  of  this  Polar  land.  Dr.  Kane's 
charts  of  these  regions  have  been  promptly  adopted  by  the  British 
Admiralty  Board;  thus  conceding  the  value  and  originality  of  his  dis 
coveries.  The  winter  of  1854-55,  one  of  unexampled  severity  in 
Arctic  life,  was  passed  in  the  brig,  and  was  rendered  doleful  by  scan 
tiness  of  supplies,  by  the  debility  and  depression  consequent  upon 
such  great  hardships,  and  by  the  uncertainty  of  release  and  escape. 
In  the  spring  Dr.  Kane  wisely  resolved  to  abandon  the  brig,  of  which 
the  upper  works  arid  spars  had  been  already  used  for  fuel.  Their 
boats  were  mounted  on  sleds  and  drawn  by  the  officers  and  men, 
most  of  their  dogs  having  died.  They  travelled  some  three  hundred 
miles  before  reaching  the  open  sea,  and  their  entire  journey  over  the 
ice  and  by  water  in  open  boats  took  eighty-four  days.  In  August 
they  reached  the  Danish  Settlements. 

In  the  meantime,  anxiety  as  to  the  fate  of  Dr.  Kane  had  led  to  the 
dispatching  by  the  government  of  two  small,  but  well  equipped  ves 
sels,  the  bark  Release  and  the  steamer  Arctic,  to  search  for  and  relieve 
his  party.  This  expedition  was  placed  under  the  orders  of  Comman 
der  H.  J.  Hartstene  of  the  Navy,  and  was  composed  of  volunteer  offi 
cers  and  men  partly  from  the  Navy.  Departing  early  in  June,  1855, 
the  expedition  was  able  to  penetrate  on  the  track  of  Dr.  Kane,  but 
did  not  reach  so  northerly  a  point  as  he  did.  Without  discovering 
any  trace  of  him,  and  with  sad  misgivings  of  his  fate,  they  finally 
learned  from  some  Esquimaux  that  he  had  passed  down  to  the  Danish 
settlements.  At  Disco  island  they  found  the  long  absent  party  on 
their  way  to  Europe ;  gladly  received  them  on  board,  and  returned 
them  to  their  homes  in  the  fall  of  1855. 

In  the  year  1852,  Com.  Matthew  C.  Perry  was  ordered  to  the  com 
mand  of  the  naval  squadron  cruising  in  the  East  Indies.  Besides 
discharging  the  ordinary  duties  of  a  Commander-in-chief,  he  was  em 
powered  to  make  a  display  of  his  force  in  the  waters  of  the  empire  of 
Japan,  and  to  endeavor  to  contract  with  that  jealous  government,  a 
treaty  of  amity  and  commerce.  The  government  of  the  United  States 
felt  itself  obliged  to  make  an  effort  to  secure  from  the  Japanese  the 
better  treatment  of  American  seamen  cast  upon  their  shores,  and 
friendly  intercourse  with  American  vessels  seeking  supplies  in  their 
ports.  A  squadron  of  unusual  size  was,  therefore,  placed  at  the  dis 
posal  of  Com.  Perry.  It  comprised  the  steam-frigates  Mississippi  10  ; 
Susquehanna  9 ;  Powhatan  9  ;  the  steamers  all  carrying  very  heavy 
guns  ;  the  corvette  Macedonian  20,  lately  razeed  from  a  frigate  of  that 
name,  and  bearing  an  unusually  efficient  armament  for  a  ship  of  her 
class;  the  sloops  of  war  Plymouth  20,  Saratoga  20,  Vandalia  20  ;  the 
store-ships  Supply,  Southampton,  and  Lexington  were  also  at  various 
times  attached  to  the  squadron. 

The  steamers  Susquehanna,  flag-ship,  and  Mississippi,  and  the  sloops 


100  NAVAL   HISTOEY.  [1853. 

of  war  Plymouth  and  Saratoga,  the  other  vessels  being  detached  on 
duty  or  not  having  arrived,  anchored  off  the  city  of  Uraga,  bay  of 
Jeddo,  Japan,  on  the  8th  of  July,  1853.  Com.  Perry  had  resolved 
not  to  submit  to  those  restrictions  and  annoyances,  to  which  the 
Japanese  government  has  been  accustomed  to  subject  all  foreign  ves 
sels.  He,  therefore,  ordered  away  the  guard  boats  which  began  to 
collect  around  the  ships,  and  intimated  that  he  would  employ  force  if 
they  were  not  withdrawn.  He  was  thus  rid  during  his  visit  of  this 
annoyance.  He  also  refused  to  confer  with  any  but  officers  of  the 
highest  rank  in  the  Empire,  keeping  himself  very  secluded,  and  re 
ceiving  communications  from  ordinary  officials  through  his  own  sub 
ordinate  officers.  All  this  independence,  exactness,  and  etiquette 
served  well  the  purpose  intended  ;  the  Japanese  found  that  they  had 
a  new  kind  of  visitors  to  deal  with.  The  American  Commodore  in 
the  outset  gained  several  important  points,  which  had  never  been  con 
ceded  to  foreigners.  He  carried  his  squadron  nearer  to  the  capital, 
Jeddo,  than  was  allowable  by  Japanese  custom,  and  refused  to  return 
down  the  bay,  insisting  that  negotiations  should  be  conducted  where 
he  deemed  his  valuable  vessels  the  most  safe.  He  immediately  on 
his  arrival  dispatched  surveying  boats,  well  manned  and  armed, 
farther  up  the  bay,  and  kept  them  constantly  employed  in  making 
soundings  against  the  remonstrances  of  the  authorities.  He  insisted 
that  a  special  commissioner  of  the  highest  rank  should  be  appointed 
to  receive  the  letter  from  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  con 
vey  it  to  the  Emperor  ;  and  this  demand,  after  delay  and  discussion, 
was  agreed  to.  A  suitable  building  was  prepared  by  the  Japanese 
for  the  reception  of  the  American  commander,  and  for  the  delivery 
of  his  credentials  and  communications.  To  guard  against  treachery, 
the  steamers  moved  to  an  anchorage  where  their  guns  would  cover 
the  landing  place  ;  and  on  the  morning  of  the  14th,  a  formidable  escort, 
composed  of  400  officers,  seamen,  and  marines  from  the  respective 
ships,  was  landed  and  formed  in  the  midst  of  from  5,000  to  7,000 
Japanese  troops  under  arms.  The  princes,  having  received  the  com 
munications,  intimated  their  desire  that  the  vessels  should  promptly 
depart  from  a  position  so  near  the  capital.  Little  regarding  this 
request,  Com.  Perry,  on  returning  on  board,  ordered  the  whole 
squadron  under  \vay,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining,  if  possible,  a 
near  look  at  the  capital.  This  movement  he  believed  "  would 
produce  a  decided  influence  upon  the  pride  and  conceit  of  the 
government,  and  cause  a  more  favorable  consideration  of  the  Presi 
dent's  letter."  That  night  the  vessels  anchored  ten  miles  farther 
up  the  bay  ;  and  on  the  next  day  the  flag-ship  went  ten  miles  higher 
still,  to  within  seven  miles  of  Jeddo  ;  from  which  point  the  shipping 
in  the  port  could  be  seen,  though  the  city  was  hidden  by  a  projecting 
point.  This  was  what  no  foreign  vessel  has  been  able,  in  modern 
days,  at  least,  to  do. 

In  order  to  give  the  government  suitable  time  to  consider  the  pro 
positions  of  which  he  had  been  the  bearer,  Com.  Perry  communicated 
to  the  Emperor  his  purpose  to  return  for  an  answer  the  ensuing 


1354.]  NAVAL   HISTORY.  101 

spring,  and  then  sailed  with  his  squadron  for  the  Loo  Choo  islands  and 
the  coast  of  China. 

During  the  ensuing  fall  and  winter,  the  Plymouth  was  stationed  at 
the  Loo  Choo  islands  to  continue  surveys  commenced  before  going  to 
Japan,  and  to  look  after  the  depot  of  coal  established  there,  while  the 
other  vessels  were  disposed  at  various  Chinese  ports  for  repairs  or  to 
protect  American  interests  from  the  dangers  of  the  civil  war  then 
raging  in  that  Empire. 

In  February,  1854,  the  American  squadron  was  once  more  in  Jeddo 
bay,  to  receive  the  answer  of  the  Emperor  of  Japan.  It  consisted  at 
this  time  of  the  Susquehanna,  Powhatan,  and  Mississippi  steamers  ; 
and  sailing  vessels  Macedonian,  Vandalia,  Lexington,  and  Southamp 
ton  ;  the  Plymouth  being  required  at  Shanghai,  China;  and  the  Sara 
toga  stopping  at  Jeddo  bay  on  her  way  home,  before  the  conferences 
were  concluded. 

On  this  visit,  Com.  Perry  anchored  his  squadron  permanently  ten 
miles  above  Uraga,  where  the  conferences  had  been  held  on  his  pre 
vious  visit;  and  insisted  that  he  should  be  met  near  the  capital, 
though  a  place  twenty  miles  below  Uraga  had  been  appointed  for  the 
meeting,  and  the  Japanese  officials  were  waiting  to  receive  him.  His 
persistence  brought  the  Japanese  authorities  to  his  terms,  especially 
as  he  took  advantage  of  the  delay  and  moved  his  vessels  still  higher, 
to  within  eight  miles  of  Jeddo.  The  building  for  the  negotiations  was 
finally  erected  on  the  shore  directly  opposite  the  ships,  and  under 
their  guns.  Thither,  on  the  8th  of  March,  Com.  Perry  repaired  with 
an  escort  of  500  officers,  seamen,  and  marines,  fully  armed,  and  em 
barked  in  twenty-seven  barges.  Five  commissioners  from  the  Em 
peror  were  in  readiness  to  receive  him.  In  an  inner  apartment  the 
negotiations  were  conducted  by  the  respective  parties  through  the 
interpreters.  Refreshments  were  provided,  and  at  the  request  of 
Com.  Perry,  who  stated  that  among  many  nations  the  breaking  of 
bread  was  a  sign  of  amity,  the  Japanese  partook  in  company  with  the 
Americans.  The  conferences  were  continued  for  three  weeks,  and  on 
the  31st  of  March  a  treaty  was  duly  signed,  and  dispatched  immedi 
ately  in  the  hands  of  Commander  Adams  to  Washington.  The  treaty 
embraced  an  agreement  to  be  in  peace  and  amity,  to  open  two  ports 
where  American  vessels  could  be  supplied  with  such  stores  as  the 
Japanese  could  furnish ;  to  treat  shipwrecked  Americans  with  kind 
ness,  to  allow  them  freedom,  and  convey  them  to  the  two  ports  in 
order  to  their  return  home  ;  to  allow  temporary  residents  at  the  open 
ports,  being  Americans,  to  go  to  certain  prescribed  limits  into  the 
surrounding  country ;  to  permit  ships  of  the  United  States  to  trade 
under  Japanese  regulations  at  the  two  ports  ;  to  grant  to  the  United 
States  at  any  future  time,  such  privileges  as  may  be  granted  to  any 
other  nation,  and  this  without  consultation  or  delay  ;  to  allow  Ameri 
can  ships  to  enter  other  ports  when  in  distress  ;  to  permit  consuls  or 
agents  of  the  United  States  to  reside  in  one  of  the  open  ports.  During 
the  conferences  the  presents  sent  by  the  government  of  the  United 
States  to  the  Emperor,  were  landed  and  received  by  the  representa 
tives  of  the  sovereign.  The  mechanics  of  the  ships  erected  and  put  in 


102  NAVAL   HISTORY.  [1854. 

operation  a  magnetic  telegraph  with  a  wire  one  mile  in  length,  and  a 
circular  railroad  of  sufficient  capacity  to  exhibit  the  suitableness  of 
this  means  for  the  swift  conveyance  of  passengers.  The  other  presents 
;i!-o  wi-rcj  selected  with  a  view  of  impressing  the  Japanese  with  the 
skill  arid  science  of  the  nation  seeking  intercourse  with  them.  Pres 
ents  were  also  sent  in  return  to  the  American  government.  Corn. 
Perry  received,  as  he  well  merited,  the  commendation  of  his  own 
government  for  the  prudence,  discrimination,  firmness,  and  skill  with 
which  he  completed  the  objects  of  his  mission.  On  his  return  home, 
the  mercantile  classes  in  various  ways  expressed  their  high  apprecia 
tion  of  his  services  in  behalf  of  the  interests  of  commerce.  At  the 
islands  of  Loo  Choo,  also,  Com.  Perry  was  able  to  effect,  with  the 
authorities,  arrangements  for  the  supply  of  ships  touching  there,  and 
for  the  kind  treatment  and  freedom  of  Americans  cast  upon  the  shores, 
or  visiting  them  voluntarily. 

The  sloop-of-war  Plymouth,  Commander  Kelly,  had  been  left  at 
Shanghai  during  the  second  visit  of  the  squadron  to  Japan.  The  Chi 
nese  Imperial  and  Revolutionary  troops  were  in  collision  at  arid  about 
this  place;  and  the  treatment,  on  the  part  of  the  Imperialists,  of 
American  and  English  residents,  compelled  the  interference  of  the 
naval  commanders  of  both  nations.  An  Imperial  vessel  of  war  cap 
tured  an  American  pilot  boat  in  the  harbor.  This  boat  was  re-taken 
in  a  gallant  manner,  from  the  midst  of  the  Chinese  fleet,  by  Lieut. 
Guest  and  a  boat's  crew  from  the  Plymouth.  The  aggressions  of  the 
Imperial  troops  on  shore  continuing,  and  the  authorities  leaving  the 
foreigners  to  protect  themselves,  an  action,  on  the  4th  of  April,  was 
brought  on  between  the  aggressors  and  the  forces  of  the  English  and 
American  ships  of  war,  which  had  been  landed  for  the  protection  of 
their  countrymen.  These  forces  consisted  of  about  150  English  sail 
ors  and  marines,  besides  English  volunteers,  arid  about  00  sailors  arid 
marines  from  the  Plymouth,  with  30  men  from  the  American  rner- 
charit  ships.  The  English  occupied  the  right  of  the  line  of  attack,  and 
the  Americans,  under  Commander  Kelly,  the  left ;  the  latter  strength 
ened  by  two  private  field-pieces,  worked  by  American  citizens,  and  by  a 
twelve-pound  boat  howitzer.  At  four  in  the  afternoon  the  attacking 
party  began  throwing  shells  into  the  encampment  of  the  Imperialists. 
A  charge  was  checked  by  the  discovery  of  a  wide  arid  deep  creek  in 
front  of  the  camp;  but  after  sustaining  a  sharp  fire  of  musketry  for 
about  ten  minutes  the  flank  of  the  Chinese  was  turned,  when  they  re 
treated  in  great  disorder,  leaving  a  number  of  dead  and  wounded. 
The  Americans  had  two  men  killed  and  four  wounded  ;  the  English 
suffered  to  about  the  same  extent. 

The  continuance  of  civil  war  in  China  required  the  constant  efforts 
of  the  American  squadron  to  protect  the  lives  and  property  of  Ameri 
can  residents.  (Join.  Abbot  succeeded  Com.  Perry  in  this  command, 
arid  showed  promptitude  and  discretion  in  the  management  of  the 
difficulties  arising  from  such  a  state  of  affairs.  Several  engagements 
took  place  between  the  American  ships  of  war  and  the  pirates  infest 
ing  the  neighboring  waters.  Many  pirates  were  killed,  their  junks 
sunk,  and  their  depots  on  shore  broken  up. 


NAVAL   HISTORY.  103 


In  the  latter  part  of  June,  1853,  the  United  States  sloojvof-war  St. 
Louis.  Commander  Duncan  N.  Ingraham,  and  the  Austrian  brig-of-war 
Hussar  were  lying  in  the  harbor  of  Smyrna.  At  this  time  some  Austrian 
officials  arrested  in  the  city  a  Hungarian  refugee,  named  Kost 
confined  him  on  board  the  brig  with  the  intention  of  conveying  him 
to  Austria,  where,  without  doubt,  he  would  have  been  executed  as  a 
traitor.  Commander  Ingraham,  learning  that  Kosta  had  declared  his 
intention  of  becoming  an  American  citizen,  and  that  he  had  an  Ameri 
can  passport,  protested  against  his  being  removed  until  all  the  facts 
of  his  case  could  be  ascertained  ;  and  during  the  discussion  of  the  sub 
ject  he  brought  the  guns  of  the  St.  Louis  to  bear  upon  the  brig.  He 
also  visited  the  brig,  and  had  an  interview  with  Kosta,  who  claimed 
American  protection,  which  was  promised  him.  He  then  demanded 
of  the  Austrian  commander  that  the  Hungarian  should  be  delivered 
up  by  a  certain  hour,  otherwise  he  should  employ  force  for  his  release  ; 
and  both  vessels  were  cleared  for  action.  Meanwhile  the  consuls  of 
the  two  nations  arranged  that  Kosta  should  be  placed  in  charge  of  the 
French  consul,  until  his  case  should  be  decided  by  the  respective 
governments.  Quite  an  animated  diplomatic  passage  arose  from  this 
affair.  The  United  States  government  fully  sustained  the  action  of  its 
officer,  and  insisted  upon  its  right  to  demand,  rather  than  its  duty  to 
make,  apology,  on  the  ground  that  Kosta  was  arrested  while  out  of 
Austrian  jurisdiction,  and  entitled  to  protection,  as,  in  fact,  an  Ameri 
can  citizen.  Congress  also  voted  Commander  Ingraham  a  gold  medal, 
as  a  mark  of  the  national  appreciation  of  his  decided,  just,  and  fearless 
conduct.  Kosta  was  finally  set  at  liberty. 

An  expedition  to  survey  a  supposed  feasible  route  for  a  ship  canal 
across  the  Isthmus  of  Darien,  undertaken  by  direction  of  the  United 
States  government  by  certain  officers  of  the  Navy  and  others,  requires 
mention.  Lieut.  Isaac  C.  Strain  commanded  the  party,  which  con 
sisted.  all  told,  of  twenty-seven  officers  and  men.  On  the  19th  of 
January,  1854,  this  party  was  landed  from  the  sloop-of-war  Cyaue  in 
Caledonia  Bay,  on  the  Atlantic  side  of  the  Isthmus.  Relying  upon 
statements  in  the  report  of  an  English  engineer,  who  pretended  to 
have  passed  over  the  route  and  found  it  comparatively  easy,  the  party 
encumbered  themselves  with  but  ten  days'  provisions.  Other  state 
ments  of  this  engineer,  as  to  the  height  of  the  land  between  the  two 
oceans,  and  the  course  and  names  of  the  streams,  were  also  soon  found 
to  be  erroneous.  No  dependence  could  be  placed  upon  maps  evident 
ly  drawn  from  the  imagination.  The  Indians  proved  jealous,  hostile, 
a*nd  treacherous  ;  so  that  Lieut.  Strain  could  not  avail  himself  of  their 
local  knowledge.  In  the  course  of  a  fortnight  the  party  began  to  suf 
fer  from  the  lack  of  food.  By  this  time  they  had  penetrated  into  the 
midst  of  the  primitive  forest,  filled  with  the  rank  undergrowth  of 
tropical  regions,  through  which  it  was  necessary  to  hew  their  slow 
and  toilsome  way.  The  scarcity  of  game  and  of  wild  fruits  fit  for 
human  consumption  in  this  region  seemed  surprising.  For  days  to 
gether  they  were  compelled  to  eat  hard  and  astringent  nuts  of  the 
palm,  containing  hardty  more  nourishment  than  poison.  The  loss  of 
their  only  fish-hook  cut  off  the  supply  of  food  from  the  water.  A 


104  NAVAL   IIISTOEY.  [1854. 


succession  of  misfortunes  befel  them  ;  and  yet  with  patient  subjection 
to  discipline,  and  the  hope  of  soon  reaching  the  settlements  on  the 
Pacific  shore,  they  struggled  on  in  their  unknown  way.  After  over 
twenty  days  of  incessant  toil  and  privation,  the  sick  and  feeble  had  so 
increased,  that  Lieut.  Strain  concluded,  for  the  safety  of  his  party,  to 
take  three  men  with  him  and  proceed  as  rapidly  as  possible  to  the 
coast,  in  order  to  send  back  succor  to  those  who  could  not  travel  so 
fast.  The  main  body  was  left  in  command  of  Passed  Midshipman 
Truxton.  On  the  13th  of  February  Lieut.  Strain  parted  from  them. 
The  main  body  proceeded  for  a  few  days,  when  they  were  compelled 
to  halt,  and  until  March  5th  they  waited  in  vain  for  the  return  of 
Strain.  It  was  then  determined  to  turn  back,  and  endeavor  to  reach 
the  ship.  Starvation  caused  the  death  of  several  before  assistance  came. 

After  incredible  hardships  Lieut.  Strain  reached  the"  settlements  on 
the  Pacific,  and  returned  with  abundant  relief  for  his  companions. 
They  had  gone  back  on  their  route  several  days'  march,  so  that  it  was 
not  till  the  23d  of  March  that  he  overtook  them  with  boats  and  sup 
plies.  Lieut.  Strain  was  accompanied  on  his  search  for  his  party  by 
Mr.  W.  C.  Bennett,  English  civil  engineer,  and  by  officers  and  sea 
men  of  the  British  vessel  of  war,  Virago,  Capt.  Edward  Marshall, 
Commander.  But  for  the  prompt  and  voluntary  aid  of  these  En 
glishmen,  it  would  have  been  hardly  possible  for  him  to  save  one 
of  those  left  behind.  The  expedition  accomplished  nothing  except  to 
prove  that  the  route  pursued  was  entirely  impracticable  for  the  con 
struction  of  a  canal ;  yet,  though  .ending  so  disastrously,  it  was  con 
ducted  with  such  heroism  as  to  be  deserving  of  an  honorable  place  in 
the  annals  of  discovery. 

In  the  month  of  June,  1854,  Commander  Hollins,  with  the  sloop-of- 
war  Cyane,  was  directed  to  appear  before  the  town  of  San  Juan,  or 
Greytown,  situated  on  the  Mosquito  Coast,  Nicaragua,  and  to  demand 
redress  for  various  wrongs  committed,  so  it  was  claimed  by  the  Uni 
ted  States,  upon  the  persons  and  property  of  American  citizens.  In 
accordance  with  his  instructions,  Commander  Hollins,  having  waited 
in  vain  for  a  favorable  answer  to  the  demand  for  redress,  on  the 
morning  of  the  13th  of  July  opened  the  battery  of  the  Cyane  upon  the 
town,  and  continued  the  firing  until  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  when 
a  party  landed  and  completed  the  destruction  of  the  place  by  burning 
what  houses  remained.  A  lieutenant  in  the  British  navy,  command 
ing  a  small  vessel  of  war,  was  in  the  harbor  at  the  time,  and  protested 
against  the  action  of  the  American  officer,  as  his  .government  claimed 
a  species  of  protectorate  over  the  settlement.  The  United  States 
government  assumed  all  responsibility,  and  sustained  its  officer  as  not 
having  exceeded  his  authority. 

The  sloop-of-war  Albany,  Commander  James  T.  Gerry,  sailed  .from 
Aspinwall  for  New  York  on  the  28th  of  September,  1854.  She  has 
never  been  heard  from  since,  though  several  government  vessels 
searched  carefully  the  route  over  which  she  expected  to  pass.  She 
•  doubtless  foundered,  adding  another  to  the  list  of  the  vessels  of  the 
Navy  thus  lost.  Four  lieutenants,  with  the  other  officers  and  the 
,crew  of  a  ship  of  her  class,  perished  in  her. 


1855.]  NAVAL    HISTORY.  105 


From  an  expedition  for  exploration  and  surveying  in  the  North 
Pacific,  which  sailed  in  1853,  under  Commander  Ringgold,  some  re 
ports  have  been  received.  Commander  Ringgolcl  was  compelled  to 
return  home  in  consequence  of  ill-health ;  and  the  expedition  came 
under  Commander  John  Rodgers.  The  vessels  forming  this  squadron 
were  the  Vincennes  sloop-of-war,  steamer  John  Hancock,  brig  Por 
poise,  and.schooner  Fenimore  Cooper.  The  Porpoise  parted  company 
in  September,  1854,  in  the  China  Sea,  and  probably  was  lost  in  a  sub 
sequent  gale,  as  nothing  has  since  been  heard  of  her.  There  wrere  lost 
in  her,  her  commander,  Acting-Lieutenant  W.  K.  Bridge,  three  Passed 
Midshipmen,  one  Midshipman,  an  Assistant  Surgeon,  and  her  com 
plement  of  men.  The  rest  of  the  squadron  has  been  actively  em 
ployed  in  surveys  over  portions  of  the  sea  intended  to  be  examined ; 
and  the  duties  of  those  engaged  have  been  performed  with  energy  and 
fidelity.  The  results  will  doubtless  prove  of  service  to  commerce  and 
science.  Commander  Rodgers,  with  the  Vincennes,  entered  Behring's 
Straits,  penetrated  in  the  direction  selected  farther  than  any  previous 
navigator,  and  made  some  valuable  discoveries  in  that  part  of  the 
Arctic  Sea. 

Commander  T.  J.  Page,  engaged  with  the  steamer  Water  Witch  in 
the  survey  of  the  river  La  Plata  and  its  tributaries,  was  obliged  to 
discontinue  his  exploration  of  the  river  Parana,  in  consequence  of  a 
serious  misunderstanding  with  the  President  of  the  Republic  of  Para 
guay.  He,  however,  with  a  small  steamer  chartered  for  the  purpose, 
was  able  to  establish  the  practicability  of  the  navigation  of  the 
Salado,  a  branch  of  the  Parana.  He  is  still  engaged  in  the  duties  of 
this  special  service. 

The  sloop-of-war  John  Adams,  Commander  E.  B.  Boutvvell,  at 
tached  to  the  Pacific  squadron,  wras  ordered  in  the  summer  of  1855 
to  repair  to  the  Feejee  Islands,  to  seek  reparation  for  various  wrongs 
inflicted  by  the  natives  upon  Americans  residing  at  the  islands,  and 
upon  shipwrecked  seamen.  Arrived  at  the  islands  in  September, 
Commander  Boutwell  landed  parties  at  different  points,  had  some 
sharp  skirmishes  with  the  savages,  burnt  several  villages,  and  obliged 
the  high  chief  to  sign  articles  promising  better  conduct  in  future. 

The  government  of  the  United  States  has  for  many  years  past  been 
engaged  in  a  thorough  survey  of  the  extensive  sea  coast  and  numerous 
bays  and  harbors  of  the  states  bordering  upon  the  ocean.  In  the  la 
borious  duties  of  this  important  wrork  many  officers  of  the  Navy  are 
associated  with  officers  of  the  army  and  civilians.  In  other  depart 
ments  of  science  several  officers  of  this  branch  of  the  service  have 
won  for  themselves  honorable  names.  Nautical  science  has  received 
very  interesting  and  valuable  additions  from  the  researches  of  Lieut. 
Maury,  the  superintendent  of  the  National  Observatory  at  Washing 
ton.  His  Sailing  Directions,  and  Wind  and  Current,  and  Whaling 
Charts,  have  been  highly  useful  contributions  to  practical  navigation ; 
voyages  to  distant  parts  of  the  globe  having  been  materially  short 
ened,  as  well  as  increased  in  safety,  by  the  attention  of  shipmasters 
to  the  rules  and  principles  he  has  carefully  deduced  from  the  study  of 
almost  countless  observations. 


106  NAVAL   HISTOBY.  [1856. 

Lieut.  James  -M.  Gilliss,  with  assistants,  was  dispatched  in  the  au- 
tum  of  1849  to  Chili,  South  America,  for  the  purpose  of  making  cer-. 
tain  astronomical  observations  in  connection  with  observers  at  the 
National  Observatory.  Provided  with  the  necessary  apparatus,  he 
established  ah  observatory  in  that  country,  and  for  nearly  three  years 
carried  on  the  system  of  astronomical  research  contemplated.  *  The  re 
sults  obtained  are  now  in  course  of  publication  by  the  government, 
and  will  reflect  great  credit  upon  those  engaged  in  this  scientific  work. 

The  condition  of  the  Navy  at  the  present  time,  in  respect  to  ves 
sels  and  officers,  is  as  follows  : — 

Ten  ships-of-the-line ;  one  of  120  guns,  one  of  80,  and  the  re 
mainder  of  84  guns  each.  Of  these,  four  are  on  the  stocks,  three  are 
in  ordinary,  and  three  are  in  commission  as  receiving  ships. 

Thirteen  frigates  ;  one  of  56  guns,  the  remainder  of  50  guns  each. 

Nineteen  sloops-of-war.  Of  these,  seven  mount  22  guns  each, 
eight  20  guns  each,  and  four  16  guns  each. 

Three  brigs ;  two  of  6  guns  each,  and  one  of  4  guns.  One 
schooner  of  3  guns. 

Screw  steamers,  first  class,  seven  ;  one  of  50  guns,  four  of  40,  and 
two  not  determined.  Six  of  these  are  new,  and  are  of  the  best  con 
struction. 

Screw  steamers,  second  class,  one  of  13  guns ;  third  class,  one  of 
10,  and  one  of  9  guns. 

Side  wheel  steamers,  first  class,  one  of  15,  one  of  10,  and  one  of 
9  guns ;  second  class,  one  of  6  guns  ;  third  class,  one  of  10,  and  one 
of  5  guns,  two  of  2  guns,  and  one  of  1  gun. 

Three  steam  tenders.  Six  store-ships ;  one  mounting  6  guns,  two 
mounting  4  each-. one  mounting  2,  and  two  without  any. 

Two  permanent  receiving  vessels;  one  mounting  18  guns,  and  the 
other  none. 

There  are  on  the  active  service  list  the  following  officers :  sixty- 
eight  captains,  ninety-seven  commanders,  three  hundred  and  twenty- 
six  lieutenants,  sixty -nine  surgeons,  thirty-six  passed  assistant-surgeons, 
forty-three  assistant-surgeons,  sixty-four  pursers,  twenty-four  chaplains, 
twelve  professors  of  mathematics,  eighteen  masters  in  the  line  of 
promotion,  midshipmen,  forty-seven;  acting  midshipmen  on  probation 
at  Naval  Academy,  Annapolis,  one  hundred  and  twenty -four ;  petty 
officers,  one  hundred  and  sixty-eight. 

The  marine  corps  comprises  one  colonel,  who  is  a  brigadier-gene 
ral  by  brevet ;  four  staff-officers,  one  lieutenant-colonel,  four  majors, 
thirteen  captains,  twenty  first-lieutenants,  twenty  second-lieutenants. 

The  steam  service  possesses  one  engineer-in-chief,  thirteen  chief 
engineers,  twenty-one  first  assistants,  twenty-eight  second  assistants, 
and  thirty -nine  third  assistants. 


RETURN     CIRCULATION  DEPARTMENT 

TO—  ^      202  Main  Library 

LOAN  PERIOD  1 
HOME  USE 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

ALL  BOOKS  MAY  BE  RECALLED  AFTER  7  DAYS 

1  -month  loans  may  be  renewed  by  calling  642-3405 

6-month  loans  may  be  recharged  by  bringing  books  to  Circulation  Desk 

Renewals  and  recharges  may  be  made  4  days  prior  to  due  date 


DUE  AS  STAMPED  BELOW 

JBETQ     NOV  2  3  1981 

AI  if*  o  ft  *)nn*? 

AUa  Z  o  £UU4 

FE£jT&^C. 

4 

Ufci;    *  iyou 

p  . 

i 

' 

r  ftPJJ  ,Q,y9^ 

.  ^^    /%   r    4*''"1 

^n^    2  D    \^~ 

OSCULATION  D 

EPX 

j>  /  u 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  BERKELEY 
FORM  NO.  DD6,  60m,  12/80        BERKELEY  CA  94720 


LD  21A-40m-2,'69 
( J6057slO)  476 — A-32 


General  Library 

University  of  California 

Berkeley 


GENERAL  LIBRARY -U.C.  BERKELEY 


6000102728 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


